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Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1868,  by 

JESSE  T.    PECK,   D.D., 
JK  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


(.:.  RAND  &  AVF.RY,  STEREOTYPERS  AND  PKINTKRS,  BOSTON. 


To 


Rev.  REUBEN  REYNOLDS,  who  taught  him  the  alphabet,  and  afterwards,  at  an 
important  period  of  life,  determined  the  sphere  of  his  studies  and  labors ;  to  the  memory 
of  his  deceased  sister,  ELIZABETH,  who  gave  him  all  the  valuable  instructions  in  the 
art  of  speaking  he  ever  received,  and  by  the  force  of  whose  clear,  thorough  teaching, 
and  elevated  Christian  womanhood,  his  young  mind  was  filled  with  noble  aspirations ; 
to  AMOS  R.  AVERY,  M.D.,  whose  gentle  words^  and  kind,  persistent  efforts,  in  the 
schoolroom  and  elsewhere,  strongly  aided  his  struggling  boyhood  ;  to  Rev.  HENRY 
HALSTEAD,  under  whose  searching  appeals,  on  the  day  of  his  conversion,  he  was  power 
fully  convinced  of  sin ;  to  Rev.  D.  D.  WHEDON,  D.D.,  one  of  his  earliest  and  best 
classical  teachers,  and  who  inspired  his  first  hope  of  success  in  the  use  of  the  pen ;  to 
his  excellent  brother,  GEORGE  PECK,  D.D.,  who  in  his  childhood  tenderly  bore  him  to 
school,  who  with  truly  paternal  care  superintended  his  education  and  preparation  for  the 
ministry,  and  whose  character  as  a  man  and  minister  has  ever  been  his  noblest  model ; 
to  Rev.  E.  FOSTER,  who  almost  literally  compelled  him  to  write  this  book ;  and  HIS 
FAITHFUL  WIFE,  to  whose  energetic  promptings,  and  constant,  earnest  encouragement, 
he  must  refer  all  his  important  literary  enterprises,  — 

THIS   WORK 

IS    MOST    RESPECTFULLY    AND    GRATEFULLY    DEDICATED 
BY    THE    A  UTHOR, 


M111744 


EMBELLISHMENTS. 


FINE  STEEL   PORTRAITS. 


COLUMBUS. 
ROGER  WILLIAMS. 
COTTON  MATHER. 
WASHINGTON. 
JOHN    ADAMS. 
BISHOP  ASBURY. 
BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 
JOHN  JAY. 
THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 
PATRICK    HENRY. 
JONATHAN  EDWARDS. 
CHIEF-JUSTICE    MARSHALL, 
JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 
HENRY    CLAY. 
DANIEL    WEBSTER. 
CHIEF-JUSTICE  McLEAN. 
THEODORE   FRELINGHUYSEN. 


ARCHIBALD  ALEXANDER. 
CHARLES    SUMNER. 
MAJOR-GENERAL    MITCHELL 
ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 
SAMUEL    LEWIS. 
FRANCIS    WAYLAND. 
GENERAL    GRANT. 
BISHOP    McILVAINE. 
BISHOP    SIMPSON. 
COMMODORE    FOOTE. 
CHIEF-JUSTICE    CHASE. 
MAJOR-GENERAL    HOWARD. 
GEORGE    T.   DAY. 
GEORGE    PEABODY. 
GEORGE    H.  STUART. 
SCHUYLER    COLFAX. 
THE  AUTHOR. 


PEEFACE. 


THE  time  has  come  for  the  reconsideration  of  the  history  of  the 
United  States.  The  moral  revolution  which  our  recent  struggle  has 
developed  indicates  the  existence  of  profounder  principles  and  a  loftier 
purpose  in  the  origin,  structure,  and  development  of  the  Great  Republic, 
than  any  heretofore  distinctly  recognized  by  historical  writers.  Ameri 
can  history,  within  the  last  few  years,  has  brought  out  vices  so  deep 
and  threatening,  has  shown  in  collision  forces  so  formidable  and  terrific, 
and  has  revealed  a  moral  grandeur  so  far  above  the  precedents  of  mod 
ern  civilization,  that  there  is  reason  to  believe  the  wisest  men  of  our 
times  will  be  compelled  to  reconstruct  their  theories  of  government  and 
of  the  powers  and  destiny  of  man. 

The  stand-point  which  reveals  distinctly  the  force  by  which  the  im 
probabilities  of  our  progress  have  been  achieved  must  be  more  com 
manding  than  any  which  has  heretofore  only  shown  to  the  world  an 
energetic  people  struggling  for  ascendency  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth.  If  we  are  to  obtain  a  view  of  the  real  contents  of  our  historical 
globe,  it  must  certainly  be  by  a  clearer  light  and  a  more  searching  ex 
amination  than  any  which  have  thus  far  revealed  only  its  outer  crust. 

I  am  aware  that  I  thus  present  the  problems  of  American  and  also 
of  general  history  in  a  way  to  make  any  attempt  to  solve  them  appear 
formidable  and  ambitious.  It  may  well  be  supposed  that  the  writer 
would  enter  upon  a  task  of  such  difficulty  and  magnitude  with  timid 
shrinking  and  very  humble  anticipations.  His  only  explanation  is,  that 
the  theory  of  moral  and  political  as  well  as  physical  phenomena,  if  true, 
when  once  clearly  defined,  is  very  simple.  If,  from  the  fragmentary  or 
elaborate  teachings  of  clear  minds  and  able  pens  along  the  line  of  nar 
rative  or  philosophical  history,  or  from  the  revelations  of  the  Holy  Bible 
and  the  Divine  Providence,  or  by  a  candid,  thorough,  prayerful  scrutiny 
of  the  events  of  his  times,  he  has  been  able  to  identify  and  clearly  ex 
press  the  true  and  only  principle  which  can  adequately  explain  the  facts 
of  our  remarkable  career,  then  he,  or  any  man  of  good  common  under- 

Tii 


PKEFACE. 

standing,  may  search  and  think  and  write  profitably,  though  by  no  means 
exhaustively,  in  the  use  of  that  principle. 

Let  it  therefore  be  stated,  that  the  theory  of  this  book  is,  that  God  is 
the  rightful,  actual  Sovereign  of  all  nations  ;  that  a  purpose  to  advance 
the  human  race  beyond  all  its  precedents  in  intelligence,  goodness,  and 
power,  formed  this  Great  Republic ;  and  that  religion  is  the  only  life- 
force  and  organizing  power  of  liberty.  If  this  is  true,  then  all  writers 
of  American  history  must  rise  to  this  point  of  observation,  or  fail. 

It  may  be  stated,  without  ostentation,  that  the  writer  has  been,  for  at 
least  a  quarter  of  a  century,  a  careful  student  of  his  country's  history ; 
this,  however,  without  a  thought  of  attempting  any  of  the  functions  of  an 
historian.  But  gradually  the  principles  recognized  in  this  book  assumed 
distinctness  and  organic  form  in  his  views  and  convictions.  In  their 
light,  he  entered,  with  all  his  powers  of  mind  and  heart,  into  the  spirit 
of  the  late  war,  on  the  freedom  side,  and  waited,  with  perfect  composure 
and  without  a  doubt,  for  the  final  result. 

When  the  war  closed,  he  felt,  and  frequently  said,  that  a  new  book  of 
America  must  be  written.  He  watched  for  its  announcement,  but  failed 
to  see  it.  He  was  at  length  surprised  to  find  himself  urged  to  undertake 
the  task;  and,  after  much  hesitancy  and  delay,  he  came  to  feel  that  it 
was  his  imperative  duty  to  commence,  and  leave  the  event  with  God. 

Incapable,  as  he  trusts,  of  the  absurdity  of  any  pretensions  to  origi 
nality  in  discovering  either  principles  or  methods  of  the  divine  govern 
ment,  or  of  having  in  any  sense  superseded  the  labors  of  other  men,  he 
simply  claims  to  have  made,  with  perfect  candor  and  some  thoroughness, 
his  humble  contribution  to  what  must  be  admitted  to  be  a  very  impor 
tant,  if  not  in  some  sense  a  newly-defined,  method  of  American  history. 

He  now  commits  his  work  to  the  candid  consideration  of  his  readers 
and  to  the  direction  of  Providence.  If  the  devout  recognition  of  God 
in  the  character,  purposes,  and  history  of  this  country  and  government 
shall  be  increased,  and  the  loyalty  of  the  American  people  to  the  great 
Sovereign  of  nations  in  any  degree  strengthened,  the  object  of  the 
author  will  be  accomplished. 

JESSE  T.  PECK. 
ALBANY,  September,  1867. 


ANALYSIS   AND   AUTHORITIES. 


THE  Republic  is  here  presented  in  five  periods.  The  Period  of 
Preparation  extends  from  the  discovery  of  America  to  the  well-defined 
mind-battles  which  introduce  the  War  of  the  Revolution.  It  will  be 
illustrated  by  the  likeness  of  Columbus,  as  the  great  representative  of 
the  spirit  of  enterprise  which  manifested  itself  in  discovery  and  coloni 
zation. 

The  Period  of  Independence  extends  through  the  Revolutionary  War 
to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  and  the  inauguration  of  the  first 
President.  As  the  only  possible  suggestion  of  history  upon  the  subject, 
the  likeness  of  Washington  introduces  this  discussion. 

The  Period  of  Development  includes  the  unprecedented  growth  of  the 
country  up  to  the  time  of  our  Great  Civil  War.  This,  let  it  be  observed, 
is  the  growth  of  liberty  and  of  good  government  under  the  control  of 
Christianity,  —  the  enlightening,  liberalizing  power  which  has  conserved 
and  developed  our  free  institutions,  and  goes  largely  to  account  for  our 
material  prosperity.  Seeking  for  some  one  man  whose  character,  labors, 
and  influence  represent  the  largest,  most  pervading  power  of  religion 
over  the  masses,  and  whose  methods  of  evangelism  have  wrought  most 
potentially  in  purifying  and  elevating  our  voting  freemen,  I  have  been 
pointed,  by  an  inevitable  historical  necessity,  to  Francis  Asbury.  A  su 
perb  likeness  of  this  grand  pioneer  Christian  hero  will  therefore  be  found 
as  the  introduction  to  the  Third  Period. 

The  Period  of  Emancipation  includes  the  great  contest  of  liberty  with 
the  slave-power,  and  means,  not  the  liberation  of  slaves  alone,  but  of  the 
nation.  In  the  Period  of  Preparation,  I  speak  of  African  slavery ;  but, 
in  the  Fourth  Period,  of  American  slavery  and  the  emancipation  of  the 
Republic.  Abraham  Lincoln  takes  his  true  historical  position  here. 

In  the  Fifth.  Period,  we  glance  at  our  country's  future ;  and  we  stand 
before  it  with  astonishment  and  awe,  overwhelmed  by  the  visions  of 
greatness  which  rise  up  before  us.  No  man  could  fitly  represent  this 
coming  grandeur.  We  give  you  a  likeness ;  but  we  mean  by  it  express- 


2  ANALYSIS  AND  AUTHORITIES. 

ly  to  symbolize  the  genius  of  religion  acting  through  science  and  hero 
ism  for  the  security  and  development  of  the  Great  Republic  of  the  fu 
ture.  Gen.  Mitchell  was  a  Christian,  a  scholar,  a  hero.  After  a  brief 
but  brilliant  military  career,  he  fell  in  his  country's  cause.  He  will, 
therefore,  never  dishonor  the  symbol  we  have  adopted. 

Besides  these  five  representative  figures,  we  insert  four  groups  of 
distinguished  Americans,  all  acknowledged  Christians,  or  men  who  have 
received  their  distinction  from  their  Christian  birth,  education,  and  prin 
ciples.  The  first  is  a  group  of  distinguished  philanthropists.  We  have 
selected  these  men  from  the  large  number  of  noble  Americans  whom  we 
deem  most  worthy  of  honor  as  lovers  of  their  race. 

The  second  is  a  group  taken  from  the  number  of  our  great  statesmen 
and  orators. 

The  third  is  a  group  of  celebrated  American  divines.  They  repre 
sent  the  thorough  Puritan  and  six  different  Christian  denominations: 
and,  taken  together,  they  are  distinguished  among  the  hosts  of  Christian 
ministers  who  can  be  claimed  exclusively  by  no  church;  whose  reputa 
tion  and  influence  as  teachers  of  religion,  and  leaders  of  soul-liberty,  make 
them  truly  national. 

The  fourth  is  a  group  of  civilians  and  warriors,  whose  opinions  and 
acts  have  entered  largely  into  the  history  of  American  jurisprudence 
and  of  the  emancipation  of  the  nation.  Here  also  the  choice  has  been 
from  a  large  number  of  truly  great  and  national  men,  with  the  idea  of 
representing  true  Christianity,  either  direct  and  personal  or  generally 
diffused,  from  different  periods  of  our  history,  and  portions  of  our 
country. 

Our  readers  will  discover  that  this  volume,  though  not  professing  to 
present  the  full  details  of  our  country's  progress,  will  answer  the  most 
valuable  purposes  of  a  new  history  of  the  United  States,  grouping  the 
more  important  events,  and  using  them,  with  a  large  number  of  facts 
not  in  any  of  our  histories,  to  present  to  the  American  people  a  truthful 
picture  of  the  Great  Republic  as  it  is  and  ought  to  be. 

Among  the  most  valuable  works  quoted  in  this  volume,  it  gives  us 
pleasure  to  mention  Bancroft's  and  Hildreth's  Histories  of  the  United 
States ;  Cooper's  Naval  History  of  the  United  States ;  Greene's  Histori 
cal  View  of  the  American  Revolution ;  The  Pulpit  of  the  American 
Revolution ;  Sir  Morton  Peto's  Resources  and  Prospects  of  America ; 
Stevens's  History  of  the  Methodist-Episcopal  Church ;  Baird's  Religion 
in  America;  Statistical  History,  by  Goss;  Partridge  on  the  Making  of 
the  American  Nation  and  on  Democracy;  The  Power  of  Prayer,  by 
Irenams  Prime ;  The  American  Conflict,  by  Greeley ;  America  Before 
Europe,  by  Count  de  Gasparin ;  Decisive  Battles  of  the  War,  by  Swin- 
ton;  The  Eighth  Census  of  the  United  States,  by  Kennedy;  Our 
Country,  its  Trials  and  Triumphs,  by  George  Peck,  D.D. ;  Mineral  Re- 


ANALYSIS  AND  AUTHORITIES.  3 

sources  of  the  United  States,  by  J.  Ross  Brown  and  James  M.  Taylor ; 
and  Christian  Life  and  Character  of  the  Civil  Institutions  of  the  United 
States,  by  B.  F.  Morris,  —  a  valuable  "  compilation,"  which  the  writer  had 
not  seen  until  half  of  the  copy  of  this  work,  including  the  Preface,  had 
been  sent  to  the  printer.  The  author  would  also  gratefully  acknowledge 
his  obligations  to  Alexander  Delmar,  Director  of  the  Bureau  of  Statistics 
at  Washington,  for  important  public  documents;  and  to  his  friends, 
named  in  the  proper  places,  for  valuable  papers  contributed  from  their 
respective  points  of  observation.  If  the  authors  of  quotations  have 
been  inadvertently  omitted  in  our  notes  of  reference,  we  hope  this  gen 
eral  acknowledgment  may  be  deemed  sufficient. 

In  addition  to  the  above,  the  author  has  consulted  God  in  History,  by 
Reed ;  God  in  History,  by  Gumming ;  The  Civil  Policy  and  Civil  War 
of  America,  by  Draper;  Wyoming,  its  History  and  Romantic  Adven 
tures,  by  George  Peck ;  New-York  Convention  Manual,  by  Hough  ; 
Appleton's  American  Cyclopedia ;  Grant  and  Sherman,  their  Campaigns 
and  Generals,  and  Farragut  and  our  Naval  Commanders,  by  Headley; 
The  Lost  Cause,  by  Pollard ;  The  Women  of  the  War,  by  Frank  More ; 
Putnam's  Rebellion  Record ;  and  a  great  variety  of  official  documents 
and  reports. 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

THE    GOD   OF   NATIONS. 

PAGE. 

The  God  of  the  Hebrews , 13 

The  God  of  Ancient  Gentile  Peoples 14 

The  God  of  Modern  Nations  16 


PERIOD    I.  —  PREPARATION. 
CHAPTER  I. 

THE    DISCOVERT. 

The  Old  Northmen 20 

Columbus  and  the  New  World '    .          21 

The  Wisdom  of  God  above  the  Folly  of  Man 22 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   COUNTRY   PROVIDED. 

The  Area  of  Freedom 25 

Zone  and  Climates 25 

Abundant  Supplies  for  Future  Want    .........          27 


CHAPTER  III. 

COLONIZATION  OVERRULED. 

France  Unsuccessful 31 

Spain  meets  with  Insuperable  Difficulties      ........          32 

The  English,  Dutch,  and  Swedes  controlled 34 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ENGLISH   SUCCESS. 

The  Epoch  and  the  First  Colonists  of  Virginia 36 

Despotism  and  Religion  in  Virginia 38 

6 


(3  CONTENTS. 

Grave  Errors 41 

God's  Method 43 

African  Slavery 45 

CHAPTER   V. 

RELIGION    AND    CIVIL    LIBERTY    IN    VIRGINIA. 

Neither  Clear  nor  Dark          ...  48 

Providence  and  Progress 50 

Christianity  the  Life-force  and  Organizing  Power  of  Liberty         ....  52 

Liberty  asserts  her  Rights,  and  advances 55 

CHAPTER   VI. 

THE    SOUTHERN   GROUP   COMPLETED. 

Maryland 59 

Delaware 63 

North  Carolina 60 

South  Carolina 71 

Georgia 76 

Review 80 

CHAPTER   VII. 

A    NEW    ENGLAND    EMERGES    FROM    THE    OLD. 

Puritanism  in  England 85 

The  Puritans  become  Pilgrims  in  Search  of  Liberty 91 

The  Pilgrims  have  found  Liberty  .  98 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

COLONIZATION    AND    LIBERTY    IN    MASSACHUSETTS. 

The  Men  and  the  Time 102 

Plymouth  Colony 104 

Liberty  reveals  her  Form  and  Strength 105 

Colonies  increase 107 

Christianity  and  Freedom  in  Massachusetts  .         .         .         .        .         .         .         •  112 

Limitations  of  Liberty  in  Massachusetts llfi 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED. 

Maine 121 

New  Hampshire 124 

Connecticut 128 

Rhode  Island 130 

New  York 138 

New  Jersey 140 

Pennsylvania 142 

The  Great  West ;       ...    .  147 

Providence  and  War-discipline «  149 


CONTEXTS. 


PERIOD  II.  — INDEPENDENCE. 
CHAPTER   I. 

MIND-BATTLES    POINT    TO    A    DISINTHRALLED    NATIONAL    LIFE. 

The  Right  of  Soil 152 

The  Rights  of  Trade 1 56 

The  Right  of  Representation  and  Free  Legislation 158 

The  Right  of  Taxation 161 

The  Right  of  Free  Speech,  a  Free  Ballot,  and  a  Free  Press  .        .        .        .        .  163 

The  Right  of  Constitutional  Liberty,  and  of  Union  for  the  Common  Defence       .  167 

All  these  Rights  denied,  but  never  surrendered 173 

Struggles  of  Religious  and  Civil  Liberty  in  America 182 

Accessory  Forces 189 

A  New  Inspiration 200 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE    TIME    CHOSEN    SHOWS    THE   PROVIDENTIAL   ADVENT    OF 
THE    NATIONAL    LIFE. 

Historical  Cycles  must  precede 208 

Despotic  Governments  and  Imperishable  Ideas 209 

The  Grand  Crisis  of  History 211 


CHAPTER  III. 

WAR   INDICATES    AN   HEROIC  NATIONAL    LIFE. 

Lexington  and  Bunker  Hill 215 

Saratoga  and  Bennington .         .  217 

Trenton  and  Princeton  . 222 

War  on  the  Sea 225 

Cornwallis  and  Yorktown 233 

The  Heroism  of  the  National  Life 243 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PATRIOTISM   DEMONSTRATES   A    SUSTAINED   NATIONAL    LIFE. 

Patriotism,  British,  and  then  American 247 

Patriotism  in  Office 250 

The  True  Inspiration  of  American  Patriotism 252 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE   DECLARATION    ASSERTS   AN    INDEPENDENT    NATIONAL   LIFE. 

Wise  Deliberation  and  Diplomacy 25§ 

The  Declaration 264 

Superior  Wisdom 268 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

DISCIPLINE    INSURES   A   VIGOROUS   NATIONAL    LIFE. 

Trials  from  Poverty       .........         ...  274 

Trials  from  Disloyalty  and  Treason       .........  2?7 

Trials  from  Defeat        ............  28° 

Trials  from  a  Spirit  of  Compromise       .........  284 

CHAPTER  VII. 

HISTORY    RECORDS    AN   ACKNOWLEDGED    NATIONAL    LIFE 

The  English  acknowledge  American  Independence        ......        288 

European  Governments  acknowledge  the  new  Nation     ......         291 

Would  the  American  People  acknowledge  the  Independence  of  the  National  Life  ?        293 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE    CONSTITUTION   REVEALS   AN   ORGANIC   NATIONAL   LIFE. 

The  Old  Articles  of  Confederation        .........        302 

The  Federal  Convention        ...........         306 

The  Constitution  formed        ...........        309 

CHAPTER  IX. 

TRUE    CHRISTIANITY    AN    INDESTRUCTIBLE    NATIONAL   LIFE. 

The  Religious  Element  in  the  Formation  of  the  Republic  .....  320 
The  Religion  of  the  Nation  Li  Official  Acts  and  Public  Men  ....  325 
The  Religion  of  America  constructs  a  Grand  and  Durable  Government  .  .  332 


PERIOD  III.  — DEVELOPMENT. 
CHAPTER  I. 

DEVELOPMENT    OF   POPULATION. 

Increase  of  Population 336 

Sources  of  Population 337 

Character  of  Population 338 

The  American  Race 342 

CHAPTER  II. 

DEVELOPMENT   OF    LIBERTY. 

Personal  Liberty 349 

Justice  and  Loyalty  in  Liberty 350 

Education  and  Religion  in  Liberty 351 

Extent  and  Sphere  of  Liberty        .    ' 353 

CHAPTER  III. 

DEVELOPMENT   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

A  Popular  Government i     *  .        355 

A  Representative  Government       .  358 


CONTENTS.  9 

A  National  Government 360 

A  Responsible  Government 366 

A  Strong  Government 368 

CHAPTER  IV. 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES. 

Products  of  the  Soil 376 

Manufactures  and  Machines 380 

Precious  Metals 384 

Other  Minerals  and  Ores 392 

CHAPTER  V. 

DEVELOPMENT   OP   COMMERCE. 

Value  of  Exports 406 

Imports  and*  Exports 408 

Internal  Commerce 410 

Shipping 413 

CHAPTER  VI. 

DEVELOPMENT   OP   T^E   WAR-POWEB. 

Self-respect  of  the  Nation 416 

Sandwich  and  Queenstown 419 

Naval  Engagements 421 

Campaigns  from  the  West  and  East      .........  425 

Washington  and  Baltimore 429 

Plattsburg 431 

New  Orleans 433 

CHAPTER  VII. 

DEVELOPMENT   OF   LEARNING   AND    THE   ARTS. 

Puhlic  Schools 438 

Sunday  Schools 442 

Academies 446 

'Colleges  and  Universities 448 

The  Press 452 

Steam  Navigation ...' 455 

Railroads 457 

The  Safety  Steam-generator .        •••.•.....461 

Telegraphy 463 

Architecture 468 

Painting 470 

Sculpture 472 

Photography •••..  476 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

DEVELOPMENT    OF   MANHOOD   AND   HUMANITY. 

True  Manhood 479 

Asylums  for  the  Deaf  and  Dumb 482 

2 


10  CONTENTS. 

Asylums  for  the  Blind 484 

Asylums  for  the  Insane 486 

Asylums  for  Idiots  and  Inebriates 490 

CHAPTER   IX. 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  DEPRAVITY. 

Intemperance 492 

Licentiousness 495 

Socialism  and  Spiritism 496 

Mormonism  .....•••••••••  499 

Corruption  in  Religion  and  Politics 504 

CHAPTER  X. 

DEVELOPMENT    OF    TRUE   RELIGION. 

The  Protestant-Episcopal  Church .  513 

Congregational  Churches 518 

The  Baptist  Church 523 

The  Presbyterian  Church 530 

The  Methodist-Episcopal  Church 537 

Other  Churches 545 

The  American  Bible  Society .         ..........  552 

The  American  Sunday-school  Union      .........  553 

The  American  Tract  Society,  Boston 554 

The  American  Tract  Society,  New  York 554 

The  American  Seamen's  Friend  Society 556 

Young  Men's  Christian  Association       .         .        .        .        ..        .        .        .  557 

The  Great  Revival 560 

Pervading  Christianity 561 


PERIOD  IV.  —  EMANCIPATION. 

CHAPTER  I. 

AMERICAN  SLAVERY. 

Men  enslaved 564 

Mind  subjugated 565 

Government  inthralled 566 

Civilization  fettered 568 

The  Press  and  the  Pulpit  bound ,569 

CHAPTER  H. 

THE  GREAT  MORAL  CONFLICT. 

Christianity  revolts 573 

Humanity  pleads 576 

Justice  denounces .579 

Political  Parties  temporize .  581 

The  Strain  and  the  Recoil ,  .»        .  583 

Another  Grand  Crisis  in  History 587 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  in. 

THE   WAR   OF   SLAVERY   AND   FREEDOM. 

Secession 590 

Treason  and  RebeDion 593 

Fort  Sumter 598 

Providential  Adjustments 601 

Bull  Run 604 

Ball's  Bluff 612 

Port  Royal 614 

Roanoke  Island 617 

Fort  Donelson 619 

Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip 625 

"  The  Monitor  "  and  "  The  Merrimack  " 631 

The  Peninsula 634 

Antietam .'' ^   .  641 

Vicksburg 643 

Fredericksburg       . 646 

Gettysburg 648 

Shenandoah  Valley 655 

Lookout  Mountain 65G 

The  Bloody  March  to  Richmond 659 

The  Triumphal  March  from  Atlanta  to  the  Sea     .......  662 

Richmond 663 

Christianity  and  the  War 666 

Murderous  Revenge 672 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    TRIUMPH   OF   LIBERTY. 

The  Great  Proclamation 676 

Black  Warriors 677 

The  Victories  of  Blood  and  of  Truth 679 

The  Great  Amendment  680 


PERIOD  V.  — MISSION. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE   NEW   NATION. 

Organic  Unity  and  Regenerated  Patriotism 686 

The  Transition 687 

Impartial  Suffrage 689 

Universal  Education 690 

The  New  American  Church  . 692 

The  New  American  Manhood ' .        .  694 


12  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  H. 


THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC   IN   HISTORY. 


Republicanism  passes  out  of  its  Experimental  into  its  Historical  Period       .        .  698 

The  People,  as  Sovereigns,  advance  to  the  Rank  of  a  First-class  Power        .        .  700 

Population,  and  Influence  Abroad 700 

The  Nations  of  Earth  acknowledge,  respect,  and  trust  the  Great  Republic    .        .  702 


CHAPTER  m. 

GOD   IS  THE   SOVEREIGN. 

Rebellion  is  Ruin 705 

Loyal  Obedience  is  Safety  and  Success 706 

The  United  States  a  great  Christian  Power 707 

The  Representative  of  Progress 709 


THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 


INTRODUCTION. 
THE    GOD    OF    NATIONS. 

I  PROPOSE  to  examine  the  history  of  the  United  States  of 
America  from  a  Christian  stand-point. 

The  divine  administration  of  human  affairs  is  a  profound 
study.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  no  event  in  that 
administration  stands  alone;  that,  however  small  or  com 
paratively  unimportant,  it  must  be  in  some  way  intimately 
related  to  the  grand  scheme  of  a  general  Providence.  I 
am  well  aware  that  an  effort  to  ascertain  the  position  of  the 
great  American  Republic  in  that  scheme,  and  correctly  inter 
pret  the  acts  of  God  in  its  origin,  structure,  and  government, 
is  a  very  grave  responsibility ;  and  I  make  the  attempt  with 
much  self-distrust,  but  with  humble  dependence  upon  God 
for  help. 

Our  task  requires  careful  attention  to  the  teachings  of  his 
tory  in  regard  to  the  asserted  rights  of  divine  sovereignty. 

The  Hebrew  commonwealth  as  well  as  the  Jewish  church 
was  a  theocracy.  The  great  Father  sought  thus  to  realize 
the  highest  idea  of  government  among  men.  He  appeared 
in  personal  form,  revealing  a  glory  infinitely  above  the  glory 
of  man.  He  uttered  words  of  deepest  tenderness  and  love, 
of  highest  wisdom  and  authority,  that  the  people  might  be 
subdued  by  his  grace,  and  awed  by  his  power.  He  traced 


13 


14  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

their  laws  upon  tablets  of  rock,  and  openly  took  upon  him 
self  the  vindication  of  their  rights,  and  the  punishment  of 
their  crimes,  that  they  might  know  and  love  and  fear  their 
true  and  righteous  Governor. 

wViA  their  folly,  became  restless  under  this 
administration.  Faith  became  unsteady,  and 
national  sins  obscured  the  spiritual  power  in  which  they  had 
been  accustomed  to  confide.  From  the  example  of  sur 
rounding  nations,  they  were  seized  with  an  unconquerable 
desire  for  a  human  sovereign.  Had  it  been  the  recognition 
of  a  human  representative  of  divine  sovereignty,  there  had 
been  no  curse  in  it.  But  as  events  showed,  and  God  revealed, 
it  was  the  practical  rejection  of  Jehovah  as  the  supreme 
civil  authority  of  the  nation ;  and  endless  direful  calamities 
followed.  "And  the  Lord  said  unto  Samuel,  Hearken  to 
the  voice  of  the  people  in  all  that  they  say  unto  thee :  for 
they  have  not  rejected  thee ;  but  they  have  rejected  me,  that 
I  should  not  reign  over  them."  God  permitted  this  uprising 
of  human  rebellion  that  its  extreme  wickedness  might  ap 
pear.  But  he  did  not  abdicate  the  throne :  thereafter,  as 
before,  he  asserted  all  the  rights  of  unimpaired  sovereignty. 
Let  the  summary  judgments  which  fell  upon  the  nation, 
the  anointing  and  dethroning  of  kings,  the  slaughters  and 
discomfitures  in  battle,  the  captivity  in  Babylon,  and  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  attest  the  fact,  that  the  rebellion 
of  man  has  no  tendency  to  destroy  or  supersede  the  sover 
eignty  of  God. 


THE   GOD    OF   ANCIENT    GENTILE   PEOPLES. 

Special  divine  government  does  not  exclude,  but  reveals, 
the  general.  It  does  not  show  the  limitation,  but  the  method, 
of  governmental  prerogatives.  Mistaken  inferences  from  his 
evident  sovereignty  over  one  nation  are  corrected  by  author 
ity.  In  another  connection,  but  conclusively  here,  St.  Paul 
demands,  "  Is  he  the  God  of  the  Jews  only  ?  Is  he  not  also 


THE  GOD  OF  NATIONS.  15 

of  the  Gentiles  ?  Yes,  of  the  Gentiles  also."  Broadly  and 
triumphantly  it  is  asserted,  as  in  the  Psalms,  "  God  is  the 
King  of  all  the  earth."  Grant  that  earthly  potentates 
reject  him,  and  attempt  to  usurp  his  throne  :  faithful  his 
tory  reveals  him  still  "  the  Lord  of  lords,  and  King  of 
kings." 

The  four  great  monarchies  of  the  East  filled  up  the  space 
allowed  them,  in  human  history ;  and,  one  after  another,  the 
divine  Sovereign  laid  them  aside.  The  prophet  of  God  fore 
saw  these  startling  events,  and  yet  another  of  grander  pro 
portions  and  significance  :  "And  in  the  days  of  these  kings 
shall  the  God  of  heaven  set  up  a  kingdom  which  shall  never 
be  destroyed;  and  the  kingdom  shall  not  be  left  to  other 
people,  but  it  shall  break  in  pieces,  and  consume  all  these 
kingdoms ;  and  it  shall  stand  forever : "  showing  the  con 
summation  of  all  special  purposes  in  one  great,  general  pur 
pose, —  the  subordination  of  all  anti-Christian  civil  powers 
to  the  righteous  rule  of  God's  Messiah. 

So  the  giving  of  the  ceremonial  and  civil  law  to  the  Jews, 
only  organized  preparatory  events  for  the  grand  inaugura 
tion  of  that  universal  government,  whose  laws  of  order 
were  written  on  Sinai  with  the  finger  of  God,  and  whose 
law  of  liberty  was  traced  on  Calvary  in  the  blood  of  the 
Redeemer. 

The  great  Jehovah  visibly  exercised  the  rights  of  sover 
eignty  over  Abraham  and  his  descendants ;  but  he  was  none 
the  less  arbiter  of  events  in  Egypt  and  Assyria.  The  God 
who  guided  Israel  through  the  sea  and  the  desert  and  Jor 
dan  dashed  down  the  walls  of  Jericho,  and  overthrew  the 
vile  idolaters  of  Canaan.  The  right  to  colonize  the  He 
brews  implied  the  right  to  make  summary  disposition  of 
the  corrupt  nations,  whose  crimes  had  forfeited  all  rights  in 
the  land  "  flowing  with  milk  and  honey." 

He  whose  sovereignty  punished  rebellious  Israel  brought 
proud  Babylon  into  the  dust.  He  whose  justice  over 
whelmed  guilty  Jerusalem  buried  the  dishonored  glory  of 


15  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Tyre  and  Athens  and  Rome.  Cyrus  and  Alexander  and 
Tamerlane  were  as  verily  the  chosen  instruments  of  his 
sovereign  power  as  Nebuchadnezzar,  Antiochus,  or  Titus. 
He  was  no  more  a  sovereign  over  the  remnant  of  Israel 
than  over  the  hosts  of  Sennacherib  when 

"  The  Angel  of  Death  spread  his  wings  on  the  blast, 
And  breathed  in  the  face  of  the  foe  as  he  passed." 

The  history  of  the  divine  government,  as  set  forth  in  the 
Bible,  and  in  contemporaneous  records  so  far  as  they  ex 
tend,  shows  clearly  that  God  claimed  to  be  the  Supreme 
Ruler  of  all  nations,  and  that  they  rose  and  fell  under  the 
control  of  his  omnipotent  hand. 

THE   GOD    OF   MODERN   NATIONS. 

Because  distinct  acts  of  divine  sovereignty  are  recorded 
in  sacred  history  of  ancient  peoples  and  kingdoms  only,  is  it 
hence  to  be  inferred  that  modern  nations  have  no  God? 
Did  he  assert  his  divine  prerogatives  over  Palestine  and 
Egypt  and  Rome,  and  renounce  all  control  over  England 
and  France,  Austria  and  Prussia,  Russia  and  America  ? 
Was  he  scrupulously  exact  to  watch  over  the  establishment 
of  laws  and  dynasties,  and  punish  national  crimes,  in  olden 
times  ?  and  is  he  indifferent  to  the  same  great  events  amid 
the  ongoings  and  upheavals  of  later  days  ?  Was  it  only  in 
the  days  of  Saul  and  Rehoboam,  Xerxes  and  Alexander, 
Hannibal  and  Caesar,  that  it  could  be  truthfully  said,  "  For 
promotion  cometh  neither  from  the  east,  nor  from  the  west, 
nor  from  the  south  :  but  God  is  the  Judge ;  he  putteth  down 
one,  and  setteth  up  another"? 

To  affirm  this,  it  would  be  necessary  to  show,  with  respect 
to  rights,  that  asserted  acts  of  divine  control  were  then  a 
usurpation ;  or  that  the  human  race  has  somehow  since  out 
grown  the  obligations  of  allegiance  to  the  great  Sovereign 
of  the  universe ;  or  that  the  government  of  God  is  based 
upon  accidental  facts,  and  not  upon  unalterable  relations. 
Who  would  dare  to  assert  either? 


THE  GOD  OF  NATIONS.  17 

To  say  this  with  respect  to  probabilities,  it  must  be 
assumed  that  the  divine  nature  has  changed ;  so  that  he  has 
lost  his  regard  for  the  right,  or  his  fatherly  concern  for  his 
suffering  children  on  earth ;  so  that  he  has  now  no  purpose 
to  avenge  the  victims  of  an  unjust  judge,  to  arrest  the 
proud  career  of  oppression,  to  execute  justice  and  judgment 
in  the  earth.  It  must  be  shown  that  his  known  interfer 
ences,  by  omnipotent  crushing  power,  with  nations  and  sov 
ereigns  whose  iniquities  rose  to  heaven,  were  the  result. of 
accident  or  impulse  rather  than  of  essential  rectitude  and 
immutable  principles.  "What  man  would  dare  to  be  so  irrev 
erent  as  to  say  this  ? 

To  affirm  that  the  government  of  God  over  nations  is  un 
necessary,  it  must  be  assumed  that  men  as  individuals  need 
divine  law,  supervision,  and  aid,  but,  when  organized  into 
communities,  they  lose  their  dependence  and  responsibility ; 
that  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  have  divine  control 
over  the  minutest  acts  which  bear  upon  the  individual,  but 
none  whatever  over  those  momentous  volitions  which  realize 
or  crush  the  dearest  hopes  of  millions ;  that  the  moral  ele 
ment  perishes  as  soon  as  the  life  of  society  becomes,  organic, 
and  indefinitely  powerful  for  weal  or  woe ;  that,  as  individ 
uals,  our  -fellow-citizens  are  responsible  to  God,  but  as  legis 
lative,  judicial,  and  executive  officers,  they  are  wholly  unac 
countable  to  him ;  that  a  government  can  have  no  God,  no 
religion,  no  Bible,  no  prayers,  no  account  to  render  to  "  the 
Judge  of  all  the  earth ; "  that  the  safety  of  the  nation  is 
wholly  in  the  wisdom  and  patriotism  of  men,  or  subject  to 
the  mad  ambition  of  demagogues,  and  the  accidental  whirl 
of  political  campaigns,  with  no  pitying  eye  looking  down 
from  heaven,  no  hope  from  the  interference  of  omnipotent 
justice,  no  retribution  awaiting  the  blood-thirsty  tyrant. 
He  who  has  such  ideas  of  God  and  man,  of  goodness  and 
sin,  might  assert  that  there  is  no  necessity  for  practical 
divine  sovereignty  over  nations. 

Finally,  to  deny  the  certainty  of  just  as  all-seeing  and 


13  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

all-pervading  a  control  over  modern  as  over  ancient  nations, 
one  must  ignore  all  prophecy  and  all  history.  See  what 
subduing  of  kingdoms  appears,  what  breaking-down  of  op 
pression,  what  turning  and  overturning,  what  arraignments 
of  rulers,  what  "gnawing  of  tongues  for  pain,"  what  out- 
beamings  of  the  Sun  of  Righteousness,  showing  that  the 
grand  prophetic  era  hastens  when  "  the  kingdom  and  do 
minion,  and  the  greatness  of  the  kingdom  under  the  whole 
heaven,  shall  be  given  to  the  people  of  the  saints  of  the 
Most  High,  whose  kingdom  is  an  everlasting  kingdom,  and 
all  dominions  shall  serve  and  obey  him."  See  with  what 
unerring  accuracy,  as  in  past  ages,  history  is  literally  record 
ing  the  events  of  prophecy. 

As  certainly,  therefore,  as  it  is  now  as  ever  the  right  of 
God  to  reign ;  that  he  is  now,  as  in  ancient  times,  the  common 
Father  of  our  guilty  race,  the  unchangeable  "  Judge  of  all 
the  earth ; "  that  his  great  and  free  volitions  are  controlled 
by  principles  of  unerring  righteousness;  that  men  are,  of 
themselves,  blind  and  reckless  in  regard  to  the  dearest  inter 
ests  of  man,  and  wickedness  is  intensified  by  power,  so  that 
there  is  actually  no  hope  for  the  down-trodden,  but  in  God, — 
as  sure  as  the  verification  of  prophecy  by  inevitable  history, 
so  certainly  is  Jehovah  to-day  the  Sovereign  of  all  nations ; 
and  the  American  Republic  is  responsible  to  him. 


3  ©  ILy  Kfl  [g  QJ 


•  Ii.EaU.  F.  T.   frcn  an 


>  f 


"The  history  of  the  world  is  nothing  bat  the  dov  the  idea  of  f 

phf  concerns  itself  only  with  the  glory  of  the  idea  mirroring  itself  in 
t!><:  •"•ocea*  of  its  development.     That  history  is  this  process  of  development,  an..i  reuli/.a- 
t* •--!  of  »jarit,  is  Ion  of  God  ia  hi.*  tor  ,"  —  HEGEI* 

THE  old  civilization  requir  The  race  de 

manded  -Vm'  accession  of  t  •  oatre  for  the  exer 

cise  of  its  powers  and  tho  the  divine  purpose 

in  the  <  e  of  the  fifteenth  cen 

tury,  humai  d  little  more  than  the 

struggles  of  liberty  wi  epressions  of  despotism;  and 

God  evidently  intended  a  new  and  nohler  development  of 
the  human  race,  a  larger  sphere  for  the  manifestation  of  hii« 
providence  wd  the  exposition  of  his  plans  of  sovereign  con 
trol  o ver  indiv  i  n  s. 

B^  had  given  to  m  "-i» ••«'%, 

• 

• 
^overnftitfMi  of  thi'  Old  World,  th  ha*<<>  '*#?*&.  $  w*i 

•i.h^'4  i^^vU^h}^  m  tS*^  mi  -lem, 

just  ID  it^rlf     <.?ii  iJi    -s?lt*  -1  ? -^*--rr  .re  was 

power;    and  "a   a   v^i   "  .     PI    &&w  nuom  and   oppor- 

tiiriitj  U)  exp-^na;  -^. 

'*•     •   • 


THE  DISCOVERY.  21 

and  sixty-five  men,  he  sailed  to  Vineland,  where  Gudrid 
"bore  him  a  son  called  Snorre,  who  was  the  very  first  child 
of  European  parents  born  in  America." 

It  would  .seem  that  these  "  grim-visaged  sea-kings  of  the 
North"  continued  their  explorations,  and  attempts  at  settle 
ments,  down  to  1347.  But,  by  some  strange  influence  of  an 
invisible  power,  they  disappeared  from  the  continent.  God 
threw  a  veil  over  it  again  until  the  plans  of  his  wisdom 
should  mature.  He  shut  it  up  from  the  further  gaze  of  the 
avaricious  European  until  the  fulness  of  the  time  was  come ; 
and  then  he  produced  the  man,  the  idea,  the  impulse,  which 
led  to  its  discovery. 

COLUMBUS   AND    THE   NEW    WORLD. 

Who  can  fail  to  trace  the  evidences  of  the  Divine  in  the 
history  of  Columbus  ?     Whence  came,  the  splendid  poetry 
of  that  conception,  which  gave  to  him  another  world  in  the 
ideal  before  the  knowledge  of  the  real  had  become  practica 
ble  ?     Why  was  he  so  far  in  advance  of  his  age  and  contem 
poraries  as  to  give  him  the  reputation  of  a  madman,  not 
.among  the  low  and  the  vulgar  alone,  but  among  scholars,' 
and  courts  far  above    him   in   opportunities  and   learning  ? 
Whence  that  lofty  heroism,  that  indomitable  perseverance, 
which  knew  no  danger;  which  defied  poverty,  jealousy,  and 
the  boldest  combinations  of  secular  and  ecclesiastical  power? 
It  was  not  human.     It  was  too  elevated  and  far-reaching, 
too  patient  and  enduring,  too  potent  in  resisting  and  wear 
ing  out  opposition,  too  fruitful  in  expedients,  and  creative 
in  resources,  to  admit  of  the  idea  for  a  moment.     God  only 
could  have  furnished  such  amazing  foresight,  such  superhu 
man  energies.     He  felt  the  stirrings  of  divinity  within  him, 
and  claimed  that  he  was  inspired  for  his  great  mission  of 
discovery.     Still  unaware  of  the  grand  designs  of  that  Provi 
dence  which  guided  him  through  all  his  wonderful  career, 
he  was,  in  his  sphere,  as  verily  the  chosen  instrument  of 


22  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

God  as  Moses  or  Joshua  or  Elijah.  Heaven  directed  the 
winds  that  filled  his  sails  and  brought  him  to  the  unknown 
land.  What  he  had  discovered  he  did  not  know ;  what  im 
pulses  he  had  given  to  thought  and  enterprise,  what  new  life 
he  had  poured  into  the  mind  of  his  age,  he  by  no  means 
understood.  How  much  more  was  necessary  to  the  realiza 
tion  of  the  plans  of  Providence,  and  who  would  be  the  hon 
ored  agents  of  continental  discoveries,  he  could  not  tell ;  nor 
was  it  in  any  way  important.  He  had  fulfilled  his  mission. 
He  was  not  to  be  the  successful  founder  of  empire.  He 
was  not  to  wear  the  diadem  of  royalty.  Neither  heir  nor 
kindred  was  to  be  the  inheritor  of  the  vast  domain  which 
rose  up  dimly  before  him.  This  was  God's  realm,  and  he 
would  take  the  charge  of  its  great  future.  Columbus  could 
receive  his  discharge  from  cares  and  from  earth.  He  was 
henceforth  immortal. 


THE  WISDOM  OF  GOD  ABOVE  THE  FOLLY  OF  MAN. 

It  is  intensely  interesting  to  observe  the  control  of  superior 
power  over  the  devices  of  men  for  the  accomplishment  of 
high  providential  purposes.  The  success  of  Columbus  aroused 
the  spirit  of  enterprise ;  and  navigators  from  different  nations, 
with  ideas  wholly  their  own,  embarked  for  new  discoveries. 
But  how  very  absurd  were  their  views  !  how  blind  they 
were  with  respect  to  their  true  mission  ! 

Portugal  and  Spain  were  moved  by  cupidity  to  adven 
turous  expeditions  in  search  for  gold ;  but  God  used  their 
hardy  mariners  to  reveal  other  lands  in  the  Western  oceans. 
A  Papal  bull  had  divided  the  world  of  discovery  between 
them,  assuming  original  proprietorship  of  unknown  as  well  as 
known  portions  of  the  globe ;  but  God  roused  the  spirit  of 
exploration  in  another  quarter. 

John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  sailed  in  1497,  under  the  au 
spices  of  England,  to  look  for  land,  but  especially  for  a  north 
western  passage  to  Asia.  It  was  not  material  what  were  their 


THE  DISCOVERY.  2;J 

views.  They  might  be  wild  and  irrational:  but  God  conducted 
them  to  the  coast  of  Labrador,  and  made  use  of  their  enter 
prise  to  establish  the  claims  of  England  to  the  first  discovery 
of  the  continent ;  thus  indicating  a  purpose  to  give  the  domi 
nant  influence  in  the  New  World  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  race. 

In  1498,  the  younger  Cabot,  a  truly  great  mind,  moved 
by  the  same  blind  idea  of  the  north-western  passage,  was 
available  in  the  divine  plans  to  open  to  the  mind  of  Eng 
land  new  sources  of  wealth  in  his  further  discoveries,  of 
which  he  was  never  to  become  the  proprietor.  Why,  let  us 
ask,  were  these  illustrious  navigators  not  permitted  to  live 
and  die  in  Venice,  or  to  prosecute  their  adventures  as  Italians? 
The  answer  plainly  is,  The  Italian  people  were  not  suited  in 
the  eyes  of  God  to  the  task  of  founding  the  great  empire  of 
freedom. 

In  1551,  the  Portuguese  thought  they  saw  great  gain  in 
the  returns  of  the  ships  of  Gaspar  Cortereal,  freighted  with 
Indians,  torn  from  their  hunting-grounds,  and  doomed  to  in 
exorable  slavery ;  but  Providence  intended  and  used  the 
voyages  of  this  daring  mariner  to  reveal  to  the  world  some 
seven  hundred  miles  of  the  North-American  coast. 

Three  years  later,  it  appeared  that  God  had  given  to  Ameri 
go  Vespucci  the  idea  of  a  new  continent,  and  sent  him  out  to 
explore  its  hidden  lands,  and  report,  as  he  did,  to  Lorenzo  de 
Medici,  the  accession  of  an  additional  quarter  to  the  globe ; 
to  which,  as  the  only  desirable  reward  of  his  enterprise,  he 
had  the  honor  of  giving  his  name. 

France,  in  1523,  must  also  undertake  the  discovery  of  "  a 
western  passage  to  Cathay;"  and  to  John  Verrazzani  of 
Florence  was  conceded  the  honor  of  this  fresh  attempt  to 
gain  the  treasures  of  that  fabled  land  for  royal  coffers.  This 
was  upon  the  surface  ;  but  a  profounder  purpose  appeared 
in  conducting  him  to  North  Carolina,  and  far  along  the 
coast  southward  and  northward,  where  "  the  groves,  spread 
ing  perfumes  far  from  shore,  gave  promise  of  the  spices  of 
the  East,  and  the  color  of  the  earth  gave  promise  of  abun- 


24  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

dance  of  gold."  As  God  willed,  he  brought  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  world  the  spacious  harbors  of  New  York  and  Newport, 
and  the  rugged  shores  of  New  England  ;  but  no  French  mon 
arch  was  ever  to  reign  over  this  wonderful  coast,  the  pur 
poses  of  which  were  yet  wrapped  in  profoundest  mystery. 

The  brave  and  reckless  Ferdinand  de  Soto  could  march 
with  the  air  of  a  conqueror  through  Florida,  as  he  had 
done  through  Peru ;  and  advance  to  the  Alleghanies  and  the 
great  Mississippi,  as  he  did  in  1542  :  but  he  could  bequeath 
no  permanent  empire  to  the  Spanish  throne.  The  grand 
Valley  of  the  Mississippi  was  reserved  by  a  higher  Sover 
eign  for  the  hosts  of  freedom  in  the  great  future. 

So  of  every  act  in  the  scene  of  discovery,  revealing  at 
the  same  time  the  narrow  earthly  schemes  of  human  ambi 
tion,  and  the  stern  reservations  and  broad  purposes  of  the 
Infinite  Mind.  Whether  thirst  for  gold  or  lust  of  power,  am 
bition  for  fame  or  the  vagaries  of  fevered  brains,  prompted 
the  efforts  of  kings  and  of  daring  navigators,  human  plans 
were  tolerated  and  developed  just  so  far  as  the  profound 
purposes  of  God  would  allow,  and  no  farther,  and  then  de 
feated,  or  pressed  into  the  service  of  the  exalted  power, 
which  in  wisdom  infinite  rose  above  and  ruled  over  all ;  and 
the  divine  plan  of  human  freedom  became  the  controlling 
law  of  discovery  upon  the  Western  continent.  So  God  or 
dained,  and  history  reveals. 


CHAPTER    II. 
THE     COUNTRY     PROVIDED. 

"  It  is  the  goodliest  soil  under  the  cope  of  heaven  ;  the  most  pleasing  territory  of  the 
world.  The  continent  is  of  a  huge  and  unknown  greatness  ;  and  very  well  peopled  and 
towned,  though  savagely.  The  climate  is  so  wholesome,  that  we  have  not  one  sick  sine* 
we  touched  the  laud."  —  LANE,  1585. 

IF  the  time  had  come  for  the  recognition  of  higher  capa 
bilities  of  freedom  and  moral  power  in  the  human  race,  God 
would  certainly  furnish  territory  large  enough,  and  sufficient 
in  natural  resources,  for  the  development  of  a  great  and 
numerous  people.  This  he  could  do,  and  he  only.  "The 
earth  is  the  Lord's,  and  the  fulness  thereof;  the  world,  and 
they  that  dwell  therein."  His  omnipotent  power  called  this 
globe  out  of  nothing  when  "  the  morning  stars  sang  together, 
and  all  the  sons  of  God  shouted  for  joy."  "  He  stretcheth 
out  the  north  over  the  empty  place,  and  hangeth  the  earth 
upon  nothing." 

He,  as  sovereign  Proprietor,  could  dispose  of  these  conti 
nents  and  islands  according  to  the  laws  of  his  infinite  wisdom. 
He  might  at  his  discretion  assign  them  temporarily  to  the 
wild  beasts,  or  to  roaming  savages,  or  daring  offenders  against 
his  sovereign  laws  ;  but,  when  the  purposes  of  his  providence 
required  it,  he  would  surely  order  their  possession  by  the 
people  designed  to  illustrate  his  creative  power  and  his 
administrative  wisdom. 

AREA,   ZONE   AND    CLIMATES. 

The  vast  extent  of  the  Western  World  favored  the  idea 
of  establishing  here  a  model  nation,  with  the  opportunity  of 

4  25 


26  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

working  out,  as  an  example  to  the  nations,  the  problem  of 
government  by  the  people.  It  was  not  necessary  that  the 
whole  of  this  domain  should  be  given  at  once.  There  must  be 
room  for  enlargement ;  and  the  gradual  extension  of  territory 
has  accorded  precisely  with  the  exigencies  of  the  Republic. 
Not  including  the  recent  accession  of  Russian  America,  it 
has  reached  3,250,000  square  miles  :  of  land  alone  there  are 
3,010,370  square  miles,  or  1,926,686,800  broad  acres!  This 
is  a  "  territory  nearly  ten  times  as  large  as  that  of  Great 
Britain  and  France  combined  ;  three  times  as  large  as  France, 
Great  Britain,  Austria,  Prussia,  Spain,  Portugal,  Belgium, 
Holland,  and  Denmark,  together ;  one  and  a  half  times  as 
large  as  the  Russian  Empire  in  Europe ;  one-sixth  less  only 
than  the  area  covered  by  the  fifty-nine  or  sixty  empires, 
states,  and  republics  of  Europe ;  of  equal  extent  with  the 
Roman  Empire  or  that  of  Alexander." 

This  is  ample  for  the  present.  It  is  large,  like  the  plans 
of  God ;  and  how  utterly  vain  it  has  been  thus  far,  and 
hereafter  must  be,  for  man  to  oppose  these  plans !  The  great 
Proprietor  of  earth  will  give  his  favored  nation  room. 

The  position  at  first  assigned  us  on  the  continent  strikingly 
illustrates  the  divine  wisdom.  Had  our  lot  fallen  in  extreme 
latitudes,  a  symmetrical  and  full  development  of  body  and 
mind  would  have  been  impossible.  We  are  at  a  proper 
remove  from  the  eternal  frosts  of  the  north  and  the  burn 
ing  zone  of  the  south.  Taking  a  vast  sweep  through  the 
heart  of  a  continent,  from  ocean  to  ocean,  there  are  no 
advantages  possible  to  a  cultivated  people  which  are  not 
included  in  the  country  provided. 

So  wisely  and  beneficently  has  God  chosen  our  inherit 
ance  for  us.  Sir  Morton  Peto  says,  "  As  regards  climate,  the 
whole  of  the  United  States  is  within  the  temperate  zone. 
The  settler,  however,  in  selecting  his  residence,  can  have  any 
temperature  he  chooses,  from  St.  Petersburg  to  Canton.  He 
may  settle  in  a  cold  or  warm  climate,  according  to  his  health, 
his  habits,  his  predilections,  or  the  object  which  he  seeks, 


THE  COUNTRY  PROVIDED.  27 

whether  he  desires  to  farm,  to  fish,  to  hunt,  to  graze  cattle, 
to  cultivate  garden-lands  or  vine-yards.  He  can  select  the 
shores  of  the  lakes  or  of  the  ocean,  live  on  or  above  the 
tidal  waters  of  magnificent  rivers,  and  have  his  choice  of 
mountain  or  valley." 


ABUNDANT  PROVISION  FOR   FUTURE   WANT. 

Nothing  more  strikingly  indicates  the  niind  and  presence 
of  God  than  clear  and  extended  foresight.  Anticipating  the 
future  by  minute  and  ample  arrangements  for  the  demands 
of  an  immense  population  is  the  work  of  Omniscience  alone. 
This  our  great  Father  has  done  everywhere ;  a  manifestation 
of  paternal  beneficence  which  the  inhabitants  of  earth  in  all 
lands  are  under  sacred  obligations  to  recognize,  and  answer 
with  unfailing  gratitude  and  love. 

It  is  eminently  so  in  this  land  of  liberty.  Who  can  look 
out  upon  our  extended  and  productive  soil,  our  towering 
mountains  and  Eden  vales,  our  magnificent  lakes  and  rivers, 
and  not  feel  that  they  are  the  creation  of  Infinite  Power  for 
the  most  benevolent  ends  ?  In  their  immense  proportions  and 
exhaustless  resources,  in  their  wealth  of  beauty  and  over 
powering  grandeur,  they  speak  of  God  so  distinctly,  that  all 
must  hear. 

If  Providence  designed  to  build  up  a  great  nation  of  free 
men,  he  would  demand  of  them  a  marked  development  of 
taste,  and  imbue  them  with  a  love  of  the  beautiful  and  the 
sublime.  But  this  would  imply  arrangements  for  the  grati 
fication  and  development  of  the  finer  and  more  elevated 
feelings  of  natural  and  cultivated  humanity.  A  large,  un 
interrupted  plain  would  not  have  been  suited  to  this  pur 
pose.  A  land  of  morasses,  and  ditches  of  stagnant  pools  and 
dikes,  would  want  the  inspiration  which  so  high  a  purpose 
implies.  But  no  element  of  beauty  or  sublimity,  no  natural 
source  of  inspiration,  is  lacking  here.  Graceful  hills  and 
grand  mountain -ranges  break  up  the  monotony  of  the 


28  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

plains ;  vastness  and  variety  everywhere  expand  and  elevate 
the  soul.  Who  can  ascend  one  of  our  lofty  heights,  and 
look  out  upon  the  panorama  below  and  around  him,  without 
feelings  of  wonder  and  delight?  Whether  you  gaze  upon 
the  extended  shores  of  New  England,  the  vast  prairies  of 
the  West,  the  gardens  of  the  South,  the  forests  of  the  North, 
or  the  valleys  and  hills  of  the  Pacific  coast,  you  behold  a 
wealth  of  beauty  and  grandeur  utterly  beyond  the  power  of 
description. 

The  field  of  natural  science  is  immense  and  inexhaustible. 
If  God  had  designed,  as  he  surely  did,  that  the  American 
people  should  be  especially  thoughtful  and  scholarly ;  that 
choice  minds  should  here  develop  their  best  powers  of  obser 
vation,  analysis,  and  generalization,  —  he  could  not  have  more 
distinctly  indicated  his  plan  than  by  the  endless  variety  in 
every  department  of  natural  history  distributed  through  this 
large  territory.  The  lover  of  flowers,  the  entomologist,  the 
geologist,  the  mineralogist,  indeed  all  students  of  Nature,  find 
here  their  most  intense  interest  gratified. 

How  benignly  did  God  in  his  works  of  old  adjust  all  this 
to  the  culture  and  development  of  a  refined  people  !  How 
evidently  did  he,  moreover,  design  that  our  vast  lakes  and 
navigable  rivers  and  extended  coast  should  call  out  the  com 
mercial  activity  necessary  to  the  highest  civilization !  Dr. 
Baird,  in  his  "Religion  in  America,"  well  says,  "No  con 
tinental  country  in  the  world,  of  equal  extent,  can  compare 
with  the  United  States  in  regard  to  advantages  for  commerce. 
On  the  north,  the  great  lakes,  and  their  outlet  the  St.  Law 
rence,  drain  portions  of  ten  States  and  Territories,  which 
include  112,649  square  miles;  on  the  east,  fifteen  States 
touch  the  Atlantic,  and  the  portion  of  the  country  which 
slopes  in  that  direction  contains  514,416  square  miles;  the 
Pacific  slope  contains  766,000  square  miles ;  while  the  four 
States  and  a  half  which  border  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  con 
tain  325,537  square  miles.  This  leaves  to  the  great  Central 
Basin,  drained  by  the  Mississippi  and  its  branches,  no  less 


THE  COUNTRY  PROVIDED.  29 

than  1,217,562  square  miles,  in  which  are  already  at  least 
10,000,000  inhabitants."  Oar  shore  line  reaches  33,069 
miles,  and  "  the  extent  of  our  navigable  rivers  is  more  than 
40,000  miles." 

How  clear  also  is  the  divine  purpose  that  the  mechanical 
exigencies  of  the  coming  ages  here  should  be  furnished  with 
materials  and  inducements  to  render  available  the  strongest 
propensities  for  invention  and  discovery,  affording  to  the  use 
ful  arts  their  highest  development,  and  providing  that  the 
American  mind  should  lead  the  world  in  the  great  depart 
ments  of  steam  and  electricity  ! 

What  resources  of  agriculture,  what  quantities  of  the 
precious  metals,  of  coal,  iron,  and  timber,  were  produced  here 
long  ages  before  they  would  be  wanted,  that  when  this  goodly 
land  should  swarm  with  an  industrious,  enterprising  popula 
tion,  there  should  be  no  want  of  bread,  or  valuable  exchanges, 
,or  materials  for  comfort  and  toil  needed  for  the  highest  prog 
ress  and  destiny  ! 

We  mean  not  that  any  of  the  natural  advantages  enumer 
ated  in  this  chapter  are  restricted  to  this  country  :  but  they 
are  here  in  a  degree  of  perfection,  in  a  richness  of  variety, 
and  upon  a  scale  so  vast  as  to  indicate  the  largest  designs  of 
a  beneficent  Creator  with  regard  to  the  nation  to  be  estab 
lished  here.  The  immigrants  with  Newport  affirmed  that 
"  heaven  and  earth  seemed  never  to  have  agreed  better  to 
frame  a  place  for  man's  commodious  and  delightful  habita 
tion." 

"Take  four  of  the  best  kingdoms  in  Christendom,"  said 
Sir  Thomas  Dale  twenty-six  years  later,  "  and  put  them  all 
together,  they  may  no  way  compare  with  this  country, 
either  for  commodities,  or  goodness  of  soil." 

Let  two  contrasts  suffice  to  place  our  views  upon  this  gen 
eral  subject  in  the  strongest  light.  Russia,  the  most  power 
ful  despotic  government  on  the  globe,  must  forever  suffer 
from  the  severity  of  her  climate  and  her  vast  fields  of  ice. 
What  but  empire  itself  would  her  emperor  riot  give  for  the 


30  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

single  harbor  of  New  York  or  of  San  Francisco,  with  sea 
room  for  commanding  the  commerce  and  fighting  the  battles 
of  the  world  ?  Is  there  no  special  Providence  in  shutting 
up  the  greatest  rival  power  on  earth  within  the  frozen 
North,  while  the  great  oceans  of  the  East  and  West,  and 
finally  of  tiie  globe,  furnish  sea  room  for  the  nation  of  free 
men  ? 

England,  the  great  representative  of  the  transition  state, 
the  power  through  which  free  principles  are  to  pass  out  to 
the  nations  of  Europe  and  the  East,  has  extensive  colonies 
and  vast  territory ;  but  there  is  a  wide  difference  between 
her  remote  and  scattered  provinces  and  the  compact  ex 
tended  domain  of  American  freedom. 

Now,  let  it  be  remembered  that  all  these  ample  provisions 
and  adjustments  were  made  in  the  remote  past  for  a  people, 
and  order  of  civilization,  known  only  to  Omniscience,  and  how 
clear  the  evidence  that  the  Infinite  Mind  has  prepared  this 
•country  for  some  notable  progress  in  the  history  of  the  race, 
and  the  manifestation  of  his  power  and  glory  in  the  exercise 
of  his  own  sovereignty ! 


CHAPTER  HI. 
COLONIZATION     OVERRULED. 

How  quick  was  the  love  of  gain  to  assume  that  a  new 
world  was  thrown  open  to  its  adventurers;  that  whether 
the  discovered  land  were  ancient  India  or  Ophir,  or  a  suc 
cession  of  islands  or  a  continent,  it  must  be  seized  as  the 
rightful  possession  of  craving  selfishness  to  fill  up  the  coffers 
of  individuals,  of  companies,  and  of  monarchs,  with  shining 
gold  and  precious  gems!  But  how  distinctly  did  Providence 
say.  as  colony  after  colony  came  to  this  virgin  land,  "  I  have 
not  chosen  you  " !  It  reminds  one  of  the  scene  in  the  house 
of  Jesse,  when  the  prophet  of  God  was  there  to  anoint  a 
king.  One  after  another,  the  sons  of  this  Bethlehemite 
passed  by ;  but  the  elect  of  Jehovah  was  not  there.  From 
the  shepherd's  field  came  up  at  last  the  ruddy  boy  who 
was  the  chosen  monarch  of  Israel's  hosts.  Thus  passed  the 
greedy  throngs  who  thought  to  claim  this  magnificent  in 
heritance,  only  to  be  whelmed  by  the  surges  of  disaster 
until  "  there  was  none  of  them." 

FRANCE   UNSUCCESSFUL. 

Cartier,  the  gallant  navigator  of  gallant  France,  could 
resolve  to  colonize  New  France  in  the  region  of  the  St.  Law 
rence,  and  in  1535  take  his  departure  with  absolution  and 
the  benediction  of  the  bishop ;  but  he  must  be  defeated  by 
influences  against  which  no  human  foresight  could  provide. 
Roberval  could  feel  the  elevation  of  his  commission  from 
Francis  I.  as  "  lord  of  the  unknown  Norimbza,  and  viceroy, 

31 


32  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

with  full  regal  authority  "  *  over  New  France  ;  but  he  must 
be  thwarted  by  contentions  with  his  predecessor  and  rival, 
Cartier.  Fifty  years  later,  the  Marquis  de  la  Roche  would 
try  it  again,  but  entirely  fail.  Chauvin  and  Pontgrave  would 
make  the  effort  in  1600,  but  without  success.  Champlain 
could  found  a  settlement,  but  no  French  nation.  The  French 
monarch  could  cede  by  patent  the  whole  Atlantic  coast,  from 
the  future  Philadelphia  to  Montreal,  to  the  noble  Calvinist 
De  Monts,  with  religious  toleration  for  the  persecuted  Hu 
guenots;  but  hostile  savages,  fierce  winds,  and  shipwrecks, 
with  successive  discouragements  to  all  future  attempts  of 
sovereign  and  adventurers,  would  deny  to  the  French  people 
the  permanent  occupancy  of  the  future  territory  of  freedom. 
We  mourn  the  tragic  end  of  the  colony  of  French  Protes 
tants  in  Carolina  attempted  under  the  auspices  of  the  great 
Admiral  Coligny,  and  we  execrate  the  cruel  Roman-Catho 
lic  bigotry  which  doomed  them  to  indiscriminate  slaughter  ; 
but  it  was  not  possible  that  they  should  establish  French 
nationality  here,  nor  that  their  murderers  should  ultimately 
profit  by  their  enormous  crime.  The  Huguenots  would  at 
length  find  a  home  in  the  bosom  of  the  free  Republic. 

SPAIN   MEETS    WITH    INSUPERABLE   DIFFICULTIES. 

Spain  was  heroic,  and  covetous  of  empire,  and  would  defy 
all  hardships  to  gain  it  in  the  New  World.  Look  at  this 
desperate  struggle  against  the  plans  of  Providence. 

Columbus  discovered  America  in  1492,  for  so  God  willed ; 
but  neither  he  nor  his  successors  could  make  it  a  Spanish 
province,  nor  convert  it  into  a  continent  of  Romanists.  The 
pope,  as  we  have  seen,  commanded  the  division  of  "  the 
undiscovered  world  "  between  Portugal  and  Spain ;  but  the 
Power  above  would  not  suffer  the  order  to  be  obeyed. 

The  valiant  Ponce  de  Leon,  from  his  discovery  of  Florida 
in  1513,  dazzled  with  charms  of  wealth  and  power,  struggled 

*  Bancroft,  i.  22. 


COLONIZATION  OVERRULED.  33 

with  unparalleled  energy  for  eight  years  to  effect  a  perma 
nent  settlement,  in  the  vast  territory  called  by  that  name, 
on  the  Atlantic  sea-board ;  but  an  Indian  arrow  sent  him  to 
Cuba  to  die. 

The  bewildering  ambition  of  the  reckless  Narvaez,  in  a 
similar  attempt  five  years  later,  overwhelmed  him  and  his 
comrades  with  still  more  signal  disaster. 

In  1520,  Lucus  Vasquez  de  Ayllon,  with  the  cruel  purpose 
of  capturing  Indians  to  be  used  as  slaves  on  St.  Domingo 
plantations,  discovered  a  fertile  coast,  which  promised  afflu 
ence  and  dominion;  and  obtained  from  the  Spanish  monarch 
the  right  to  conquer  and  govern  "Chicora,"  the  future  South 
Carolina:  but  calamity  and  disgrace  terminated  his  proud 
career. 

Who  can  read  without  exciting  interest  the  romantic 
story  of  Francisco  de  Coronado,  seduced  by  the  false  accounts 
of  the  Franciscan  friar  Marcus  de  Niza,  moving  out  from 
Mexico  with  his  grand  army  to  search  for  the  seven  great 
cities  of  "  Cibola"  and  the  fabled  wealth  of  mighty  princes, 
enduring  incredible  hardships,  traversing  the  wilds  of  Colo 
rado,  and  the  Valley  of  the  Del  Norte,  over  the  regions  of 
vast  future  States,  large  and  rich  enough  for  empires,  and 
then  reporting  as  he  did  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  that 
"  the  region  was  not  fit  to  be  colonized  "  ?  Who  can  trace 
the  history  of  this  brave  man,  without  reaching  the  convic 
tion  that  he  was  designed  by  Heaven  as  an  explorer,  while 
his  nation  would  not  be  permitted  to  appropriate  his  dis 
coveries  ? 

And  with  what  feelings  of  wonder,  and  even  pity,  do  we 
follow  the  daring  career  of  Ferdinand  de  Soto,  seeking  for 
wealth  and  glory  in  the  great  Valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
dreaming  of  conquests  and  dominion,  wearing  out  his  heroic 
men  and  his  own  iron  constitution,  at  last  bowing  his  stub 
born  will  to  the  only  Power  he  could  not  defy,  and  sinking 
beneath  the  turbid  waters  of  the  great  river,  without  estab 
lishing  the  permanent  control  of  his  nation  over  a  single 


34  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

acre  of  the  land  to  be  required  in  after-ages  for  the  develop 
ment  of  the  Great  Republic ! 

Spaniards  could  become  great  discoverers  and  great  con 
querors  on  the  Western  hemisphere;  they  could  effect  settle 
ments  and  establish  governments  which  would  remain  for  a 
period  longer  or  shorter,  as  Providence  willed :  but  they  could 
on  no  account  annex  to  the  Spanish  monarchy  the  regions 
set  apart  for  "the  union"  of  freemen,  or  hold  their  own 
colonists  to  loyal  obedience,  against  the  instincts  of  inde 
pendence  which  would  ultimately  give  law  to  the  continent. 

On  the  8th  of  September,  1565,  the  bigoted  Catholic  Philip 
II.  "  was  proclaimed  monarch  of  all  North  America ; "  but 
God  did  not  sanction  it.  St.  Augustine,  by  more  than  forty 
years  the  oldest  town  in  the  United  States,  was  founded  in 
the  same  year :  but  it  did  not  grow  and  become  great  like 
other  cities  of  the  Republic;  it  could  not  be  permanently 
Spanish ;  nor  could  the  founding  of  the  distant  Santa  Fe  and 
the  establishment  of  New  Mexico  sixteen  years  later,  under 
the  indomitable  spirit  of  the  Franciscan  friar  Augustin  Ruyz, 
change  the  ultimate  current  of  history.  Santa  Fe  would 
in  due  time  be  the  capital  of  a  great  republican  State. 


THE   ENGLISH,   DUTCH,    AND    SWEDES    CONTROLLED. 

God  discriminates  between  men  and  occasions  as  well  as 
nations.  The  English  were  to  be  the  founders  of  empire 
here;  but  they  could  not  begin  successfully  with  a  system  of 
heartless  avarice.  The  daring  attempts  of  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert  and  his  half-brother  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  may  suffice 
as  specimens  of  the  discipline  through  which  the  nation 
would  learn  its  wrongs,  and  be  led  gradually  to  success.  The 
former  might  erect  the  standard  of  Britain  over  the  mixed 
peoples  at  the  fishing-station  of  Newfoundland,  then  sink  to 
his  grave  in  the  ocean  ;  while  the  latter,  after  a  most  heroic 
connection  with  American  enterprise,  would  become  a  victim 
of  sovereign  caprice,  be  dragged  to  the  Tower  of  London, 
and  then  to  the  block  of  the  executioner. 


COLONIZATION  OVERRULED.  35 

The  Dutch,  in  1610,  could  establish  a  brave  working  colony 
on  the  river  discovered  by  the  adventurous  Hudson,  and  ex 
tend  New  Netherlands  into  the  region  of  the  Delaware  and 
the  Connecticut ;  but  the  States-General  would  ultimately 
resign  the  territory  and  the  people  to  their  predetermined 
independence  and  the  legitimate  government  of  the  United 
States  of  America. 

The  Swedish  monarch  and  his  great  prime  minister  could 
form  large  plans  of  colonial  power  and  grandeur  in  America ; 
but  the  rich  territory  settled  at  so  much  expense  was  not  to 
be  "New  Sweden/'  but  an  important  integral  part  of  the 
Great  Republic. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
ENGLISH     SUCCESS. 

WE  now  come  to  a  most  important  period  in  the  prepara 
tory  history  of  the  United  States.  Two  grand  representative 
colonies  will  soon  appear  on  the  continent.  Both  will  have 
noble  spirits  as  their  leaders;  both  will  have  brave  truth  and 
damaging  errors  in  their  theories  of  man  and  of  liberty. 
They  will  test  the  strength  of  aristocracy  on  the  one  hand, 
and  of  democracy  on  the  other.  One  will  bring  out  the 
power  of  despotism  and  caste  to  grapple  with  the  inherent 
rights  of  man ;  the  other,  the  spirit  of  liberty  to  contend 
with  usurpation  and  repression.  The  one  including  the 
most  grievous  wrongs  will  begin  first.  Virginia  shall  have 
thirteen  years  the  start  of  Massachusetts.  Moreover,  her 
land  shall  be  rich,  and  her  climate  mild  and  attractive;  while 
the  land  of  the  Pilgrims  shall  be  rugged,  and  its  winters 
severe.  Chivalry  shall  be  sustained  by  royal  favor  and  am 
ple  wealth :  Liberty  shall  be  a  fugitive  from  royal  oppression, 
and  shall  land  on  its  rock-bound  coast  destitute  and  unpro 
tected.  Then  the  eyes  of  two  hemispheres  for  moie  than 
two  hundred  and  fifty  years  shall  watch  the  race. 

THE   EPOCH   AND    THE   FIRST    COLONISTS    OF   VIRGINIA. 

The  times  were  both  threatening  and  auspicious.  The 
Reformation  had  broken  up  the  foundations  of  Popery  in 
England ;  but  the  Popish  and  Protestant  tendencies  began  to 
appear  in  politics.  The  bigoted  James  saw  no  safety  but 
from  Prelacy,  and  no  formidable  danger  but  from  Puritanism. 


ENGLISH  SUCCESS.  37 

The  noble  sons  of  religious  liberty  who  had  served  Elizabeth 
with  loyal  devotion  were  superseded,  and  began  to  look 
abroad  for  their  future.  The  art  of  printing  brought  new 
light  to  the  age.  It  was  time  for  the  permanent  colonization 
of  the  New  World  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  to  begin. 

We  now  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  original  material  for  an 
English  colony  in  Virginia.  They  were  "  noblemen,  gentle 
men,  and  merchants,  in  and  about  London,"  "  London  adven 
turers."  "Edward  Maria  Wingfield,  a  grovelling  merchant  of 
the  west  of  England,"  *  was  the  first  president  of  the  coun 
cil.  "  Of  one  hundred  and  five  on  the  list  of  emigrants,  there 
were  but  twelve  laborers,  and  very  few  mechanics."  But 
Providence  ordered  that  the  noble  and  gallant  Capt.  John 
Smith  and  the  faithful  Robert  Hunt  .should  be  the  representa 
tive  men  of  State  and  Church.  "  Gorges,  a  man  of  wealth 
and  rank,"  and  Sir  George  Popham,  Lord  Chief  Justice  of 
England,  would  represent  the  aristocratic  pretensions  of  the 
future  South ;  and  "  vagabond  gentlemen  and  goldsmiths  " 
would  seriously  interfere  with  the  vigorous  administration 
of  the  heroic  Smith.  "When  you  send  again,"  he  wrote, 
"  I  entreat  you  rather  send  but  thirty  carpenters,  husband 
men,  gardeners,  fishermen,  blacksmiths,  masons,  and  diggers- 
up  of  trees'  roots,  well  provided,  than  a  thousand  of  such 
as  we  'have."  Other  settlers  came,  some  better,  but,  let  us 
honestly  hope,  none  worse.  As  especially  noteworthy,  ninety 
women,  u' agreeable  persons,  young  and  incorrupt,"  came 
"  at  the  expense  of  the  company,  and  were  married  to  its 
tenants,  or  to  men  who  were  able  to  support  them,  and  who 
willingly  defrayed  the  costs  of  their  passage."  This  experi 
ment  was  so  successful,  that,  next  year,  "  sixty  more  were 
despatched,  —  maids  of  virtuous  education,  young,  handsome, 
and  well  recommended.  The  price  of  a  wife  rose  from 
one  hundred  and  twenty  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds 
of  tobacco,  or  even  more."  How  admirably  simple,  and 
yet  how  evidently  providential,  this  method  of  founding 

*  Bancroft,  i.  120-124. 


38  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

virtuous    families,    and   building   up    the    social    fabric    of 
America  ! 

DESPOTISM    AND    RELIGION    IN    VIRGINIA. 

There  was  doubtless  something  of  native  independence 
in  the  daring  adventures  of  navigators  and  explorers  who 
found  their  way  to  the  New  World.  But  loyalty  to  sover 
eigns  restrained  and  directed  it.  The  jealous  eye  of  the 
asserted  divine  right  of  kings  was  everywhere.  The  earth 
belonged  to  them ;  and  the  only  question  was,  how  it  should 
be  divided  between  them.  The  right  of  soil,  whether  in  the 
form  of  islands  or  continents,  was  in  the  monarch ;  and  he 
might  grant  it  to  his  loyal  subjects  in  such  quantities  and 
upon  such  terms  as  he  pleased.  Charters  and  rights  might 
be  conceded  and  revoked  at  his  royal  pleasure ;  and,  how 
ever  meritorious  the  discovery,  whatever  sacrifices  were 
made  by  the  colonists,  however  exhausting  the  toil  required 
to  subdue  and  cultivate  the  soil,  the  people  were  all  the  ser 
vants  of  the  crown ;  and,  under  such  regulations  as  he  should 
be  pleased  to  make,  the  ultimate  benefits  must  inure  to  him. 

Additional  colonists  were  about  to  embark  for  Virginia, 
and  the  rights  of  the  crown  must  be  carefully  guarded. 
"  Thus  the  first  written  charter  of  a  permanent  American 
colony  which  was  to  be  the  chosen  abode  of  liberty  gave  to 
the  mercantile  corporation  nothing  but  a  desert  territory, 
with  the  right  of  peopling  and  defending  it ;  and  reserved 
to  the  monarch  absolute  legislative  authority,  the  control  of 
all  appointments,  and  the  hope  of  ultimate  revenue.  To  the 
emigrants  themselves  it  conceded  not  one  elective  franchise, 
not  one  of  the  rights  of  self-government. 

"  The  summer  was  spent  by  the  patentees  in  preparations 
for  planting  a  colony,  for  which  the  vainglory  of  the  king 
found  a  grateful  occupation  in  framing  a  code  of  laws;  an 
exercise  of  royal  legislation  which  has  been  pronounced  in 
itself  illegal.  The  superior  council*  in  England  was  permitted 
to  name  the  colonial  council,  which  was  constituted  a  pure 


ENGLISH  SUCCESS.  39 

aristocracy,  entirely  independent  of  the  emigrants  whom  they 
were  to  govern ;  having  power  to  elect  or  remove  its  presi 
dent,  to  remove  any  of  its  members,  and  to  supply  its  own 
vacancies.  Not  an  element  of  popular  liberty  was  introduced 
into  the  form  of  government." 

In  May,  1569,  three  years  later,  the  company  received  a 
new  charter  from  the  king.  But  "-the  lives,  liberty,  and 
fortune  of  the  colonists  were  placed  at  the  arbitrary  will  of 
a  governor,  who  was  to  be  appointed  by  a  commercial  cor 
poration.  As  yet,  not  one  valuable  civil  privilege  was  con 
ceded  to  the  emigrants."  f 

Ho\v  impossible  that  this  should  last  forever  !  How  inevi 
table  the  inquiry,  Is  this  right?  And,  if  it  made  a  subject  of 
despotism  tremble  to  think  it,  he  nevertheless  would  think, 
"  The  king  is  a  man,  —  only  a  man  ;  and  I  also  am  a  man." 
How  natural  and  powerful  the  feeling  of  the  struggling  im 
migrant,  "  I  am  glad  I  am  so  far  away  from  the  centre  of 
this  despotism !  It  cannot  reach  me  quite  so  easily.  This 
country  is  very  large  ;  the  air  is  very  free  and  the  land  abun 
dant  here.  I  wonder  if  some  portion  of  this  grand  inheritance 
isn't  mine  !  At  least,  do  I  not  own  myself?" 

You  can  see,  in  the  very  forms  of  the  patents  and  charters 
secured  by  the  early  settlers,  this  yearning  for  the  rights  of 
a  real  second  party  ;  the  petitions,  if  not  demands,  of  this 
other  high  contracting  power.  It  must  be  very  deferential, 
obsequious  even ;  but  you  can  almost  hear  it  say,  "  If  you 
will  deal  fairly  with  me,  I  will  go  ;  if  not,  I  will  not."  Gov 
ernors,  proprietors,  corporations,  did  not  think,  it  is  true,  of 
any  considerable  concessions  to  those  below  them  ;  but  they 
did  show  some  disposition  to  take  care  of  themselves,  which 
was  something  in  the  cautious  advance  of  personal  rights. 

Let  it,  however,  be  remembered  that  the  aristocratic  forms 
of  civil  government  were  fully  sustained  by  ecclesiastical 
power.  The  monarch,  in  the  creed  of  the  Church,  was  "  king 
by  the  grace  of  God."  The  organic  life  of  the  Church  was 

*  Bancroft,  i.  122,  123.  t  Ibid.,  i.  137. 


40  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

interwoven  in  every  fibre  with  the  life  of  the  State,  and  de 
manded  the  exercise  of  ecclesiastical  authority  from  the  sov 
ereign,  as  the  supreme  head  of  the  Church ;  and  no  devotion, 
either  of  bigotry  or  patriotism,  is  so  strong  as  religious  devo 
tion.  The  British  government  and  British  aristocracy  un 
derstood  this  well;  and,  though  it  seemed  an  accident  that 
the  impetuous  Henry  VIII.  had  become  the  sovereign  ecclesi 
astic  of  the  realm,  the  force  of  this  fact  in  the  British  Con 
stitution  was  ever  thereafter  too  highly  valued  and  too 
powerful  to  be  waived  or  modified,  except  under  a  pressure 
that  was  practically  irresistible.  And  Virginia,  the  control 
ling  and  representative  colony  of  the  South,  had,  as  we  have 
seen,  received  this  spiritual  despotism  as  a  part  of  the  abso 
lute  government  under  which  she  was  to  found  a  great  State, 
and  had  undertaken  the  impossible  task  of  harmonizing  it 
with  the  vindication  and  development  of  personal  and  civil 
liberty.  Military  authority  had  the  right  to  compel  con 
formity  to  the  Episcopal  Church.  Indifference  was  punish 
able  with  stripes,  and  infidelity  with  death,  under  the  de 
cisions  of  courts-martial. 

In  16 19,  a  legislature  met  in  the  Old  Dominion  for  the  first 
time.  It  was  opened  by  prayer,  as  all  decent  legislative 
bodies  should  be. 

"The  Church  of  England  was  confirmed  as  the  Church  of 
Virginia.  It  was  intended  that  the  first  four  ministers  should 
each  receive  two  hundred  pounds  a  year.  All  persons  what 
soever,  upon  the  sabbath  days,  were  to  frequent  divine  service 
and  sermons  both  forenoon  and  afternoon  ;  and  all  such 
as  bore  arms,  to  bring  their  pieces  or  swords."  * 

In  1621,  a  new  constitution  was  granted ;  and,  "  simultane 
ously  with  this  civil  constitution,  an  ecclesiastical  organiza 
tion  was  introduced.  The  plantations  were  divided  into  par 
ishes,  for  the  endowment  of  which  contributions  were  col 
lected  in  England.  A  glebe  of  a  hundred  acres,  cultivated 
by  six  indented  tenants,  was  allowed  by  the  company  to  each 
clergyman ;  to  which  was  added  a  salary,  to  be  paid  by  a 

*  Bancroft,  i.  155. 


ENGLISH   SUCCESS.  /Q 

parish  tax.  The  governor  was  instructed  to  uphold  public 
worship  according  to  the  forms  and  discipline  of  the  Church 
of  England,  and  to  avoid  '  all  factions  and  needless  novel 
ties/  —  a  caution,  no  doubt,  against  Puritan  ideas,  at  this 
time  much  on  the  increase  in  England,  and  not  without  par 
tisans  even  in  Virginia."  When  "  the  first  extant  colony 
statutes  were  enacted,"  "  the  first  acts,  as  in  many  subsequent 
codifications  of  the  Virginia  statutes,  related  to  the  Church. 
In  every  plantation,  there  was  to  be  a  room  or  house  '  for  the 
worship  of  God,  sequestered  and  set  apart  for  that  purpose, 
and  riot  to  be  for  any  temporal  use  whatsoever ; '  also  a  place 
of  burialj '  sequestered  and  paled  in.'  Absence  from  public 
worship, '  without  allowable  excuse,'  exposed  to  the  forfeiture 
of  a  pound  of  tobacco,  or  fifty  pounds  if  the  absence  contin 
ued  for  a  month.  The  celebration  of  divine  service  was  to 
be  in  conformity  to  the  canons  of  the  English  Church.  In 
addition  to  the  usual  church  festivals,  the  22d  of  March  was 
to  be  annually  observed  in  commemoration  of  the  escape 
of  the  colony  from  Indian  massacre.  No  minister  was  to  be 
absent  from  his  parish  above  two  months  annually,  under 
pain  of  forfeiting  half  his  salary ;  or  the  whole  of  it,  and  his 
cure  also,  if  absent  four  months.  He  who  disparaged  a 
minister  without  proof  was  to  be  fined  five  hundred  pounds 
of  tobacco,  and  to  beg  the  minister's  pardon  before  the  congre 
gation.  The  ministers'  salaries  were  to  be  paid  out  of  the 
first-gathered  and  best  tobacco  and  corn  ;  and  no  man  was 
to  dispose  of  his  tobacco  before  paying  his  church-dues, 
under  pain  of  paying  double.  The  proclamations  formerly 
set  forth  against  drunkenness  and  swearing  were  confirmed 
as  law ;  and  the  church-wardens  were  to  present  all  such 
offenders."  * 

GRAVE  ERRORS. 

With  our  present  information,  it  is  easy  to  see  the  strange 
mixture  of  grave  error  with  elevated  truth  in  this  ecclesias- 

*  Hildreth,  i.  126,  127. 


42  THE  GEEAT  REPUBLIC. 

tical  system.  It  is  sad  to  behold  minds  so  great  grappling 
with  the  serious  questions  of  man's  relation  to  God  and  eter 
nity,  with  the  misleading  idea  that  the  human  will  can  be 
coerced,  and  human  beings  made  devout,  and  fit  for  heaven, 
by  State  authority.  Bat  an  established  religion,  which  makes 
the  courts  the  judges  of  orthodoxy;  which  compels  attend 
ance  at  church ;  which  exacts  from  the  people  the  support 
of  the  parish  by  arbitrary  taxes ;  which  gives  to  the  govern 
ment  all  authority  to  create  priestly  orders  and  preferments, — 
wholly  disregards  the  great  facts,  that  all  piety  must  include 
the  voluntary  surrender  of  the  heart  to  God ;  that  nothing 
is  truly  Christian  which  is  not  free ;  that  whatever  in  hu 
man  action  is  merely  the  will  of  another  is  entirely  without 
a  moral  element ;  that  a  man  forced  to  religious  observ 
ances  is  so  far  merely  a  machine,  with  no  more  right  to 
the  immunities  of  religion  than  the  steam-engine.  Upon 
the  contrary,  so  far  as  the  attempt  results  in  a  sense  of  per 
sonal  injury,  of  an  unjust  interference  with  the  rights  of 
the  soul,  angry  resentments  are  sure  to  follow,  and  men  are 
made  worse  by  the  system  which  proposes  to  secure  their 
highest  interests. 

True,  there  is  room  for  law  in  the  protection  of  religion, 
in  guarding  the  rights  of  religious  assemblies,  in  preventing 
disturbances  on  the  Lord's  Day,  and  suppressing  social  dis 
order,  so  far  as  it  interferes  with  good  neighborhood,  and 
tends  to  destroy  the  religious  and  social  rights  of  commu 
nities  ;  but  here  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  and  the 
power,  of  the  executive  must  end.  However  perverse  men 
may  be  in  rejecting  the  true  good,  though,  indeed,  they  may 
go  headlong  to  ruin  in  the  abuse  of  their  freedom,  still  God 
permits  it ;  and  man  cannot,  if  he  would,  forcibly  prevent  it. 
In  the  great  work  of  personal  humiliation,  of  reverence  and 
worship,  of  submission  and  trust,  of  preparation  for  death 
and  eternity,  every  man  must  act  for  himself.  To  his  own 
master  he  must  stand  or  fall. 

It  is  the  unquestionable   duty  of  every  man   to  attend 


ENGLISH   SUCCESS.  43 

divine  service  on  the  Lord's  Day,  when  it  is  not  physically 
or  otherwise  impracticable ;  but,  if  the  act  is  to  be  religious, 
he  must  go  freely,  not  by  coercion.  The  support  of  religion 
is  undoubtedly  a  high  duty:  but  every  man  must  give  "ac 
cording  as  he  purposeth  in  his  heart,  not  grudgingly  or  of 
necessity;  for  God  loveth  a  cheerful  giver." 

All  these  positions  are  very  clear  from  our  present  stand 
point,  and  were  doubtless  seen  dimly  in  the  days  of  Ameri 
can  colonization  by  many  sound  and  penetrating  minds. 

But  the  grand  error  was  in  a  religion  established  by  law. 
It  was  not  that  the  English  people,  who  had  been  born  and 
bred  Episcopalians,  should  be  Episcopalians  in  Virginia.  It 
was  most  natural  that  the  forms  of  service  to  which  they 
were  accustomed  in  England  should  be  preferred  in  the  New 
World.  It  was  doubtless  so  far  healthful  and  wise  as  the 
.  free  action  of  choice  preferred  those  modes  of  worship ;  just 
as  other  modes,  adopted  in  other  colonies,  were  best  suited 
to  their  habits  of  thought  and  feeling.  At  least,  it  was  not 
the  province  of  civil  law  to  forbid  nor  to  enjoin  these  forms. 
To  establish  Presbyterianism  by  law  in  Virginia,  thereby 
excluding  the  right  of  the  people  to  become  Episcopalians, 
and  to  build  up  there  the  institutions  of  their  venerated  and 
beloved  church,  would  be  a  grievous  wrong,  but  no  greater 
than  to  ordain  Episcopaliamsm  as  the  only  lawful  religion  of 
New  England  or  any  other  portion  of  the  land. 


GOD  8   METHOD. 

It  may  be  deemed  strange  that  God  did  not  so  far  over 
rule  the  prejudices  of  man  as  to  secure  freedom  of  religion 
in  America  from  the  first.  This,  however,  is  not  the  divine 
method.  He  allows  the  tares  and  the  wheat  to  grow  togeth 
er.  He  shows  his  own  sacred  regard  for  human  freedom  in 
suffering  the  wrong  to  exert  its  power  until  hope  of  reform 
is  gone,  and  the  time  has  fully  corne  for  restraint  or  retribu 
tion.  Then  his  judgments  are  conclusive. 


44  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

It  is,  moreover,  by  grappling  with  error  that  truth  reveals 
and  augments  its  power.  There  were  the  asserted  preroga 
tives  of  spiritual  despotism,  but  the  instinctive  demand  for 
the  rights  of  conscience  rising  up  firmly  against  them.  There 
was  the  coerced  attendance  at  church,  but  the  gospel  of  lib 
erty  rolling  out  from  the  pulpit.  There  were  the  pomp  and 
display  of  ceremonial  worship,  but  the  pure  word  of  God 
saying  to  the  people, "  Humble  yourselves  in  the  sight  of  the 
Lord,  and  he  shall  lift  you  up."  There  were  legal  exactions 
of  tithes,  but  the  revelation  showing  the  moral  value  of 
free,  liberal  giving.  There  was  worldly  conformity;  but  there 
was  also  the  new  life,  in  all  its  purifying  exalting  power, 
quietly  working  from  within,  under  the  agency  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  seeking  to  develop  to  the  gaze  of  men  the  great 
transformation  and  complete  emancipation  of  the  race  de 
signed  to  realize  the  purposes  of  God  in  the  creation. 

Let  these  two  forces  exist  together  in  the  trial  period  of  a 
people.  Let  them  exhibit  their  wrong  and  right,  their  vile- 
ness  and  purity,  in  contrast.  Let  them  grapple  till  the  supe 
rior  power  of  the  true  and  the  good  shall  appear.  Give  them 
time.  Evil  is  exceedingly  tenacious  in  this  world.  Its  eradi 
cation  must  be  the  work  of  ages.  God  is  the  example  of 
patience  and  active  energy,  and  "  God  is  never  in  a  hurry." 
Through  the  vast  cycles  of  time,  he  maketh  the  wrath  of 
men  to  pVaise  him,  and  the  remainder  he  doth  restrain. 
Even  we  have  lived  long  enough  to  see  how  wise  and  safe  is 
this  great  plan  of  Providence,  and  to  know  what  dispositions 
he  would  make  of  the  attempt  to  establish  a  church  by  law 
in  the  sphere  of  the  future  Republic  of  liberty.  There  was 
no  need  of  violence  in  resisting  this  usurpation.  The  periods 
of  preparation  and  independence  would  not  end  till  it  was 
utterly  overthrown  by  the  action  of  power  silent  as  the  laws 
of  gravitation,  but  omnipotent  as  the  arm  of  Jehovah.  The 
great  privilege  of  free  worship  would  then  be  all  the  more 
valuable  for  the  contrast ;  while  the  success  of  the  right,  in 
its  own  vindication  and  independent  development,  would 


ENGLISH   SUCCESS.  45 

be  a  sublime  spectacle  to  angels  and  to  men.  In  the  mean 
time,  grave  responsibilities  would  attach  to  the  leaders  of 
oppression,  against  the  will  of  God,  now  becoming  so  clear 
and  emphatic  in  its  revelations. 

SLAVERY   IN   THE   SOUTH. 

We  must  mention  here  one  more  restriction  of  human 
rights,  —  the  most  intense  form  of  despotism  known  among 
men  :  we  mean  American  slavery. 

The  spirit  of  this  ancient  wrong  to  humanity  was  inherent 
in  the  British  aristocracy.  Essential  caste  elevated  the  privi 
leged  classes  above  the  common  obligations  of  society,  and 
imposed  corresponding  burdens  upon  laborers.  The  relations 
of  employers  and  employed,  landlord  and  tenant,  were,  to  a 
large  extent,  those  of  master  and  servant ;  and  this  bondage, 
as  the  effect  of  inevitable  dependence,  descended  to  succeed 
ing  generations. 

The  laws  of  "  indented  tenants  "  adopted  in  this  miniature 
and  pretentious  aristocracy  were  slavery  in  essence.  It  was 
simply  an  invention  to  avoid  labor,  and  obtain  for  gentle 
men  the  avails  of  labor  without  just  compensation.  I  wish 
therefore  distinctly  to  deny  that  the  slave  system  was  forced 
upon  ,the  South  by  the  cupidity  of  dealers  in  human  flesh 
and  souls,  and  affirm  that  it  was  most  evidently  of  English 
origin.  It  is  hence  easy  to  see  how  naturally  the  imbecile 
natives  were  subjected  to  unwilling  and  unrequited  toil,  and 
reduced  to  cruel  slavery. 

It  is  also  easy  to  explain  the  fact,  that  when  Las  Casas, 
from  blind  philanthropy,  sought  to  mitigate  the  horrors  of 
Indian  servitude  by  simply  changing  the  victims,  the  slave- 
dealer  had  no  difficulty  in  finding  a  market.  Continental 
despotism  in  the  West-India  Islands  and  elsewhere  was  not 
left  to  enjoy  a  monopoly  of  this  nefarious  traffic.  Hence, 
when  twenty  negroes  were  brought  to  Jamestown,  in  Au 
gust,  1619,  by  a  Dutch  trading-vessel,  to  be  exposed  to  sale 


46  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

like  brutes,  it  was  "  by  the  free  consent  and  co-operation  of 
the  colonists  themselves,"  who  purchased  and  held  them, 
"not  as  indented  servants,  but  as  slaves  for  life."  * 

True,  it  had  come  to  be  the  general  conviction  in  England 
and  upon  the  Continent,  that  Christians  ought  not  to  be  re 
duced  to  slavery ;  but  captives  in  war  and  accredited  pagans 
were  not  included  in  this  exemption.  It  may  thus  be  ex 
plained  how  English  traders  in  captured  victims  could  have 
immunity  from  punishment  in  Christian  lands,  and  how 
even  sovereign  princes  could  assert  claims  to  the  enormous 
profits  of  the  slave-trade. 

The  development  of  this  system  of  flagrant  injustice  was 
very  gradual,  and  is  not  to  be  traced  here,  as  it  belongs  to 
another  part  of  this  work  ;  but  we  desire  sufficient  attention 
to  it  now  to  show  the  startling  fact  of  another  powerful  ac 
cession  to  the  strength  of  despotism  in  the  great  representa 
tive  colony  of  the  South. 

*  Hildreth,  i.  119. 


CHAPTER    V. 

RELIGION  AND   CIVIL  LIBERTY  IN  VIRGINIA. 

"  Not  democracy  in  America,  but  free  Christianity  in  America,  is  the  real  key  to  the 
study  of  the  people  and  their  institutions."  —  GOLDWIN  SMITH. 

IT  would  seem  that  a  hard  problem  had  been  raised,  —  hard 
for  man,  but  not  too  hard  for  the  solution  of  Infinite  Wisdom. 
With  what  intense  interest  do  we  now  inquire,  How  will  God 
himself  release  these  fettered  minds?  How  shall  the  rights 
of  man  emerge  from  this  sea  of  oppression  ?  Let  us  not  be 
in  haste.  It  is  God's  question,  and  he  takes  time. 

Let  us  turn  our  attention  to  the  gradual  development  of 
those  principles,  which,  daring  this  preparatory  period,  were 
quietly  to  assert  their  vitality  and  rights,  and  ultimately  re 
veal  their  power  to  constitute  and  maintain  a  free  republic. 

In  all  the  history  of  colonization  thus  far  traced,  we  see 
the  evident  hand  of  God.  He  overruled  the  plans  of  men 
in  rejecting  such  colonists  as  were  not  adjusted  to  the  pur 
poses  of  freedom.  He  chose  the  nation  and  the  race  of  men 
suitable  to  found  an  empire.  Romanists  were  not  allowed 
the  ascendency  in  the  land  appropriated  to  the  future 
"  United  States."  Protestantism  included  freedom  of  con 
science,  and  would  ultimately  assert  the  rights  of  man  in 
church  and  in  civil  government.  God,  moreover,  suffered  the 
vileness  of  immoral  adventurers  to  destroy  them,  and  steadily 
brought  forward  the  representatives  of  virtue  and  piety. 
England  was  a  religious  country.  The  Reformation,  under 
Henry  VIII.  and  Elizabeth  and  Edward,  had  asserted  the 
rights  of  conscience  so  far  as  to  throw  off  the  incubus  of 

47 


48  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Popery.  James  I.  had  given  the  people  that  marvel  of  in 
spiration,  the  English  version  of  the  Holy  Bible.  Religion 
was  the  law  of  the  land,  and  it  was  Protestant.  The  strug 
gles  of  bloody  Mary  and  her  bigoted  husband  Philip  II.  could 
in  no  wise  re-establish  the  spiritual  despotism  of  the  sover 
eign  pontiff.  Wickliffe  and  Cranmer,  with  their  compeers  in 
godliness,  had  given  a  clear  voice  and  majestic  elevation  to 
the  pulpit,  and  claimed  high  and  holy  rights  for  worship  and 
the  press.  The  laws  of  England,  and  especially  the  Bible 
and  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  had  given  to  the  nation,  as 
such,  a  God,  a  revelation  of  immortality  and  of  redemption 
by  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  grand  idea  of  intercourse  with 
heaven.  How  important  this  adjustment  to  the  purposes 
of  a  new  civilization  in  the  Western  hemisphere ! 


NEITHER    CLEAR    NOR    DARK. 

Grant  that  the  standard  of  vital  godliness  was  low ;  that, 
with  the  multitudes,  religion  was  matter  of  form ;  and  that 
the  English  aristocracy,  generally,  were  grievous  sinners: 
still  there  were  many  notable  exceptions ;  and  a  sense  of 
God  and  eternity  pervaded  the  nation,  and  went  everywhere 
with  British  colonists. 

With  respect  to  the  inner  life,  the  doctrines  of  liberty,  and 
the  personal  rights  and  responsibilities  of  men,  it  must  be 
confessed,  truth  and  error  were  strangely  commingled.  The 
high  assumptions  of  prelacy  and  of  monarchy  were  anti- 
Christian  ;  and  there  were  interpretations  of  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles  which  seemed  to  interfere  with  the  freedom  of  the 
will.  But  the  will  would  assert  its  own  freedom,  and,  in 
America,  go  on  with  the  grand  problem  of  human  rights 
with  a  manly  independence  of  thought  and  expression  here 
tofore  but  little  known  in  the  Old  World.  While,  therefore, 
we  may  not  expect  to  find  a  perfect  theology  nor  a  true 
system  of  government  fully  matured  and  strongly  developed 
in  the  infancy  of  these  colonies,  we  shall  find  the  germs  of 


RELIGION  AND   CIVIL  LIBERTY  IN  VIRGINIA.  49 

true  religion  and  civil  liberty  everywhere,  fresh  and  vigorous 
with  a  new  life. 

"  The  advancement  of  the  divine  glory,  by  bringing  the 
Indians  and  savages  resident  in  those  parts  to  human  civil 
ity  and  quiet  government,  was  alleged  as  the  principal  mo 
tive  of  James's  grant."  The  conversion  of  the  Indians  was 
inserted  in  the  charters  and  fundamental  laws  of  all  the 
great  pioneer  colonies  as  a  prime  object  of  their  grand  un 
dertakings.  When,  therefore,  in  1585,  the  English  sought 
to  conciliate  and  improve  the  natives,  they  depended  largely 
upon  the  book  of  inspiration.  "  In  every  town  which  Hariot 
entered  he  displayed  the  Bible,  and  explained  its  truths. 
When,  in  1619,  measures  were  adopted  'towards  the  erect 
ing  of  a  university  and  college,'  it  was  also  enacted,  that, '  of 
the  children  of  the  Indians,  the  most  towardly  boys  in  wit, 
and  graces  of  nature,  should  be  brought  up  in  the  first  ele 
ments  of  literature,  and  sent  from  the  college  to  the  work 
of  conversion '  of  the  natives  to  the  Christian  religion." 

True,  there  was  much  that  was  strangely  inconsistent  with 
this  lofty  missionary  purpose ;  but  the  felt  obligation  was 
acknowledged,  and  this  acknowledgment  was  in  evidence  of 
the  pervading  religious  convictions  of  the  parent  country. 

The  patent  of  Raleigh  was  made  to  conform  strictly  to  the 
Christian  faith,  according  to  the  Church  of  England.  The 
virtuous  Lord  Delaware  would  not  assume  the  duties  of 
his  high  office  in  Virginia  without  a  sermon  from  his  chap 
lain,  and  the  most  solemn  public  recognition  of  Providence ; 
and  this  was  in  harmony  with  public  feeling  in  England. 

Virginia  must  be  taught  the  wrong  of  profligacy  and 
crime ;  and  God  denied  her  the  longer  presence  and  high 
administrative  abilities  of  the  noble  and  gallant  Smith.  The 
colonists,  four  hundred  and  ninety  at  the  time  of  his  de 
parture  for  England,  1609,  were  "in  six  months,  by  indo 
lence,  vice,  and  famine,  reduced  to  sixty ;  and  they  were  so 
feeble  and  dejected,  that,  if  relief  had  been  delayed  but  ten 
days  longer,  they  also  must  have  utterly  perished." 


50  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

PROVIDENCE   AND    PROGRESS. 

Jamestown  seemed  about  to  be  deserted.  These  miserable 
people  embarked  for  England ;  but,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  they  met  Lord  Delaware  with  additional  colonists  and 
abundant  supplies.  "  The  fugitives,"  says  Bancroft,  our  great 
national  historian,  "  bore  up  the  helm,  and,  favored  by  the 
wind,  were  that  night  once  more  at  the  fort  in  Jamestown." 
And  now  mark.  "It  was  on  the  tenth  day  of  June,  1610, 
that  the  restoration  of  the  colony  was  solemnly  begun  by 
supplications  to  God.  A  deep  sense  of  the  infinite  mercies 
of  his  providence  overawed  the  colonists  who  had  been 
spared  by  famine;  the  emigrants  who  had  been  shipwrecked, 
and  yet  preserved ;  and  the  new-comers,  who  found  wretch 
edness  and  want  where  they  had  expected  the  contentment 
of  abundance.  The  firmness  of  their  resolution  repelled  de 
spair.  '  It  is,'  said  they, '  the  arm  of  the  Lord  of  hosts,  who 
would  have  his  people  pass  the  Eed  Sea  and  the  wilder 
ness,  and  then  possess  the  land  of  Canaan.'  Dangers  avoided 
inspire  trust  in  Providence.  '  Doubt  not/  said  the  emigrants 
to  the  people  of  England,  6  God  will  raise  our  state,  and 
build  his  church  in  this  excellent  clime.' "  At  the  beginning 
of  the  day,  they  assembled  in  the  little  church,  which  was 
kept  neatly  trimmed  with  the  wild  flowers  of  the  country ; 
and,  u  after  solemn  exercises  of  religion,  they  returned  to 
their  houses  to  receive  their  allowance  of  food." 

Soon  thereafter  came  the  noble  Gates  with  "  six  ships," 
and  "  three  hundred  immigrants,  a  hundred  kine,  as  well 
as  suitable  provisions,"  and  assumed  the  government.  What 
could  a  people,  trained  under  the  discipline  of  Providence, 
say  better  than  "  God  bless  England,  our  sweet  native  coun 
try  "  ?  what  more  appropriate  than  to  give  this  invocation 
of  affectionate  gratitude  a  prominent  place  in  the  service  for 
morning  and  evening  prayer  ? 

About  this  time  (August,  1611),  "on  the  remote  frontier, 
we  catch  a  glimpse  of  Alexander  Whitaker,  the  self-denying 


RELIGION  AND   CIVIL  LIBERTY  IN  VIRGINIA.  51 

'  Apostle  of  Virginia/  assisting  in  i  bearing  the  name  ojf  God 
to  the  Gentiles.' "  How  striking  the  indication  of  deep  re 
ligious  convictions  and  a  high  providential  mission! 

Glancing  back  for  a  few  years,  we  see  the  hand  of  God  in 
the  rush  of  tender  sympathy  which  brought  the  young  and 
beautiful  Pocahontas  to  the  rescue  of  Capt.  John  Smith, 
the  true  founder  of  Virginia.  We  behold  the  war-club  of  the 
stern  Powhattan  suspended  over  her  fragile  form  as  she  pro 
tects  the  great  white  brave  from  instant  death.  Soon  again 
we  see  this  youthful  Indian  princess  threading  her  way 
through  the  dark  forests  to  save  Jamestown  from  its  im 
pending  doom;  and  we  say,  Surely  she  was  God's  chosen 
instrument  for  the  purposes  of  his  own  gracious  providence. 

Now  we  see  "John  Rolfe,  an  honest  and  discreet  young 
Englishman,  moved,  as  he  thinks,  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  to  labor 
for  the  conversion  of  the  unregenerated  maiden."  —  "And 
soon,  in  the  little  church  of  Jamestown,  —  which  rested  on 
rough  pine  columns  fresh  from  the  forest,  and  was  in  a  style 
of  rugged  architecture  as  wild,  if  not  as  frail,  as  an  Indian's 
wigwam, —  she  stood  before  the  font,  that  out  of  the  trunk 
of  a  tree  had  been  hewn  hollow  like  a  canoe, '  openly  re 
nounced  her  country's  idolatry,  professed  the  faith  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  was  baptized.'"  Soon  she  is  the  bride  of  the 
zealous  Rolfe ;  a  beautiful  princess,  "  the  first  Christian  ever 
of  her  nation."  Thus  did  God  reveal  the  real  humanity  of 
the  aboriginal  American  tribes,  their  capabilities  of  cultiva 
tion  and  religion,  and  the  mission  of  Christianity  in  winning 
their  confidence.  Thus  did  he  rebukte  the  murderous  injus 
tice  of  converting  them  into  enemies,  slaughtering  them  on 
their  own  hunting-grounds,  and  selling  them  as  bondsmen  to 
unprincipled  tyrants.  Thus  did  he  teach  the  world  that  a 
purpose  higher  than  the  gratification  of  wicked  avarice  and 
mad  ambition  had  controlled  him  in  founding  a  new  empire. 
Men  were  free  and  responsible.  They  could,  for  a  time, 
resist  the  plans  of  Divine  Benevolence ;  but  grave  lessons 
of  wisdom  arose  from  the  progress  of  providential  plans. 


52  THE   GEE  AT   REPUBLIC. 

Wisdom  is  the  legitimate  result  of  discipline  in  the  hands 
of  God,  however  stern  it  may  be. 

RELIGION   THE   LIFE-FORCE  AND    ORGANIZING   POWER    OF   LIBERTY. 

Let  us  now  pause  to  consider  that  religion  is  an  active 
principle,  a  powerful  divine  life,  in  the  souls  of  men.  One 
of  its  first  experimental  effects  is  to  impress  the  individual 
with  a  strong  sense  of  responsibility,  with  a  conviction  of 
duty  which  no  other  person  can  discharge.  It  rouses  and 
releases  the  conscience ;  and,  upon  the  exercise  of  true  faith 
in  the  Eedeemer,  it  imparts  liberty  from  the  bondage  of 
sin.  The  great  preacher  demonstrates  the  divinity  and 
verity  of  his  mission  by  thus  proclaiming  "  liberty  to  the 
captive." 

The  world  is  long  in  coming  to  the  comprehension  of  the 
nature  and  scope  of  experimental  religious  freedom.  Slowly, 
however,  the  great  truth  is  reaching  the  general  intelligence, 
that  spiritual  deliverance  from  the  bondage  of  sin  is  the 
clear  announcement  of  God's  will  that  there  should  be  no 
oppression  in  any  part  of  the  world  ;  that  attempts  to  fetter 
the  souls  and  deny  the  just  rights  of  men  are  offensive  to 
him ;  and  that  each  new  man  in  Christ  Jesus  is  invested  with 
prerogatives  of  liberty  which  make  him  superior  to  oppres 
sion  and  torture  and  death. 

It  is  impossible  that  this  should  be  a  dormant  power.  It 
is  in  itself  a  high  inward  sense  of  justice.  It  does  not,  in 
deed,  prompt  to  rebellion  even  against  usurpation  and  un 
righteous  laws.  It  is  the  profoundest  submission  to  the  great 
rule  of  right,  and  results  in  due  consideration  for  the  laws 
of  public  order  represented  by  "  the  powers  that  be."  But 
injustice  is  seen  to  be  against  God ;  and  the  true  mind,  regen 
erate,  learns  at  length  that  the  rights  of  man  and  the  rights 
of  God  are  inseparably  connected.  The  assertion  and  vin 
dication  of  these  rights  must  be  contingent  with  respect  to 
time  and  circumstances,  and  must  especially  depend  upon 


RELIGION  AND   CIVIL  LIBEETY  IN  VIRGINIA.  53 

the  progress  of  thought  and  the  providential  indications  of 
the  age.  But  they  are  felt  in  a  new  form,  and  commence  a 
life  of  new  vigor,  from  the  moment  of  regeneration.  They 
may  be  suppressed  by  cruel  power,  or  restrained  from  motives 
of  high  discretion ;  but  they  have  a  voice,  and  the  ears  of 
souls  will  not  fail  to  hear  it.  The  quiet  acts  and  utterances 
of  truth  and  right  and  holy  laws,  the  meekness  of  suffering 
without  yielding  to  wrong,  and  especially  the  sublime  com 
posure  and  triumph  of  martyrdom  for  the  right  to  worship, 
teach  the  profoundest  lessons  of  liberty.  It  is  thus  that  the 
influence  of  true  Christianity,  silently  it  may  be,  but  power 
fully,  extends  the  spirit  and  the  area  of  freedom ;  and  thus 
that  we  are  to  explain  the  slow  but  certain  progress  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty  together  in  England,  and  upon  a  larger 
scale  in  America. 

We  must  also  recognize  the  blending  of  true  religious 
principles  and  power  with  all  other  civilizing  forces,  in  pro 
ducing  that  subtle  and  pervading  sense  of  right  which  all 
men  feel,  and  are  sure  in  some  form  or  other,  sooner  or  later, 
to  manifest.  This  is,  in  part,  the  religion  of  creation,  and  the 
direct  work  of  the  great  Creator.  Man  emerges  from  bar 
barism  under  its  living  power.  This  is  the  source  and  reason 
of  the  uprisings  of  individuals  and  masses  in  forms  of  even 
savage  resentment  for  wrongs  which  have  been  felt  but  un 
defined  in  the  ages  gone  by,  and  have  produced  contortions 
as  of  a  man  in  his  sleep  scorched  with  fire,  who  springs  up 
at  the  moment  of  consciousness,  and  rushes  he  knows  not 
how  nor  where. 

Long  thinking  and  enduring  ultimately  give  form  to  this 
pervading  invisible  life-force  of  the  nations.  Revealed  re 
ligion  comes  in  to  eliminate  its  vices,  purify  its  feelings,  exalt 
its  motives,  and  direct  its  energy.  Divine  communications 
from  heaven  give  it  moderation,  wisdom,  and  irresistible  pow 
er  ;  and  thus  the  unity  of  the  great  moral  forces  which  are 
struggling  for  the  emancipation  of  the  race  is  found  in  God. 
The  incarnate  Son  is  revealed  as  the  great  Liberator  of 


54  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

inthralled  humanity ;  and  the  cross,  wrested  from  the  bloody 
hand  of  spiritual  despotism,  is  held  aloft  as  the  truest,  no 
blest  emblem  of  freedom  to  the  race. 

All  this  has  its  unequivocal  expression  in  the  gradual  de 
velopment  of  American  liberty.  If  faithful  history  has  made 
one  thing  clearer  than  another,  it  is  that  Christianity  can 
never  retain  its  purity  or  its  vital  power,  when,  as  in  the  hands 
of  Rome,  it  is  forced  into  the  service  of  oppression  and  per 
secution.  From  a  captivity  and  perversion  so  violent  and 
vile  it  must  be  rescued  before  it  is  or  can  be  the  Christian 
religion  again.  And,  as  a  part  of  the  same  clear  historic 
revelation,  we  have  come  to  understand  that  no  attempt  at 
the  establishment  of  a  sound  and  durable  free  government 
can  be  successful  in  the  assertion  of  atheism,  in  the  rejection 
of  the  Holy  Bible,  or  "trampling  under  foot  the  Son  of  God." 

Whoever,  therefore,  should  attempt  to  account  for  the 
growth  of  liberty  in  England,  and  its  final  vindication  and 
triumph  in  America,  without  recognizing  the  vital  organizing 
power  of  Christianity,  would  inevitably  fail.  As  well  explain 
and  demonstrate  the  circulating  system  of  the  human  body 
without  the  blood,  or  the  perfecting  of  grain  or  fruits  with 
out  the  vitalizing  forces  of  atmospheric  air. 

It  is  therefore  to  identify  the  life-power  of  this  great  sys 
tem  of  freedom  that  we  have  brought  forward  the  small  and 
larger  manifestations  of  true  religion  in  the  British  nation, 
and  the  earlier  history  of  her  first  great  colony  in  the  New 
World.  It  was  necessary  first  to  recognize  the  presence  of 
this  holy  principle,  and  mournfully  to  acknowledge  its  un 
natural  alliance  with  the  spirit  of  oppression ;  and  we  must 
wait  yet  longer  for  a  full  manifestation  of  the  liberating 
power  of  Christianity,  a  truer  development  of  the  great 
spirit  of  the  Reformation.  In  this  place  it  has  been  our  pur 
pose  to  present  faithfully  those  indications  of  the  influence 
of  this  supernatural  power  which  really  existed,  and  could 
alone  account  for  such  progress  as  had  already  been  made  in 
that  portion  of  our  territory  destined  for  ages  to  be  the 


KELIGION  AND  CIVIL  LIBEETY  IN  VIRGINIA.  55 

battle-ground  of  the  great  antagonist  forces  of  freedom  and 
despotism. 

LIBERTY  ASSERTS   HER   RIGHTS,   AND   ADVANCES. 

As  early  as  the  days  of  Edward,  in  1547,  "the  ascendency 
of  Protestantism  marked  the  era  when  England  began  to 
foreshadow  her  maritime  superiority."  Under  the  fearless 
Elizabeth,  the  same  uprising  of  true  Christianity  "  quickened 
the  spirit  of  nationality,  and  gave  a  new  impulse  to  the  peo 
ple."  This  impulse  was  never  lost.  It  stirred  the  hearts  of 
noble  pioneers,  and  gave  vigor  to  emigrants.  It  struggled 
with  monarch  and  corporation  until  it  extorted  reluctant 
but  most  valuable  concessions.  Protestantism  colonized  and 
ultimately  moulded  Virginia.  Let  us  step  forward  to  the 
month  of  April,  1619. 

Sir  George  Yeardly  arrived,  and  took  charge  of  the  colony, 
with  "  commissions  and  instructions  from  the  company  for 
the  better  establishing  of  a  commonwealth."  He  announced 
"  that  those  cruell  lawes  by  which  the  ancient  planters  had  soe 
long  been  governed  were  now  abrogated,  and  that  they  were 
to  be  governed  by  those  free  lawes  which  his  majesties  sub 
jects  lived  under  in  England;"  and,  in  order  "that  the  planters 
might  have  a  hande  in  the  governing  of  themselves,  yt  was 
granted  that  a  generall  assemblie  shoulde  be  helde  yearly 
once,  whereat  were  to  be  present  the  governor  and  counsell, 
with  two  burgesses  from  each  plantation,  freely  to  be  elected 
by  the  inhabitants  thereof;  this  assemblie  to  have  power  to 
make  and  ordaine  whatsoever  lawes  and  orders  should  by 
them  be  thought  good  and  profitable  for  their  subsistance." 

Sir  George,  therefore,  "sente  his  summons  all  over  the 
country,  as  well  to  invite  those  of  the  counsell  of  estate  that 
were  absente,  as  also  for  the  election  of  burgesses ; "  and 
on  Friday,  the  thirtieth  day  of  July,  1619,  a  day  memorable 
in  American  colonial  history,  this  grand  free  legislative  assem 
bly  met  in  James  City,  and  God  was  solemnly  recognized 
by  prayer. 


56  THE    GEE  AT   REPUBLIC. 

Their  "  great  charter  "  sent  over  by  Sir  George  Yeardly, 
these  keen-eyed,  heroic  freemen  would  not  attempt  "  to  cor 
rect  or  control ; "  but  they  would  cautiously  provide  for  re 
dress  "  in  case  they  should  find  aught  not  perfectly  squaring 
with  the  state  of  the  colony."  Brave,  noble  men !  How 
bright  these  luminaries  of  freedom  shine  through  the  dim 
haze  of  two  and  a  half  centuries ! 

"  When  the  question  was  taken  on  accepting  '  the  great 
charter/  we  are  not  surprised  to  find  that '  it  had  the  general 
assent  and  the  applause  of  the  whole  assembly,'  and,  let 
it  be  observed, '  with  thanks  for  it  to  Almighty  God,  and  to 
those  from  whom  it  had  issued  in  the  name  of  the  burgesses, 
and  the  whole  colony  whom  they  represented,  the  more  so 
as  they  were  promised  the  power  to  allow  or  disallow  the 
orders  of  the  court  of  the  London  company."  * 

This  was  a  little  alarming  to  royal  despotism.  The  office 
of  treasurer  was  vacant.  There  might  be  necessity  for  as 
certaining  whether  this  disloyal  freedom  had  not  gone  too 
far,  even  in  the  London  Company ;  and  the  king  determined 
to  settle  the  question  by  sending  in  four  nominees  for  treas 
urer.  Astonishing!  They  are  all  rejected;  and  "the  Earl 
of  Southampton,  the  early  friend  of  Shakspeare,  was  electr 
ed  "  !  "  Having  thus  vindicated  their  own  rights,  the  com 
pany  proceeded  to  redress  former  wrongs,  and  to  provide 
colonial  liberty  with  its  written  guaranties."  Praise  God ! 

Another  test  must  come  up  from  the  colony.  Argall  had 
pronounced  sentence  of  death.  The  case  went  home  on 
appeal.  The  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  other  powerful  friends 
of  Argall,  took  this  occasion  to  instruct  these  presuming 
American  Englishmen  "  that  trial  by  martial  law  is  the  no 
blest  kind  of  trial,  because  soldiers  and  men  of  the  sword 
were  the  judges;"  but  "this  opinion  was  reversed,  and  the 
rights  of  the  colonists  to  trial  by  jury  sustained."  How 
grand  the  triumph ! 

Two  years  later,  —  namely,  on  the  24th  of  July,  1621,  — 

*  Bancroft,  i.  154-156. 


KELIGION  AND   CIVIL  LIBERTY   IN  VIRGINIA.  57 

the  colony  received  from  the  London  Company,  by  the  hands 
of  Sir  Francis  Wyatt,  "  a  written  constitution.  The  pre 
scribed  form  of  government  was  analogous  to  the  English 
Constitution ;  and  was,  with  some  modifications,  the  model 
of  the  systems  which  were  afterwards  introduced  into  the 
various  royal  provinces.  Its  purpose  was  declared  to  be, 
6  the  greatest  comfort  and  benefit  to  the  people,  and  the  pre 
vention  of  injustice,  grievances,  and  oppression.'  "  *  By  this 
important  historical  document,  "the  system  of  representative 
government,  and  trial  by  jury,  became  in  the  new  hemisphere 
an  acknowledged  right;"  and,  on  this  ordinance,  Virginia 
erected  the  superstructure  of  her  liberties.  Thus  Freedom 
asserts  her  rights,  and  advances. 

*  Bancroft,  i.  158. 


CHAPTER   VI. 
THE    SOUTHERN    GROUP    COMPLETED. 

WE  have  found  in  Virginia  the  true  character  of  that 
great  conflict  between  freedom  and  oppression  which  char 
acterized  the  preparatory  period  of  American  history.  In 
this  leading  colony  we  have,  therefore,  sought  our  principal 
materials  for  illustrating  this  struggle  as  it  went  on  in  the 
southern  portion  of  the  first  "United  States." 

We  have  seen  the  gradual  development  of  the  plans  of 
Providence  in  that  splendid  country,  and  especially  the  evi 
dent  purpose  to  bring  the  true  and  the  false,  the  good  and 
the  bad,  in  the  forms  of  civil  government,  together,  that  they 
might  try  their  strength,  and  exhibit  their  respective  attrac 
tions  and  repulsions  in  marked  contrast. 

We  have  found  how  anxiously  vicious  principles  and  op 
pressive  institutions  sought  the  alliance  and  support  of  reli 
gion,  and  in  what  forms  of  misinterpretation  and  misdirection 
it  is  possible  for  Christianity  to  be  combined  with  the  most 
flagrant  injustice;  and,  again,  how  promptly  and  vigorously 
all  its  pure  principles  and  living  energies  move  to  the  sup 
port  of  true  liberty ;  nay,  rather,  how  inevitably  Christianity 
appears  as  the  only  soul  and  vitalizing  force  of  liberty. 

We  are  now  to  see  these  facts  and  developments  upon  a 
more  extended  scale.  We  must,  therefore,  look  into  the 
groupings  around  this  pioneer  colony,  and  see  what  addi 
tional  evidence  they  afford  of  God  in  America,  —  planting 
colonies,  placing  and  training  men,  forming  institutions,  and 
controlling  antagonisms,  for  the  ultimate  formation  of  the 
Great  Republic  of  Liberty. 


THE  SOUTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.  59 


MARYLAND. 


William  Clayborne,  first  a  surveyor  for  the  London  Com 
pany,  then  member  of  the  Council,  and  then  Secretary  of 
State,  was  the  pioneer  of  Maryland.  Virginia  held  in  proud 
esteem  the  fine  harbors  on  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  with  the 
navigable  waters  flowing  into  it,  and  intended  to  make  this 
portion  of  the  coast  the  scene  of  an  active  and  lucrative 
commerce;  and  Clayborne  had  commenced  the  settlement 
of  the  country,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna,  in  the 
interests  of  Virginia. 

But  Sir  George  Calvert,  a  true  nobleman,  who  was  intro 
duced  to  public  life  by  the  distinguished  Sir  Robert  Cecil, 
had  become  deeply  interested  in  American  colonization.  He 
was  a  Catholic,  and  evidently  entertained  the  idea  of  found 
ing  somewhere  on  the  Western  continent  a  State  in  which 
his  church  could  enjoy  at  least  the  benefits  of  free  tolera 
tion.  The  first  attempt  was  made  in  Newfoundland:  but 
the  French  were  annoying,  the  clime  was  inhospitable ;  and, 
notwithstanding  the  immense  sums  of  money  lavished  upon 
the  undertaking,  it  was  a  notable  failure. 

Why  should  they  not  go  to  Virginia  ?  There  was  ample 
territory,  and  a  most  genial  climate.  But  Virginia  was  Prot 
estant.  *  Her  great  pioneers  had  some  knowledge  of  the 
grasping,  oppressive  power  of  Rome ;  and  they  intended  to 
exclude  her  intolerance  by  an  intolerance  of  their  own 
scarcely  less  censurable.  However,  Lord  Baltimore  would 
go  to  Virginia,  and  see  for  himself.  But  he  must  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance;  and  that  was  stringently  anti-Catholic. 
He  refuses,  and  understands  that  there  is  no  reasonable 
prospect  of  forming  a  Roman-Catholic  colony  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  Protestant  Virginia. 

Fortunately  for  him,  James  had  dissolved  the  London 
Company,  and  cancelled  the  Virginia  patents,  resuming  the 
asserted  rights  of  the  crown  over  the  soil.  He  had  a  warm 
side  toward  the  Catholics,  and  it  was  not  difficult  to  per- 


60  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

suade  the  monarch  to  grant  a  State  to  Lord  Baltimore  and 
his  heirs  out  of  the  territory  claimed  by  Virginia;  and  he 
saw  proper  to  select  her  most  important  and  valuable  sea- 
coast.  The  charter  was  issued,  the  boundaries  were  fixed ; 
and  in  honor  of  Henrietta  Maria,  daughter  of  Henry  IV., 
and  wife  of  Charles  I.,  the  province  was  named  Maryland. 

These  facts  are  important  to  our  historical  discussion. 
Catholic  Maryland  is  claimed  as  the  first  province  of  Ameri 
ca  affording  free  toleration  to  religion.  By  remarkable  dis 
criminations  in  its  favor,  extraordinary  concessions  of  liberty 
were  made  to  it  by  the  crown. 

The  second  Lord  Baltimore,  to  whom  this  patent  was 
given,  was  evidently  a  man  of  enlarged  and  liberal  views, 
beyond  the  restricting  precedents  and  principles  of  the 
bigoted  sect  to  which  he  belonged.  He  seems  to  have  con 
ceived  ideas  of  liberty  in  advance  of  his  times.  There  is  little 
room  to  doubt,  that,  from  an  English  stand-point,  he  had  fully 
taken  in  the  fact  that  Roman  intolerance  could  be  made  the 
precedent  and  apology  for  discrimination  against  the  Catho 
lics  ;  and  that,  under  certain  circumstances,  the  question 
would  be,  not  so  much  which  is  rig;ht,  as  which  is  strongest. 

7  O         '  O 

Relying,  doubtless,  upon  the  moral  power  of  Rome  finally 
to  triumph  over  and  utterly  exterminate  all  heretical  gov 
ernments,  he  took  the  liberty  of  practically  but  quietly  dis 
senting  from  the  settled  traditional  policy  of  the  sovereign 
pontiff,  and  determined  that  religion  should  be  free  in  Mary 
land.  We  must  assume,  either  that  Lord  Baltimore  was  pro 
foundly  versed  in  the  art  of  dissimulation  so  fundamental 
to  Romanism,  or  that  he  was  better  than  his  church.  The 
great  providential  fact,  however,  is,  that  the  toleration  of  a 
most  artful  and  damaging  perversion  of  religion  carries  with 
it  full  freedom  for  true  Christianity,  and  opens  the  way  for 
that  unrestrained  competition  of  the  right  with  the  wrong 
which  Rome  of  her  own  accord  never  dares  to  invite, 
and  which  is  sure,  finally,  to  result  in  the  triumph  of  the 
right.  The  danger  of  free  religious  toleration  in  Maryland, 


THE  SOUTHERN  GEOUP   COMPLETED.  61 

including  Romanism  as  the  dominant  church,  was,  therefore, 
only  apparent.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  a  necessity  of  Amer 
ican  liberty,  and  the  glory  of  the  seventeenth  century.  It 
was  enough  that  God  would  see  that  the  unscrupulous 
power  of  the 'Roman  hierarchy  should  never  be  able  to  re 
verse  the  decisions  of  her  virtuous  son,  and  assert  her  claims 
to  the  right  of  proscription  and  persecution  against  the  true 
religion  of  Christ,  destined  to  prevail  mightily  in  this  origi 
nal  Catholic  province. 

It  looks  like  a  mere  accidental  exception  in  the  life  of  a 
capricious  monarch,  it  may  have  been  favoritism  in  return 
for  the  boldness  with  which  Rome  acknowledged  the  right 
of  James  to  the  crown  of  England,  it  certainly  was  a  high 
Providence,  that  this  colony  received  concessions  of  freedom, 
wholly  exceptional  in  the  history  of  American  colonization. 
"  The  charter,  which  in  April,  1623,  had  passed  the  great 
seal  for  '  Avalon,'  secured  to  the  emigrants  themselves  an 
independent  share  in  the  legislation  of  the  province,  of 
which  the  statutes  were  to  be  established  with  the  advice 
and  approbation  of  the  majority  of  the  freemen  or  their 
deputies.  Representative  government  was  indissolubly  con 
nected  with  the  fundamental  charter ;  and  it  was  especially 
provided  that  the  authority  of  the  absolute  proprietary 
should  not  extend  to  the  life,  freehold,  or  estate  of  any  emi 
grant.  So  far  was  the  English  monarch  from  reserving  any 
right  of  superintendence  in  the  colony,  that  he  left  himself 
without  the  power  to  take  cognizance  of  what  transpired  ; 
and,  by  an  express  stipulation,  covenanted  that  neither  he, 
nor  his  heirs,  nor  his  successors,  should  ever,  at  any  time 
thereafter,  set  any  imposition,  custom,  or  tax  whatsoever 
upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  province."  *  Thus,  through  the 
high  statesmanship  of  Sir  George  Calvert,  under  Providence, 
the  right  of  the  crown  to  tax  this  province  was  renounced 
forever.  It  is  God's  method,  in  the  midst  of  imperfections 
and  deformity,  to  provide  himself  with  types  of  his  exalted 
designs.  Thus  did  he  cause  a  man  of  narrow  mind  and 

*  Bancroft,  i.  242,  243. 


62  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

despotic  pretensions,  and  a  man  of  extraordinary  breadth  of 
view,  subject  to  the  power  of  restricting  bigotry,  to  unite  in 
founding  a  model  State,  —  a  type  of  the  glorious  civil  liberty 
which  in  the  next  century  was  to  become  national  on  this 
continent. 

Ou  Friday,  the  22d  of  November,  1634,  Leonard  Calvert 
(brother  of  Lord  Baltimore)  and  about  two  hundred  people, 
most  of  them  Roman-Catholic  gentlemen  and  their  servants, 
set  sail  for  the  northern  bank  of  the  Potomac ;  and,  on  the 
twenty-seventh  day  of  March  following,  they  fixed  the  loca 
tion  of  their  pioneeer  town  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Mary's, 
"four  leagues  from  its  junction  with  the  Potomac."  Thus 
"religious  liberty,"  says  Bancroft, "  obtained  a  home,  its  only 
home  in  the  wide  world,  at  the  humble  village  which  bore 
the  name  of  St.  Mary's."  Read  the  immortal  words  in  which 
the  birthright  of  Americans  received  its  first  expression: 
"  Whereas  the  enforcing  of  the  conscience  in  matters  of 
religion  hath  frequently  fallen  out  to  be  .of  dangerous  con 
sequence  in  those  commonwealths  where  it  has  been  prac 
tised,  and  for  the  more  quiet  and  peaceable  government  of 
this  province,  and  the  better  to  preserve  mutual  love  and 
amity  among  the  inhabitants,  no  person  within  this  prov 
ince,  professing  to  believe  in  Jesus  Christ,  shall  be  anyways 
troubled,  molested,  or  discountenanced  for  his  or  her  re 
ligion,  or  in  the  free  exercise  thereof." 

True,  there  was  an  apparent  limitation  in  the  phrase  "  pro 
fessing  to  believe  in  Jesus  Christ/'  and  in  the  proviso  that 
"  whatsoever  person  shall  blaspheme  God,  or  shall  deny  or 
reproach  the  Holy  Trinity,  or  any  of  the  three  persons 
thereof,  shall  be  punished  with  death ; "  yet  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  the  great  principle  of  religious  liberty  had  be 
come  a  vital  and  practical  power  in  this  State. 

After  all  the  disorders  of  the  protectorate,  and  notwith 
standing  revolutions  and  counter-revolutions,  in  which,  for 
the  time  being,  liberty  was  sometimes  veiled,  "Maryland, 
like  Virginia,  at  the  epoch  of  the  Restoration  was  in  full 


THE   SOUTHERN  GKOUP   COMPLETED.  53 

possession  of  liberty,  based  upon  the  practical  assertion  of 
the  sovereignty  of  the  people."  : 

How  sadly  must  we  record  the  fact,  in  exact  contrast  with 
all  this,  that  slavery  at  length  forced  itself  into  this  province, 
and  assumed  to  dictate  and  control  it !  This  vile  institution 
was  not  wanted  in  Maryland.  If  in  her  unpretending  days 
it  was  freely  tolerated,  or  even  welcomed,  when  the  negroes 
began  to  be  numerous,  and  the  price  of  their  staples  was,  in 
consequence,  alarmingly  reduced,  and  debts  for  slaves  were 
largely  increased,  Maryland,  as  well  as  Virginia  and  the 
Carolinas,  greatly  desired  and  preferred  white  laborers.  But 
the  English  had  become  a  nation  of  slave-dealers.  Up  to 
1700,  in  twenty  years,  they  "  took  from  Africa  about  three 
hundred  thousand  negroes,  or  about  fifteen  thousand  a  year." 
The  dealers  must  have  a  market;  and  the  nefarious  slave- 
trade,  which  civilization  has  pronounced  "  piracy  upon  the 
high  seas,"  and  which  has  just  expired  from  the  repeated 
death-strokes  of  freedom,  must  fix  its  fetters  on  this  noble 
and  rising  State.  Thus  Maryland  becomes  a  part  of  the 
slaveholding  group  of  the  South,  and  bears  her  crushing 
burden,  in  consequence,  for  some  two  hundred  years. 

This  was  not  her  true  position.  She  was  much  more  nat 
urally  allied  to  the  Middle  and  Eastern  States.  Her  climate 
gave  the  white  laborer  the  advantage,  and  hence  she  had 
more  "  white  servants  "  than  any  other  colony.  She  was  the 
most  southern  of  the  colonies  which  joined  with  the  East 
for  the  defence  of  New  York,  paid  her  quota,  and  helped 
to  form  "an  imperfect  confederacy"  extending  "from  the 
Chesapeake  to  Maine." 

DELAWARE. 

In  the  spring  of  1631,  the  Dutch  "  planted  a  colony  of 
more  than  thirty  souls,"  "just  within  Cape  Henlopen,  on 
Lewes  Creek ; "  and  thus  by  occupancy  secured  to  the  future 

*  Bancroft,  i.  265. 


64  THE   GEE  AT   REPUBLIC. 

State  of  Delaware  the  right  to  exist  as  an  independent  com 
monwealth.  They  built  a  fort,  attached  the  arms  of  Hol 
land  to  a  pillar,  and  named  the  country  Swaanendael.  Godyn, 
Van  Rensselaer,  and  their  associates,  in  company  with  Pieter 
Heyes  (the  commander  of  the  emigrant-ship),  Hosset,  and  De 
Vries,  did  what  they  could  to  make  this  a  Dutch  province  ; 
but  the  colonists  were  murdered  by  Indians  to  avenge  the 
death  of  their  chief,  slain  by  authority  of  Hosset,  the  com 
mander.  Wouter  van  Twiller,  who  superseded  Minuet,  could 
not  achieve  success.  The  English  swarmed  everywhere,  and 
claimed  this  land  as  a  part  of  the  whole.  Dutchmen  could 
live  here,  and  on  the  Connecticut,  and  on  the  Hudson,  where 
the  right  of  discovery  and  settlement  was  undoubtedly  with 
them  ;  but  they  could  erect  no  States  for  Holland.  The  Eng 
lish,  urged  forward  by  religious  zeal,  resolved  to  occupy  the 
ground,  and  devote  it  to  the  rights  of  the  people.  And  there 
was  soon  another  competitor. 

Gustavus  Adolphus,  the  great  king  of  Sweden,  claimed  a 
right  for  his  subjects  in  the  soil  and  traffic  of  America.  He 
would  attempt  colonization  upon  a  vast  scale.  A  grand  com 
mercial  company  was  to  be  formed,  and  all  Europe  invited 
t<±  take  stock ;  but  he  would  not  trouble  the  company  to 
govern  the  colony.  "  Politics,"  he  said, "  lie  beyond  the  pro 
fession  of  merchants." 

One  thing  in  the  views  of  this  enlightened  sovereign  and 
his  company  is  worthy  of  note.  "  Slaves,"  they  said,  "  cost 
a  great  deal,  labor  with  reluctance,  and  soon  perish  from 
hard  usage.  The  Swedish  nation  is  laborious  and  intelli 
gent  ;  and  surely  we  shall  gain  more  by  a  free  people  with 
wives  and  children."  "To  the  Scandinavian  imagination, 
hope  painted  the  New  World  as  a  paradise ; "  the  proposed 
colony  as  a  benefit  to  the  persecuted,  a  security  "  to  the  hon 
or  of  the  wives  and  daughters  "  of  those  whom  bigotry  had 
made  fugitives;  a  blessing  to  the  "common  man,"  to  the 
"  whole  Protestant  world."  It  may  prove  the  advantage, 
said  Gustavus,  of  "  all  oppressed  Christendom." 


THE  SOUTHERN  GROUP   COMPLETED.  65 

But  the  great  question  of  the  rights  of  conscience  must 
be  fought  out  on  the  plains  of  Germany ;  and  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus  led  his  brave  troops  to  the  conflict.  Liberty  of  thought 
and  religion  triumphed  at  Lutzen :  but  the  funds  raised  for 
the  colony  were  ingulfed  in  the  war,  and  the  great  hero 
of  liberty  passed  away,  bequeathing  to  Germany  and  his 
own  loyal  but  bereaved  subjects  the  grand  colonial  enter 
prise  as  "the  jewel  of  his  kingdom."  Oxenstiern,  "  the  wise 
statesman,  one  of  the  great  men  of  all  time,  the  serene 
chancellor,"  who  felt  himself  to  be  the  executive  of  the  will 
of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  "  renewed  the  patent,  and  extended 
its  benefits  to  Germany ; "  saying, "  The  consequences  will  be 
favorable  to  all  Christendom,  to  Europe,  to  the  whole  world." 

It  seemed  a  singular  providence  that  the  "  Key  of  Calmar 
and  the  Griffin,"  bearing  the  emigrants  who  were  to  repre 
sent  the  deceased  Swedish  monarch  and  the  great  Oxen- 
stiern,  should  be  directed  to  the  Bay  of  Delaware ;  and  that 
the  emigrants  should  plant  their  little  colony,  which  was  to 
aid  in  founding  an  American  State,  within  the  disputed  ter 
ritory  of  the  Dutch,  the  Quakers,  and  the  Puritans.  The 
Dutch  would  remonstrate,  but  did  not  then  dare  to  defy 
the  immense  power  of  Sweden ;  the  Quakers  would  finally* 
sell  out,  and  the  Yankees  cluster  elsewhere ;  the  Swedes 
would  stay  for  a  few  years,  and  finally  be  overwhelmed  by 
the  Dutch  ;  the  Dutch,  in  their  turn,  would  be  compelled  to 
submit  to  the  English;  and  finally  the  representatives  of 
European  nations  would  cease  to  be  Swedes  or  Englishmen  or 
Dutch  or  Germans,  but  would  become  Americans,  and  the  dis 
tinguished  Lord  Delaware  would  give  his  name  to  the  State. 

It  is  important  to  our  inquiry  to  identify  the  sources  of 
light,  which,  according  to  the  plans  of  God,  were  to  converge 
upon  the  land  of  the  future  Great  Republic.  I  have,  there 
fore,  given  position  and  consideration  to  the  Scandinavian 
movement,  which,  under  the  guidance  of  great  minds,  colo 
nized  "  New  Sweden."  True,  this  laudable  effort  terminated 
disastrously,  after  a  struggle  of  seventeen  years;  but  the 


66  THE   GREAT  PvEPUBLIC. 

Swedes  brought  with  them  from  the  Protestant  Reformation 
of  Germany  the  grand  ideas  of  liberty  and  the  dignity  of 
labor.  They  rejected  slavery,  not,  to  be  sure,  from  principles 
of  justice  and  humanity,  but  upon  economical  grounds  ;  and 
history  vindicates  their  opinions.  The  Dutch,  who  finally 
triumphed  over  them,  were  not  so  clear  in  their  doctrines  of 
political  economy,  and  were  unscrupulous  with  regard  to  the 
rights  of  the  African  race.  They,  with  the  English,  deeply 
involved  in  the  crime  of  kidnapping  and  selling  "  Guinea  ne 
groes,"  sent  the  curse  of  slavery  into  New  Netherlands,  and 
at  length  fastened  it  upon  the  State  of  Delaware.  Here, 
therefore,  as  well  as  in  Virginia,  the  wrong  of  oppression  cor 
rupted  the  morality  and  retarded  the  civilization  of  the  peo 
ple  ;  and  Delaware  most  unnaturally  took  her  place  in  the 
Southern  group. 

NORTH    CAROLINA. 

Raleigh  failed  to  establish  a  colony  in  North  Carolina; 
but  his  attempts  were  valuable  in  the  history  of  discovery, 
and  form  an  important  link  in  the  chain  which  connects  the 
American  Republic  with  the  best  minds  and  best  impulses 
of  the  Old  World.  His  daring  as  an  adventurer,  his  heroism 
as  a  military  commander,  his  shrewdness  as  a  manager  of 
both  civilized  and  savage  men,  entitle  him  to  a  high  rank 
among  the  great  men  of  his  times.  James  owed  him  a 
debt  of  gratitude  that  he  repaid  by  acts  of  tyranny  which 
will  add  infamy  to  his  name  as  long  as  it  is  remembered. 
Raleigh's  real  crime  was,  failing  to  discover  gold-mines  in 
Guiana.  He  was  out  of  favor;  and,  "against  law  and  against 
equity,"  he  must  be  shut  up  for  long  years  like  a  felon  :  but 
his  elegant  mind  would  devote  these  years  to  ennobling 
literature.  His  ungrateful  sovereign  could,  in  his  old  age, 
order  him  to  execution ;  but  England  and  America  would 
embalm  his  memory  as  a  great  statesman  and  a  splendid 
philanthropist.  Men  perish;  but  ideas  and  impulses  live. 
Raleigh  left  for  his  countrymen  large  information  concern- 


THE   SOUTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.  67 

ing  the  New  World,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  enterprise,  which 
would  ultimately  make  that  world  available  to  the  civiliza 
tion  of  succeeding  ages,  and  the  glory  of  the  nation  to  the 
narrow-minded  bigotry  of  whose  sovereign  he  fell  a  sacrifice. 

It  is  especially  as  a  man  of  liberal  opinions,  imbued  with  a 
high  sense  of  justice,  that  his  relation  to  North  Carolina  and 
the  United  States  is  held  most  sacred.  The  spirit  which 
moved  him  to  resist  the  cruel  orders  against  the  nonconform 
ists,  and  every  form  of  persecution  for  opinion's  sake,  was 
essentially  new  English,  and  thoroughly  American ;  and  the 
influences  which  such  men  awake  never  cease  to  benefit 
the  race.  The  North-Carolinians  perpetuate  his  memory  by 
the  name  of  their  capital ;  and  the  nation,  in  the  noble  insti 
tutions  which  are  true  to  his  most  thorough  convictions. 

But  the  time  for  a  permanent  colony,  and  the  people  to 
found  a  State,  would  come.  In  1663,  Clarendon,  Monk  (Duke 
of  Albemarle),  Lord  Cramm,  Lord  Ashley  Cooper,  the  Earl  of 
Shaftesbury,  Sir  John  Colleton,  Lord  John  Berkeley,  Sir  Wil 
liam  Berkeley,  and  Sir  George  Carteret,  "  were  constituted 
the  proprietors  and  immediate  sovereigns"  of  "the  Province 
of  Carolina."  They  were  old  men,  and  very  avaricious. 
They  were  high-born  royalists,*  and,  so  far  as  possible, 
would  stamp  the  future  States  with  the  impress  of  aristoc 
racy.  They  would  drain  the  country  of  its  resources,  under 
pretence  of  "a  pious  zeal  for  the  propagation  of  the  gospel." 

They  were  to  contend  with  numerous  rivals  for  the  right 
of  domain.  Spain  made  Florida  to  extend  over  this  whole 
coast.  The  everlasting  Puritans  were  hunting  about  there 
for  more  room,  more  traffic,  and  more  liberty ;  and  claimed 
for  themselves  all  "  the  region  round  about."  The  noncon 
formists  of  Virginia,  shrinking  from  the  exactions  of  a  State 
church,  had  fled  to  the  forests,  and,  in  1663,  probably  formed 
the  first  permanent  settlement  on  Albemarle  Sound,  under 
patronage  of  Sir  William  Berkeley,  at  the  same  time  Gov 
ernor  of  Virginia  and  one  of  the  proprietors  of  Carolina. 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  129,  et  seq. 


68  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

He  was,  however,  more  loyal  to  himself  and  to  freedom  than 
to  Virginia ;  "  and,  scorning  the  settlement  from  the  Ancient 
Dominion,  established  a  separate  government  over  men  who 
had  fled  into  the  woods  for  the  enjoyment  of  independence, 
and  who  had  already,  at  least  in  part,  obtained  a  grant  of 
their  lands  from  the  aboriginal  lords  of  the  soil."  William 
Drummond,  a  Scotch  Presbyterian,  became  the  Governor  of 
North  Carolina ;  and  the  people  thought  themselves  happy 
in  being  allowed  to  manage  their  own  affairs.  Their  con 
sciences  were  free,  and  "  the  child  of  ecclesiastical  oppression 
was  swathed  in  independence."  : 

Planters  from  Barbadoes,  seeking  a  place  for  the  exercise 
of  their  own  discretion,  had  found  their  way  to  the  Cape- 
Fear  River;  and,  in  1666,  their  colony  in  "  Clarendon"  num 
bered  eight  hundred.  But  Sir  John  Yearnans,  their  gov 
ernor,  was  ft  the  son  of  a  Cavalier,  a  needy  baronet,  who,  to 
mend  his  fortune,  had  become  a  Barbadoes  planter.  He 
would  impart  no  element  of  freedom  to  the  prospective 
State,  and  "  Clarendon "  must  be  allowed  to  disappear. 

But  the  ideas  of  the  aristocratic  English  Company  en 
larged.  They  asked  and  received  a  new  charter,  which 
gave  them  room  for  an  empire.  Their  jurisdiction  now  ex 
tended  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  over  the  territory 
of  North  and  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Tennessee,  Alabama, 
Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  large  portions  of  Arkansas,  Florida, 
Missouri,  Texas,  and  Mexico.  The  allegiance  of  the  people 
to  the  English  monarch  was  to  be  only  nominal.  The  soil 
and  the  actual  sovereignty  belonged  to  the  company ;  but 
the  freemen  must  consent  to  the  laws.  Religion  was  to  be 
free ;  but  an  aristocratic  nobility  was  to  give  character  to 
the  civil  institutions  of  this  vast  territory. 

Liberty  in  Carolina  was  to  suffer  further  trials.  The  Earl 
of  Shaftesbury  would  become  the  guiding  genius  of  the  new 
government ;  and  he  would  call  to  his  aid  the  great  sensa 
tional  philosopher,  John  Locke,  who  believed  in  the  power  of 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  135. 


THE   SOUTHERN  GKOUP   COMPLETED.  69 

his  own  reason  to  create  political  institutions  from  the  ideal 
forms  of  perfection  floating  in  his  own  mind,  without  regard 
to  the  actual  condition  and  private  necessities  of  a  people  so 
simple,  and  near  to  nature,  as  the  North- Carolinians.  Shaftes- 
bury  and  Locke  were  firmly  opposed  to  arbitrary  power,  but 
fall  of  self-contradictions.  They  desired  liberty,  but  sought  it 
in  control  by  the  nobility.  They  could  not  sympathize  with 
the  simple  feelings  of  the  masses;  proposed  to  give  them 
the  avails  of  freedom  by  governing  them ;  and  utterly  dis 
carded  democracy.  Here,  in  Carolina,  representation  was  to 
exist  in  name ;  but  real  political  power  was  to  be  connected 
with  hereditary  wealth.  Two  orders  of  nobility,  earls  and 
barons,  were  provided  for :  one  fifth  of  the  land  would  be 
long  forever  to  the  proprietaries,  another  fifth  to  the  nobili 
ty,  reserving  three-fifths  only, "for  the  people."  The  culti 
vators  of  the  soil  were  to  be  perpetually  degraded.  "  All 
the  children  of  the  leet-men  shall  be  leet-men,  and  so  to 
all  generations;"  and  "negro  slaves"  were  to  be  in  the 
absolute  power  of  their  masters.  Of  "  the  Grand  Council." 
fifty  in  number,  only  "  fourteen  represented  the  Commons ; " 
and  their  "term  of  office  was  for  life."  And,  finally,  "popular 
enfranchisement  was  made  an  impossibility."  In  entire  oppo 
sition  to  the  first  conceptions  of  freedom  with  which  these 
experimenters  began,  and  against  the  wishes  of  Locke  in 
1669,  executive  and  judicial  power  were  placed  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  people.  In  a  second  draught  of  the  constitu 
tion,  the  Church  of  England  was  established  by  law  over  a 
population  chiefly  of  nonconformists,  who  had  fled  to  this 
wilderness  to  obtain  religious  liberty. 

This  strange  mixture  of  genius  and  folly,  destined  to  be 
alternately  lauded  to  the  skies  and  ridiculed  as  the  product 
of  fevered  brains,  could  become  sovereign  on  paper,  and  in 
royal  decrees ;  but  it  could  never  find  its  subjects.  The  rude 
inhabitants  of  North  Carolina  had  no  use  for  this  consum 
mate  nonsense,  and  would  not  allow  it  to  supersede  their  own 
unpretending  government,  which  sought  simply  the  personal 


70  THE   GEEAT   REPUBLIC. 

convenience  and  social  rights  of  a  self-developing  population. 
Long  after  the  vagaries  of  Locke  and  Shaftesbury  were  con 
signed  to  oblivion,  for  more  than  fifty  years,  these  primitive 
regulations,  "  confirmed  by  the  population  and  re-enacted  in 
1715,"  continued  to  be  the  law  of  North  Carolina. 

Shaftesbury  was  an  infidel ;  and  doubtless,  yielding  to  the 
idea  of  a  State  religion  as  a  political  necessity,  and,  for  the 
time  being,  an  indispensable  part  of  an  aristocratic  govern 
ment,  he  relied  upon  the  future  development  of  the  mate 
rialism  concealed  in  the  sensational  philosophy  of  Locke,  and 
the  philosophical  scepticism  of  the  age,  to  relieve  his  grand 
colony  from  what  he  deemed  the  superstitions  of  religion. 
But  his  infidelity,  with  his  theories  of  government,  must  give 
place  to  the  heart's  devotion  to  God,  and  the  truths  of  di 
vine  revelation.  Even  the  quaint  and  humble  teachings  of 
William  Edmonson  the  Quaker  would  be  joyfully  welcomed 
to  supply  the  long-felt  spiritual  wants  of  the  people  ;  and  the 
land  of  the  dreamy  splendors  of  aristocratic  despotism  and 
philosophic  infidelity  would  become  a  quiet  and  grateful  re 
treat  to  the  eccentric  but  truly  devout  George  Fox,  whose 
honest  searchings  of  heart  had  reduced  him  and  his  followers 
to  the  sternest  simplicity  and  the  most  sublime  self-denial. 
With  characteristic  humility,  he  could  say  he  found  the 
people  "  generally  tender  and  open,"  and  he  had  made  "  a 
little  entrance  for  truth."  More  pretentious  men  would 
have  said  the  people  of  North  Carolina  are  turning  Quakers ; 
while  the  candid  historian  must  say  the  religion  of  the  heart, 
represented  in  the  very  plainest  style,  showed  itself  superior, 
in  adaptation  to  the  wants  of  men,  to  either  the  formalism 
of  a  State  religion  or  the  cool  cruelty  of  infidelity. 

While,  therefore,  we  now  see  distinctly  the  hand  of  God 
in  overruling  the  schemes  of  men  in  the  forming  period  of 
this  State,  we  see  also  the  same  divine  plan  which  we  have 
found  elsewhere.  The  right  and  the  wrong,  the  true  and 
the  false,  must  come  together,  reveal  their  contrasts,  and  pass 
through  their  struggles  upon  the  same  arena.  Liberty  was 


THE  SOUTHERN  GKOUP   COMPLETED.  71 

to  be  the  grand  law  of  Carolina ;  but  it  must  show  its  right 
to  power  and  duration  by  meeting  and  putting  down  the 
tyranny  from  which  it  had  in  vain  attempted  to  flee.  Pure 
religion  must  have  a  home  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  ;  but 
it  must  contend  with  the  wit  and  sarcasm  of  Shaftesbury  and 
the  blind  materialism  of  Locke.  The  State  would  be  slave, 
and  group  itself  with  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Delaware  ; 
but  the  period  of  emancipation,  though  long  delayed,  would 
finally  come.  The  institutions  introduced  by  the  power  of 
wealth  and  ambition,  and  sustained  by  the  most  persistent 
energy,  would  finally  give  place  to  those  of  primitive  sim 
plicity  and  divinely-inspired  truth,  though  the  spirit  of  re 
jected  assumptions  of  authority  and  caste  would  descend 
through  a  thousand  invisible  channels  to  vex  and  distress  the 
poor,  and  betray  the  proud  folly  of  its  deluded  votaries. 

SOUTH    CAROLINA. 

The  boundaries  of  States  within  the  territory  of  the  fu 
ture  Kepublic  could  not  be  determined  in  Europe.  Grasping 
proprietaries  and  dreaming  speculators  could  fix  them  on 
paper,  and  sovereigns  define  them  in  charters  and  edicts, 
conceding  kingdoms  and  empires  to  a  few  men  or  an  individ 
ual  ;  but  God,  the  great  proprietor  of  the  continent,  adjusted 
the  settlements  and  the  distinct  jurisdictions  to  his  own  plans. 
There  was  room  for  another  State  in  Carolina  on  the  sea 
board.  Turbot  said  it  was  the  "  beauty  and  envy  of  North 
America,"  destined  rather,  as  we  painfully  know,  to  become 
"  the  plague-spot  "  on  the  face  of  the  nation. 

The  proprietaries  founded  a  settlement  of  turbulent  men 
in  the  vicinity  of  Beaufort,  in  January,  1670.  They  were 
under  the  superintendence  of  Joseph  West,  and  were  to  be 
governed  in  the  name  of  the  company  by  William  Sayle, 
most  likely  a  Presbyterian.  This  first  location  was  soon 
abandoned. 

The  grand  model  of  a  perfect  government  had  just  been 


72  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

completed  by  Locke  and  Shaftesbury ;  and  South  Carolina  was 
to  be  the  scene  of  its  complete  demonstration.  At  least  the 
idea  of  caste,  of  government  by  hereditary  wealth,  of  a  long 
line  of  illustrious  families,  a  splendid  nobility,  and  the  deg 
radation  of  labor,  must  introduce  itself  early,  must  set  up 
its  pretensions  at  the  very  foundation  of  South  Carolina;  for 
it  was  to  make  its  most  desperate  struggle  here  against  true 
republican  equality.  For  near  two  hundred  years,  it  would 
contend  against  the  most  sacred  rights  of  man ;  but  it  would 
be  promptly  met  by  stubborn  democratic  antagonisms  with 
a  vigor  which  promised  and  finally  obtained  a  triumph. 

The  people  were  furnished  at  once  with  a  copy  of  the 
splendid  Utopian  scheme  which  was  to  make  them  nobles 
and  lords,  and  secure  them  indemnity  from  toil ;  but  the  ma 
jority  could  see  no  use  for  it.  They  were  not  ready.  The 
demands  for  shelter  and  bread  were  too  urgent  then  for  the 
enjoyment  of  paper  rank  and  artificial  dignities.  Repre 
sentative  government  would  commence  at  the  same  time 
that  the  claims  of  aristocratic  government  were  set  up. 
They  were  to  battle  for  centuries,  and  must  face  each  other 
promptly.  Then  there  was  the  "landgrave,"  consisting  of 
John  Locke,  Sir  John  Yeamans,  and  James  Carteret ;  and 
there  were  the  representatives  of  the  people.  The  High 
Church  with  its  partisans  would,  of  course,  be  with  the 
former;  but,  for  the  present,  the  latter  would  show  the  great 
est  strength,  and  govern  in  their  own  simple  way.  But  "  the 
aristocracy  "  would  gain  one  great  point.  Slavery  should  be 
recognized  and  established  from  the  very  beginning.  In  the 
other  States  of  the  Southern  group,  this  vile  institution  was 
thrust  upon  the  people  after  they  began  to  develop  the  re 
sources  of  the  soil,  and  their  own  energies,  in  the  natural 
way  ;  but  South  Carolina  was  slave  from  its  very  foundation 
upward.  This  would  at  least  provide  that  the  planters  should 
be  saved  from  the  servility  of  labor,  and  make  them  "  gen 
tlemen."  It  might  lay  the  foundation  for  an  hereditary  aris 
tocracy,  and,  at  some  future  day,  realize  the  splendid  ideas 


THE   SOUTHERN  GROUP   COMPLETED.  73 

of  the  founders  of  the  colony.  The  climate  favored  the 
plan  of  labor  by  Africans  rather  than  Europeans ;  but  it 
suggested  nothing  with  regard  to  the  destruction  of  their 
original  rights,  and  their  reduction  to  the  position  of  chattels. 

About  1672,  a  few  people  settled  on  Oyster  Point,  which 
gradually  rose  to  the  rank  of  a  town,  and  was  named  for 
Charles,  the  reigning  monarch.  A  century  later,  it  became 
the  growing  commercial  city  of  Charleston,  a  place  of  high 
est  distinction  in  the  trade  and  history  of  the  South. 

Now  South  Carolina  becomes  an  attractive  country  to  the 
adventurers  of  New  England  and  of  New  York ;  and  they 
come  to  its  magnificent  groves,  its  land  of  flowers  and  sunny 
skies,  to  seek  an  easier  home.  But  especially  the  "  impov 
erished  Cavalier  "  and  the  High-Churchman  see  in  this  rising 
colony  strong  inducements  to  emigrate,  to  attempt  to  im 
prove  their  fortunes,  and  build  up  an  aristocratic  government 
and  a  State  religion.  But  writh  them  came,  as  Providence 
willed,  the  intelligent  industrious  dissenters,  fleeing  from 
discomfort  and  proscription  at  home  to  the  wilds  of  Ameri 
ca,  where  they  hoped  to  enjoy  the  sacred  rights  of  con 
science,  and  freedom  of  worship.  This  steady  advance  of 
parallel  columns  in  the  rising  armies  of  Oppression  and  Lib 
erty  cannot  be  an  accident.  It  has  been  too  long  continued, 
and  implies  the  potent  adjustment  of  too  many  contingencies, 
to  admit  of  the  thought  for  a  moment.  It  is  here  precisely 
that  we  see  the  hand  of  God  in  the  special  preparations  for 
the  future  triumphs  of  the  right. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  another  grand  movement  in  the  devel 
opments  of  Providence.  We  have  seen  how  disastrously  the 
attempts  of  French  Protestants,  under  the  great  Coligriy, 
failed  in  Carolina.  In  a  preceding  chapter,  we  mourned  over 
the  bloody  destruction  sent  to  their  settlement  by  Spanish 
cruelty  under  the  domination  of  Rome,  They  were  then 
laboring  for  the  aggrandizement  of  France,  from  whose  per 
secuting  tyranny  they  fled  ;  and  they  could  not  succeed  :  but, 
10 


74  THE   GEEAT  REPUBLIC. 

as  we  saw,  the  Huguenots  would  eventually  find  a  home  in 
the  bosom  of  American  freedom. 

"  John  Calvin,  by  birth  a  Frenchman,  was  to  France  the 
Apostle  of  the  Reformation."  God  gave  him  and  his  fellow- 
laborers  great  success  in  winning  souls  in  that  populous  and 
powerful  kingdom.  The  struggle  which  arose  with  the  Ro 
mish  Church  was  protracted  and  fearful.  Bloody  supersti 
tion  exacted  its  hecatombs  of  victims.  The  wily  Madame 
de  Main  tenon  controlled  the  weak  and  bigoted  Louis  XI Y. 
The  tolerating  Edict  of  Nantes  was  revoked,  and  Justice  bled 
in  her  vales  and  in  her  high  places.  The  humble  peasant 
and  the  noble  prince  fell  together  in  witness  of  the  truth, 
that  Jesus  Christ  had  power  on  earth  to  forgive  sins,  without 
the  presence  of  ghostly  confessor  or  intervening  priest, 
God  was  glorified  in  the  humble  boldness  and  triumphant 
suffering  of  the  martyrs  of  France. 

A  signal  providence  now  appears,  as  in  the  days  of  the 
apostles,  in  the  dispersion  of  the  saints.  The  north  of  Ger 
many,  London,  New  England,  New  York,  and  other  parts, 
received  accessions  of  skill  and  industry  in  the  useful  and 
elegant  arts  from  the  bloody  fields  of  France,  at  the  same 
time  that  the  paradise  above  received  the  souls,  and  the 
catacombs  of  Paris  the  bodies,  of  unnumbered  thousands  "  for 
the  testimony  of  Jesus." 

"But  the  warmer  climate"  of  South  Carolina  "became 
the  chief  resort  of  the  Huguenots."  Finally,  from  their 
baptisms  of  blood,  came  "  the  fugitives  from  Languedoc  on 
the  Mediterranean,  from  Rochelle  and  Saintange  and  Bor 
deaux,  the  provinces  on  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  from  St.  Quentin, 
Poictiers,  and  the  beautiful  Valley  of  Tours,  from  St.  Lo  and 
Dieppe.  Men  who  had  the  virtues  of  the  English  Puritans, 
without  their  bigotry,  came  to  the  land  to  which  the  toler 
ant  benevolence  of  Shaftesbury  had  invited  the  believer  of 
every  creed."  * 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  180,  181. 


THE  SOUTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.  75 

In  Charleston  and  vicinity,  these  noble  people  found  their 
home ;  and  how  grateful  must  have  been  the  return  of  the 
holy  sabbath,  when  parents  and  children  moved  over  the 
waters,  or  through  their  groves  of  palmetto  perfumed  with 
the  odors  of  liberty  and  love,  to  their  quiet  church  in  Charles 
ton,  where,  with  songs  of  gratitude  and  humble  prayers,  they 
remembered  their  sorrows  and  their  deliverance,  and  listened 
to  the  simple  and  exalting  truths  of  the  gospel,  with  "  none  to 
molest  or  make  them  afraid  "  !  "We  must  needs  emerge  from 
the  sea  of  martyrdom  to  understand  their  joy.  Well  said 
Judith,  the  wife  of  Pierre  Manigault, "  God  hath  done  great 
things  for  us  in  enabling  us  to  bear  up  under  so  many  tri 
als  ;  "  and  well  might  the  paeans  of  victory  rise  from  the 
church  of  the  Huguenots  in  Charleston. 

Let  us,  however,  note  that  this  was  God's  gracious  plan  by 
which  South  Carolina  should  receive  some  of  her  best  blood 
and  noblest  citizens  from  sunny  France,  and  a  strong  infusion 
of  liberty  from  the  firm  and  sturdy  Protestantism  of  the 
French  Calvinists.  Other  portions  of  the  United  States 
shared  in  the  benedictions,  which,  under  God,  arose  from  the 
horrors  of  Romish  persecution. 

We  can  now  still  better  understand  how  it  was  that  "  the 
company  of  courtiers"  could  not  succeed  well  in  establish 
ing  their  splendid  forms  of  aristocratic  government ;  and  why 
their  weakness  must  constantly  appear,  and  gradually  yield 
before  the  gathering  power  of  the  people,  whose  ideas  of 
the  rights  and  dignity  of  self-government  rose  with  every 
new  emergency :  for  God  had  sent  enough  of  the  nonconfor 
mists  of  Virginia,  the  dissenters  of  England,  and  the  Hu 
guenots  of  France,  into  South  Carolina,  to  make  the  battle 
for  liberty  heroic,  and  finally  successful. 

In  process  of  time,  however,  the  centre  of  the  Southern 
group  would  remove  from  Virginia  to  South  Carolina,  where 
slavery  was  fundamental,  and  revealed  its  utmost  malig 
nity. 


76  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

GEORGIA. 

Spanish  pride  was  slow  to  surrender  the  rights  of  discov 
ery  claimed  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  The  treaty  which  Eng 
land  had  extorted  was  held  to  be  of  no  binding  force,  and 
the  resumption  of  jurisdiction  over  Carolina  was  only  a 
question  of  time.  But  these  pretensions  were  becoming 
every  year  more  impracticable.  So  far  from  yielding  to 
them,  England  determined  to  crowd  down  still  nearer  to  St. 
Augustine.  In  1717,  it  was  seriously  proposed  "to  plant  a 
new  colony  south  of  Carolina,  in  a  region  that  was  heralded 
as  the  most  delightful  country  of  the  universe."  The  time 
was  at  hand,  but  under  providential  auspices  entirely  differ 
ent  from  the  spirit  of  avarice  which  controlled  the  British 
courtiers. 

From  the  dark  and  loathsome  prisons,  where,  simply  for 
the  crime  of  poverty,  thousands  of  British  subjects  sighed 
and  pined  away  their  precious  lives,  a  wail  of  distress  came 
up,  which  fell  upon  the  ears  of  the  noble  philanthropist, 
James  Oglethorpe ;  and  his  whole  soul  promptly  respond 
ed  to  the  voice  of  agony.  He  went  into  those  cells;  he 
listened  to  the  tales  of  woe ;  he  gazed  upon  the  haggard 
forms  of  wealth's  suffering  victims ;  he  took  up  and  echoed 
their  wail,  until  all  England  shuddered  at  the  cry  for  justice 
which  smote  the  ears  of  lords  and  commons,  of  king  and 
subjects ;  arid  multitudes  came  out  of  their  cells  to  breathe 
again  the  pure  air  of  heaven. 

Oglethorpe  interpreted  Providence  correctly.  There  must 
be  an  advance  step  in  the  humanizing  power  of  government. 
These  poor  sufferers  must  get  away  from  an  administration 
of  law,  which  in  theory,  and  very  largely  in  English  practice, 
made  the  protection  of  property  the  grand  aim  of  govern 
ment,  and  would,  therefore,  imprison  a  man  for  a  trifling 
debt,  or  hang  him  for  petty  theft.  Even  the  savage  wilds 
of  America  might  be  a  grateful  retreat  from  such  merciless 
barbarity.  Oglethorpe  would  found  a  colony;  and  George  II. 


THE   SOUTHERN  GROUP   COMPLETED.  77 

would  grant  a  charter  for  the  use  of  the  famous  country 
"  between  the  Savannah  and  the  Altamaha,  stretching  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific/'  wholly  and  solely  "  in  trust  for 
the  poor."  "Non  sibi,  sed  aliis"  was  the  noble  motto 
upon  the  corporate  seal.  Not  for  themselves,  but  for  others, 
did  Oglethorpe  and  his  friends  undertake  this  grand  enter 
prise. 

This  great  man  could  not  be  induced  to  intrust  to  others 
the  execution  of  a  plan  so  difficult,  requiring  so  much  sacri 
fice,  and  having  such  high  claims  to  the  patronage  of  God. 
In  November,  1732,  with  "about  a  hundred  and  twenty 
emigrants,"  he  embarked  for  the  scene  of  his  future  toil. 
After  a  voyage  of  fifty-seven  days,  he  reached  Charleston  ; 
exchanged  civilities  with  the  South-Carolinians ;  and  in  Jan 
uary,  1733,  located  the  principal  town  where  Savannah  now 
stands.  The  emigrants  soon  arrived  at  their  long-sought 
home;  houses  combining. comfort  with  economy  were  con 
structed  for  the  residence  of  governor  and  -people  alike ; 
and  the  great  prison-philanthropist  had  become  the  founder 
of  a  State  which  was  to  be  "the  place  of  refuge  for  the  dis 
tressed  people  of  Britain  and  the  persecuted  Protestants  of 
Europe." 

The  preparatory  period  of  Georgian  history  is  of  high 
moral  significance,  and  of  grave  importance  in  this  discus 
sion.  The  philanthropy  of  Oglethorpe  was  no  transient 
sentiment.  It  arose  from  a  high  sense  of  man's  responsi 
bility  to  God.  It  was,  therefore,  living,  vigorous,  and  prac 
tical.  It  was  deeply  imbued  with  religious  principle  and 
motives,  and  therefore  was  consistent  in  its  treatment  of 
men  under  all  circumstances. 

No  promptings  of  avarice  or  ambition  dictated  cruelty 
to  the  native  race.  Tomo-chichi,  chief  of  the  Yamacraws, 
made  to  the  governor  a  present  of  "  a  buffalo-skin  painted 
on  the  inside  with  the  head  and  feathers  of  an  eagle,"  and 
beautifully  said,  "The  feathers  of  the  eagle  are  soft,  and 
signify  love ;  the  buffalo-skin  is  warm,  and  is  the  emblem 


78  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

of  protection  ;  therefore  love  and  protect  our  little  fami 
lies,"  —  no  vain  appeal  to  a  heart  so  noble  as  that  of  Ogle- 
thorpe.  His  fame  spread  among  the  natives  of  the  forest 
They  came  from  far  off  and  near  at  his  call  to  hear  words 
of  peace,  and  accept  his  powerful  protection.  "  We  are 
come,"  said  the  chief  of  Coweta,  "  twenty-five  days'  journey 
to  see  you.  I  was  never  willing  to  go  down  to  Charleston, 
lest  I  should  die  on  the  way ;  but  when  I  heard  you  were 
come,  and  that  you  are  good  men,  I  came  down  that  I  might 
hear  good  things." -—"  Call  back,"  said  Oglethorpe,  "your 
kiudred  who  loved  you;  recall  the  Yamassees,  that  they 
may  be  buried  in  peace  among  their  ancestors,  and  may  see 
their  graves  before  they  die."  How  beautiful  the  prompt 
ings  of  true  Christianity!  No  wonder  the  Creeks  and  Chero- 
kees,  and  distant  nations,  numerous  and  powerful,  sought  and 
received  his  kindly  intervention  to  settle  their  tribal  feuds, 
and  protect  them  from  the  cruel  aggressions  of  the  white 
man.  "  The  good  faith  of  Oglethorpe  in  the  offers  of  peace, 
his  noble  mien,  and  sweetness  of  temper,  conciliated  the  con 
fidence  of  the  red  men ;  and  he  in  his  turn  was  pleased  with 
their  simplicity,  and  sought  for  means  to  clear  the  glimmer 
ing  ray  of  their  minds,  to  guide  their  bewildered  reason, 
and  teach  them  to  know  the  God  whom  they  ignorantly 
adored."  * 

Well  may  the  "  persecuted  Protestants  "  come  hither  from 
Salzburg  with  their  "  Bibles,  hymn-books,  catechisms,  and 
books  of  devotion,"  beginning  their  "  pilgrimage  cheerfully 
in  the  name  of  God;"  "after  a  discourse  and  prayer  and 
benediction,"  conversing  as  they  go,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine,  amid  "hymns  and  prayers,  of  justification  and  of 
sanctification,  and  of  standing  fast  in  the  Lord."  How  di 
vinely  upborne  were  they  amid  the  perils  of  a  terrific  storm 
at  sea  as  they  raised  their  voices  in  prayer  and  song  amidst 
the  tempest,  "and  feared  no  evil"!  How  delightful  to  see 
these  "  wayfaring  men  "  met  at  Charleston  by  the  paternal 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  423,  et  seq. 


THE  SOUTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.  79 

Oglethorpe,  and  conducted  to  the  site  of  their  own  town ! 
They  named  it  "  Ebenezer : "  and  here  they  would  sojourn 
only  for  a  time ;  for  their  "  home  was  beyond  the  skies." 

"The  grand  success  of  Oglethorpe  made  the  colony  in 
crease  rapidly  by  volunteer  emigrants.  'His  undertaking 
will  succeed/  said  Johnson,  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina ; 
'  for  he  nobly  devotes  all  his  powers  to  serve  the  poor,  and 
rescue  them  from  their  wretchedness.'  '  He  bears  a  great 
love  to  the  servants  and  children  of  God/  wrote  the  pastor 
of  Ebenezer.  He  has  taken  care  of  us  to  the  utmost  of 
his  ability.  God  has  so  blessed  his  presence  and  his  regu 
lations  in  the  land,  that  others  would  not  accomplish  in  many 
years  what  he  has  brought  about  in  one." : 

"  Taking  with  him  Torno-chichi  and  others  of  the  Creeks," 
he  returned  to  England  in  the  interests  of  his  colony.  Feb.  6, 
1736,  he  came  back  with  three  hundred  emigrants,  among 
whom  was  the  afterwards  distinguished  John  Wesley,  glow 
ing  with  missionary  zeal,  but  as  yet  without  evidence  of  the 
new  life  within.  Charles  Wesley,  thereafter  to  be  one  of  the 
greatest  of  lyric  poets,  was  the  governor's  secretary.  The 
pious  Moravians  were  here,  and  mark  the  presence  of  Chris 
tian  faith  in  this  new  accession  to  the  population  of  Georgia. 
They  landed,  and  ascended  a  rising  ground  not  far  from 
Ty be 6' Island,  "where,"  said  Wesley,  "they  all  knelt,  and  re 
turned  thanks  to  God  for  having  safely  arrived  in  Georgia." 

We  have  proceeded  far  enough  to  find  in  this  province 
the  ample  and  active  presence  of  divine  power,  which  we 
have  identified  thus  far  everywhere  in  the  formation  of 
these  States ;  and  we  should  confidently  expect  to  find  this 
agency  developing  and  organizing  here  the  elements  of  a 
free  government. 

The  laws  were  few,  and  exceedingly  simple.  The  trustees 
governed  the  colony  in  the  absence  of  the  governor.  But 
the  civil  rights  of  the  people  depended  chiefly  upon  the 
humane  influence  of  Oglethorpe  and  his  high  sense  of  jus- 

*  Bancroft,  iii.  425. 


80  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

tice.  When  lie  was  absent,  the  people  mourned,  and  thought 
the  laws  of  the  trustees  too  stringent.  Under  control  of  the 
highest  motives,  and  hoping  to  prevent  a  monopoly  of  lands, 
they  had  unwisely  ordained  that  the  right  of  soil  should 
descend  only  to  males.  Far  in  advance  of  their  times,  they 
enacted  a  stringent  prohibitory  liquor-law,  which,  high  as  it 
was  in  its  just  morality,  could  not  be  enforced.  They  also 
took  a  firm  stand  against  slavery,  which  secures  them  an 
elevated  place  in  history,  and  speaks  decisively  for  the  effec 
tive  power  of  Christianity  in  the  judgments  and  life  of  Ogle- 
thorpe.  "  No  settlement  was  ever  before  established  on  so 
humane  a  plan."  In  London,  in  1734,  it  could  be  truthfully 
said  in  praise  of  Georgia,  "Slavery,  the  misfortune,  if  not 
the  dishonor,  of  other  plantations,  is  absolutely  proscribed. 
Let  avarice  defend  it  as  it  will,  there  is  an  honest  reluctance 
in  humanity  against  buying  and  selling,  and  regarding  those 
of  our  own  species  as  our  wealth  and  possessions."  "  The 
name  of  slavery  is  here  unheard,  and  every  inhabitant  is 
free  from  unchosen  masters  and  oppression."  "Slavery," 
said  Oglethorpe,  "  is  against  the  gospel  as  well  as  the  funda 
mental  law  of  England.  We  refused,  as  trustees,  to  make 
a  law  permitting  such  a  horrid  crime."  Brave  words  of  a 
noble  man  !  Happy  had  it  been  for  the  great  State  of 
Georgia  if  they  had  been  heeded.  But  we  must  take  mourn 
ful  note  of  the  fact  that  the  influence  of  those  who  were 
termed  "  the  better  sort  of  people  in  Savannah  "  finally  pre 
vailed  ;  and  against  her  own  principles,  against  the  high- 
souled  will  of  her  noble  founder,  against  the  gospel  as  well 
as  the  fundamental  law  of  England,  this  "  horrid  crime  "  was 
committed  ;  and,  in  other  years,  Georgia  would,  so  far  as  pos 
sible,  expiate  her  crime  by  the  blood  of  her  best  citizens. 

REVIEW. 

Thus  have  we  passed  over  the  original  colonies  of  the 
Southern  group.     Later,  Florida  and  the  Gulf  States  would 


THE  SOUTHERN  GKOUP  COMPLETED.  81 

be  added  to  their  number,  and  four  in  the  Central  West 
receive  the  blighting  curse ;  and  fifteen  great  States,  other 
wise  free,  become  the  slaveholding  confederated  South. 

The  institution  extended  itself,  by  sufferance,  speedily 
through  several  of  the  Middle  and  Eastern  States,  but 
yielded,  not  so  much,  we  fear,  to  the  force  of  principle  as  to 
the  resistance  of  the  climate,  —  too  cold  for  the  negro,  and 
returning  much  higher  profits  from  the  labor  of  free  white 
people. 

Here,  again,  our  urgent  question  returns:  If  God  in 
tended  this  vast  and  splendid  country  for  the  occupancy  of 
freedom,  and  for  the  development  of  a  powerful  homoge 
neous  people,  why  did  he  suffer  the  intrusion  of  this  antago 
nist  institution  ?  Why  must  the  grand  natural  development 
of  liberty  be  obstructed,  and  in  so  many  ways  defeated,  by 
an  antagonism  so  direct,  and  armed  by  the  fearful  power  of 
human  selfishness  ? 

There  is,  as  we  understand,  but  one  answer  to  these 
interrogations.  Man  is  free :  and,  in  a  state  of  trial,  the 
power  to  do  right  must  involve  the  power  to  do  wrong ; 
the  appreciation  and  concession  of  personal  rights  upon 
the  principles  of  common  brotherhood  and  humanity 
must  imply  the  power  to  withhold  those  rights  upon  prin 
ciples  of  selfishness  and  oppression.  The  disposition  to 
justice  and  benevolence  must  depend  upon  the  extent  to 
which  the  great  social  law  of  Jesus  Christ,  "All  things 
whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to  yon,  do  ye 
even  so  to  them,"  has  taken  possession  of  the  soul,  and  con 
trolled  its  perverted  self-love.  The  social  wrongs  of  the 
world  are  in  direct  opposition  to  the  divine  law  of  morality 
expressed  in  another  form,  "Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor 
as  thyself."  The  rights  of  man  will  be  universally  con 
ceded  and  fully  honored,  when  by  the  new  creation,  and  the 
advancement  of  civilization,  this  law  of  love  is  universally 
obeyed.  Because  it  is  not,  and  perverted  self-love  rises 
above  this  great  law  of  right,  slavery  is  possible ;  and,  since 


82  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

God  did  not  forcibly  interfere  with  human  liberty,  the  bit 
ter  wrongs  of  slavery  fell  upon  our  Southern  States. 

But  God  does  frequently,  by  special  interference,  inter 
rupt  and  control  the  wrong  tendencies  of  men.  When  such 
restraint  becomes  a  higher  necessity  than  the  indulgence  of 
abused  freedom,  then  the  abuse  comes  to  an  end,  affording 
another  illustration  of  the  revealed  fact,  "He  maketh  the 
wrath  of  man  to  praise  him,  and  the  remainder  he  doth 
restrain." 

But  there  is  in  the  toleration  of  slavery  a  still  higher 
manifestation  of  the  divine  purpose.  He  proposes  no  me 
chanical  coerced  freedom  in  this  Great  Republic,  no  feeble, 
ephemeral  growth  of  liberty,  such  as  might  be  the  result 
of  arbitrary  protection  and  untried  strength,  but  a  sturdy, 
masterly  power,  such  as  can  only  be  the  result  of  discipline, 
of  vigorous  exercise  and  severe  habit.  What,  then,  could 
be  a  higher  manifestation  of  Divine  Wisdom  than  to  allow 
this  intense  form  of  despotism  to  rise  up  in  the  very  midst 
of  free  institutions  ?  If  it  must  exist  anywhere  upon  the 
globe,  it  would  seem  well  to  import  it  even,  to  gather  its 
scattered  elements  from  every  part  of  the  world,  and  con 
dense  them  into  their  most  dreaded  and  terrific  forms, 
within  the  broad  domain  consecrated  to  freedom.  Then  let 
oppression  do  its  worst.  Let  it  spread  like  leprosy  upon 
the  body  politic,  and  see  whether  or  not  it  has  power  to 
destroy  the  life  of  the  nation.  Bring  up  to  the  contest  the 
truest,  purest  form  of  social  right  known  among  men,  and 
see  whether  it  can  grapple,  first  \vith  the  moral,  and  then 
with  the  physical  force  of  tyranny.  Let  the  dreaded  con 
flict  have  a  wide  field  and  an  ample  range  of  time  ;  endow 
the  vile  usurpation  with  all  the  power  of  wealth  and  social 
distinction,  with  political  skill  and  the  highest  culture  ;  and 
let  it  demonstrate  its  most  subtle  and  most  daring  force, 
that  the  world  may  see  whether  civil  and  social  wrong  has, 
any  limits,  or  whether  it  has  power  to  subjugate,  and  stamp 
into  the  earth,  the  liberties  of  the  race. 


THE  SOUTHERN  GROUP   COMPLETED.  33 

All  this  has  been  done  before  the  eyes  of  men  and  angels 
and  God,  and  we  are  permitted  to  behold  the  glorious  tri 
umph  of  the  right.  This  day,  liberty  in  the  United  States 
of  America  is  more  perfectly  defined,  and  armed  with  a  more 
potential  life,  than  could  ever  have  been  possible  if  "the 
vilest  slavery  that  ever  saw  the  sun,"  "the  sum  of  all  vil- 
lanies,"  had  not  been  here  to  assault  and  try  its  strength, 
and,  by  the  severest  discipline  to  which  the  right  on  earth 
was  ever  subjected,  augment  and  develop  its  power,  and 
energize  its  action.  Such  transcendent  skill  has  character 
ized  the  plans  of  God,  that,  by  striking  down  oppression  in 
America,  he  has  destroyed  its  dominant  force,  for  the  whole 
race,  and  for  all  time  to  come. 


CHAPTER   VII. 
A  NEW  ENGLAND  EMERGES   FROM   THE   OLD. 

"  The  two  or  three  main  ideas  which  constitute  the  basis  of  the  social  theory  of  the 
United  States  were  first  combined  in  the  Northern  British  Colonies,  the  States  of  New 
England.  They  now  extend  their  influence  over  the  whole  American  world."  —  DB 

TOCQUEVILLE. 

WE  now  turn  to  a  different  quarter  of  the  heavens,  and 
behold  the  morning  star  of  freedom  rising.  Its  soft  and 
pleasing  light  gives  promise  of  a  charming  day. 

We  have  traced  the  plans  and  movements  of  Providence 
in  the  colonization  of  the  South.  We  have  seen  the  princi 
ple  of  liberty,  struggling  with  old  aristocratic  forms,  gradu 
ally  gaining  position,  and  working  its  way  upward  and  out 
ward  with  the  growing  population.  We  have  been  struck 
with  its  simplicity,  vitality,  and  power. 

At  the  same  time,  the  principle  and  passion  of  despotism 
have  shown  great  strength.  They  have  insisted  with  energy 
Upon  the  divine  right  of  kings,  upon  the  hereditary  claims 
of  the  governing  class,  and  upon  the  right  of  sovereignty 
over  the  New  World.  Whatever  they  have  yielded  to  the 
spirit  of  manly  independence,  rousing  itself  in  Europe,  and 
assuming  greater  boldness  in  America,  they  have  yielded 
slowly,  and  with  great  reluctance.  They  continue  through 
the  whole  period  of  preparation,  varying  with  the  narrow  or 
broader  views  of  the  reigning  sovereign,  sustained  by  the 
usurpations  of  a  State  religion,  and  finally  grasping  and  tena 
ciously  holding  all  the  power  of  human  slavery.  We  watch 
the  struggle  with  alternate  hope  and  fear.  We  almost  in 
voluntarily  ask,  Will  the  power  of  despotism  extend  over 
the  western  hemisphere,  and  last  forever  ?  Is  there  no  home 


I ST1  H  "5 1  IS  ISl  E  Lw  K  PB I  iAi-YH  |g«  IPISf  S, 


A  NEW  ENGL 

t*o  or  thive  nuur  . 


4KR.GKS    FBOM    THE   OLD. 


XocQLi.  VIH.lt 

WE  no* 
bolurld  fh 


omzati 


lieity. 


il  theory  of  the 
States  of  Ne-«» 

rM/*  —   1)1* 


•  i     .  I  IS    ^0 

w#  uf  a  chanvi'C',?  day. 
«IH  funl  ns  ^vrtnenta  of  Providence 
South,  VV»:  have  seen  the  princi- 
witli  old  aristocratic  forms,  gradu- 
working  its  way  upward  and  out- 
ODulation,  We  hr.ve  been  » 


of  despotism 
Insisted  with  energy 
upon   ihe  hereditary  claims 
m  tho   right  of  sovereignty . 
$v  they,  have  yielded  to  the 
nisin^  itself  in  Europe,  and 
America,  they  have  yielded 
T'liey  continue  through 


with  aU<»rtalt^  I  opt;  ami  fet^r. 
k^k.  Will  thu  power  of  despotism 


A  NEW  ENGLAND  EMERGES  FROM  THE  OLD.  85 

for  Liberty,  where  she  may  reveal  her  true  life,  unfold  her 
power,  and  achieve  for  the  world  a  new  and  nobler  civiliza 
tion?  In  the  midst  of  our  anxious  inquiries,  we  examine 
history  in  the  light  of  true  Christianity,  and  begin  to  re 
ceive  our  answer.  God  is  yet  the  sovereign  of  nations.  In 
the  mean  time,  he  is  preparing  a  new  development  of  the 
feeling  of  personal  rights  and  responsibility.  Let  us  look 
at  this  new  development  from  our  Christian  stand-point. 

PURITANISM   IN   ENGLAND. 

The  contest  between  radicalism  and  conservatism  appears 
in  every  age,  and  in  Church  as  well  as  State.  When  the 
Reformation  extended  to  England,  the  questions,  as  to  how 
much  that  w£s  peculiar  to  the  Roman-Catholic  Church 
should  be  saved,  and  what  should  take  the  place  of  that 
which  was  destroyed,  were  not  easily  nor  soon  answered. 
Henry  VIII.  could  see  distinctly  that  his  own  independent 
sovereignty,  and  his  purposes  of  divorce  and  marriage, 
would  not  permit  the  supreme  ecclesiastical  power  claimed 
by  the  Roman  pontiff  within  his  realm ;  and  he  therefore 
summarily  set  it  aside.  But  he  by  no  means  intended  gen 
eral  liberty  of  religious  faith  and  observances.  It  will  not 
be  forgotten,  that,  in  his  reign,  men  were  burned  at  the  stake 
for  denying  the  Romish  doctrine  of  transubstantiation ;  and 
the  superstitious  ritualism  of  the  Catholic  Church  was  to 
constitute,  to  a  great  extent,  the  State  religion  of  England. 
Elizabeth  had  been  a  thorough  conformist  during  the  reign 
of  "  bloody  Mary,"  and  was  strongly  inclined  to  continue  it 
when  she  became  the  head  of  the  kingdom  and  the  Church. 
She  believed  in  the  real  presence,  and  long  struggled  to  re 
tain  images,  the  crucifix,  and  tapers  in  her  private  chapel. 
She  was  inclined  to  offer  prayers  to  the  Virgin,  favored  the 
invocation  of  saints,  and  insisted  upon  "  the  celibacy  of  the 
clergy."  She  was  too  fond  of  absolute  authority,  and  had 
too  high  an  appreciation  of  the  absolutism  of  the  Romish 
Church,  to  make  her  a  willing  radical  Protestant. 


86  THE   GKEAT   REPUBLIC. 

But  her  problem  was  difficult.  She  was  obliged  and  dis 
posed  to  carry  the  movement  commenced  by  Henry  VIII. 
forward  to  its  legitimate  results.  He  had  released  the  king 
dom  from  the  political  domination  of  Home  :  she  must  sever 
it  from  the  spiritual  domination.  She  must  show  that  the 
Church  of  England,  under  the  supreme  control  of  the  British 
sovereign,  was  as  verily  the  true  Catholic  Church  as  when 
under  the  control  of  the  Roman  pontiff.  She  was  Protest 
ant  as  against  the  assumptions  of  the  pope,  rather  than  as 
against  the  superstitious  rites  and  heretical  dogmas  of  the 
Church  of  Rome.  She  expected,  therefore,  and  not  wholly 
without  reason,  to  be  able,  by  queenly  grace  and  authority, 
to  induce  Catholic  conformity  to  the  rule  of  the  new  virtual 
pontiff,  and  substantially  the  old  Catholic  Church. 

Cranmer  had  done  much  to  prepare  the  way  for  this  re 
sult.  In  many  respects  a  very  great  and  good  man,  he  was 
yet  a  temporizer.  With  his  conscience  roused,  and  his  heart 
essentially  Protestant,  he  deprecated  persecution,  and  de 
voutly  wished  for  the  growth  of  true  spiritual  Christianity. 
But,  as  a  distinguished  leader  of  the  English  hierarchy,  he 
founded  the  Church  of  England  with  high  notions  of  priestly 
authority  and  political  expediency.  It  is,  therefore,  not  a 
reason  for  surprise  that  he  ultimately  forfeited  the  confidence 
of  both  parties,  and  fell  a  victim  to  his  own  inconsistencies. 

But  Elizabeth  must  persist  in  her  efforts  at  conformity  to 
the  divine  right  of  prelacy  and  the  State  religion.  Roman 
ists,  accustomed  to  the  art  of  dissimulation,  would  to  some 
extent  seem  to  conform,  but  finally  show  that  the  supreme 
headship  of  the  pontiff  at  Rome  was  essential  to  Romanism ; 
and  the  Virgin  Queen  would  feel  the  blow  of  excommunica 
tion,  while  her  subjects  were  absolved  from  their  allegiance 
by  a  power  that  sovereigns  had  not  ceased  to  dread. 

But  Elizabeth  must  grapple  with  another  formidable 
power.  The  Reformation  was  not  a  mere  effort  at  political 
emancipation.  "  Luther  had  based  his  reform  upon  the  sub 
lime  but  simple  truth  which  lies  at  the  basis  of  morals, — 


A  NEW   ENGLAND   EMERGES   FROM  THE   OLD.  87 

the  paramount  value  of  character,  and  purity  of  conscience ; 
the  superiority  of  right  dispositions  over  ceremonial  exac 
tions  ; "  and  against  all  papal  and  prelatical  pretensions,  im 
plying  the  confessional,  indulgences,  and  priestly  absolution, 
had  insisted  upon  "justification  by  faith  alone."  It  was  only 
necessary  for  these  grand  doctrines  to  gain  a  clearer  utterance 
to  insure  their  propagation  and  spiritual  power.  They  were 
essentially  true,  and  hence  immortal,  and  destined  to  win  their 
way  to  the  ends  of  the  earth. 

England  had  long  since  received  the  evangelical  leaven. 
Wickliffe  and  his  Bible,  and  a  host  of  illustrious  confessors 
and  martyrs,  had  sent  these  great  truths  down  deep  into  the 
religious  consciousness  of  the  nation  ;  and  they  were  destined 
to  survive  all  persecution,  and  work  their  way  up  to  the  sur 
face,  and  all  the  more  promptly  and  powerfully,  now  that 
papal  authority  was  renounced  by  the  head  of  the  realm. 
Freedom  of  thought  precedes  freedom  of  expression,  and 
leads  directly  to  it.  "  The  spirit  of  inquiry  rebelled  against 
proscription."  Conformity  to  Romish  superstitions  and 
pompous  ceremonies,  as  a  matter  of  "  expediency,"  was  de 
nounced  as  a  crime ;  and  it  soon  began  to  be  evident  that 
multitudes  of  the  English  people  did  not  allow  that  they 
had  escaped  from  one  form  of  ecclesiastical  despotism  to  be 
immediately  involved  in  another.  In  other  words,  the  spirit 
of  true  piety  would  assert  its  right  to  worship  God  accord 
ing  to  the  dictates  of  its  own  conscience.  < 

"The  austere  principle  was  now  announced,  that  not  even  a 
ceremony  should  be  tolerated,  unless  it  was  enjoined  by  the 
word  of  God.  And  this  was  Puritanism.  The  Church  of 
England,  at  least  in  its  ceremonial  part,  was  established  by 
an  act  of  parliament  or  a  royal  ordinance.  Puritanism,  zeal 
ous  for  independence,  admitted  no  voucher  but  the  Bible,  — 
a  fixed  rule  which  it  would  allow  neither  parliament  nor 
hierarchy  nor  king  to  interpret.  The  Puritans  adhered  to 
the  Established  Church  as  far  as  their  interpretations  of  the 
Bible  seemed  to  warrant,  but  no  farther,  not  even  in  things 


88  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

of  indifference.  They  would  yield  nothing  in  religion  to 
the  temporal  sovereign ;  they  would  retain  nothing  that 
seemed  a  relic  of  the  religion  which  they  had  renounced. 
They  asserted  the  equality  of  the  plebeian  clergy,  and  direct 
ed  their  fiercest  attacks  against  the  divine  right  of  bishops, 
as  the  only  remaining  stronghold  of  superstition.  In  most 
of  these  views,  they  were  sustained  by  the  reformers  of  the 
continent." : 

Here  was  a  revolt  from  authority  that  was  no  sudden 
impulse,  no  transient  passion.  It  was  Conscience  rising  up 
to  assert  her  rights ;  it  was  deep-seated  conviction ;  it 
was  true  manhood,  under  the  inspirations  of  a  new  life, — 
the  life  of  the  age,  the  life  of  the  Keformation,  —  gradually 
becoming  "  the  life  of  God  in  the  soul  of  man." 

What  would  temporal  and  spiritual  sovereignty  do  with 
it  ?  Why,  rise  up  and  crush  it.  Its  most  numerous  repre 
sentatives  were  "plebeians,"  common  people.  What  right 
had  they  to  "  prophesy  "  or  to  find  fault  with  "  the  Church  "  ? 
How  could  they  expect  consideration  or  mercy  ?  It  was  of 
no  use  to  parley  with  such  obstinate  heretics.  Down  with 
them !  No,  your  Majesty :  you  do  not  understand  these 
people.  Some  of  your  wisest  counsellors  see  the  roots  of 
this  "  evil "  striking  deeper  down  than  you  think.  This  is 
a  new  England  coming  up  which  you  have  not  known  be 
fore  :  it  is  not  merely  Brown  and  "  the  conventicles ; "  it  is 
the  spirit  of  the  age.  Be  careful  how  you  treat  it.  It  will 
rock  the  throne  of  England,  and  conduct  royalty  itself  to 
the  block,  if  you  don't  take  your  foot  off  of  it. 

But  power  enthroned  is  blind,  and  the  terrible  contest  will 
go  on.  In  1571,  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  become  the  law  of 
the  land.  Parliament  exacts  belief,  at  first,  only  in  those 
which  relate  to  the  confession  and  the  sacraments.  But 
even  this  show  of  toleration  will  soon  disappear.  The  order 
for  absolute  conformity  is  promulgated,  and  Protestant  Po 
pery  shows  its  persecuting,  murderous  spirit. 

*  Bancroft,  i.  279. 


A  NEW  ENGLAND   EMERGES  FROM  THE  OLD.  89 

In  1583,  Whitgift  was  in  power,  and  there  was  no  further 
pretence  of  toleration.  The  forbearing  disposition  of  Puritan 
ism  was  also  wearing  out.  Those  who  wished  only  to  reform 
the  Church  of  England,  not  to  raise  a  new  sect,  could  no 
longer  restrain  the  more  ardent  of  their  number ;  and  "  sepa 
ratists"  began  to  talk  and  act  defiantly.  What  if  two  men 
were  hung  for  distributing  Brown's  "  Tract  on  the  Liberty 
of  Prophesying  "  ?  "  Independents  "  were  fast  rising  above 
the  fear  of  death.  The  spirits  who  dared  dissent  were  be 
coming  very  numerous :  twenty  thousand  soon  appeared 
at  the  conventicles ;  and  nothing  but  utter  extermination 
would  put  an  end  to  this  revolt  from  the  usurpations  of  a 
State  religion. 

The  weak,  perfidious  James  would  finally  undertake  to  do 
this.  At  first,  the  Puritans  were  misled  by  his  bland  and 
flattering  airs,  his  protestations  of  faith  in  the  purity  of  their 
principles  and  lives ;  and  began  to  trust  him :  but  it  was  a 
false  confidence.  He  was  too  imbecile  and  licentious  to  be 
honest.  "  The  conference  at  Hampton  Court,"  granted  to  the 
nonconformists  with  a  show  of  fairness,  brought  out  his  true 
character.  Foiled  in  his  reliance  upon  argument,  he  soon 
dispensed  with  it,  and  substituted  despotic  authority  in  its 
place.  "I  will  have  none  of  that  liberty  as  to  ceremonies," 
said  he  :  "  I  will  have  one  doctrine,  one  discipline,  one  religion 
in  substance  and  in  ceremony.  Never  speak  more  to  that 
point  how  far  you  are  bound  to  obey."  "  I  will  make  them 
conform,  or  I  will  harry  them  out  of  the  land ;  or  else, 
worse,  only  hang  them :  that's  all."  "  If  any  would  not  be 
quiet,  and  show  their  obedience,  they  were  worthy  to  be 
hanged." 

Archbishop  Whitgift  was  "  the  power  behind  the  throne," 
and  he  was  pleased.  He  had  said  before  the  conference,  "  I 
have  not  been  greatly  quiet  in  mind,  the  vipers  are  so  many;" 
but  the  king's  idea  of  "hanging"  was  wonderfully  satisfac 
tory.  "Your  Majesty  speaks  by  the  special  assistance  of 
God's  Spirit,"  said  he.  Bishop  Bancroft,  on  his  knees,  ex- 


12 


90  THE    GKEAT   REPUBLIC. 

claimed  that  his  heart  melted  for  joy  u  because  God  had  given 
England  such  a  king,  as,  since  Christ's  time,  has  not  been." 

But  how  grievously  mistaken  were  these  representatives 
of  persecuting,  blasphemous  bigotry !  As  though  the  thrust 
of  a  sword  could  kill  a  thought,  or  the  axe  of  an  executioner 
could  slaughter  a  principle  ! 

The  struggles  of  "  dissent "  from  ceremonial  worship  es 
tablished  by  law  had  at  length  reached  the  result  thus  ad 
mirably  summed  up  by  Mr.  Hildreth :  "  As  the  other  tra 
ditions  of  the  Church  fell  more  and  more  into  contempt,  the 
entire  reverence  of  the  people  was  concentrated  upon  the 
Bible,  recently  made  accessible  in  an  English  version,  and 
read  with  eagerness,  not  as  a  mere  form  of  words  to  be  sol 
emnly  and  ceremoniously  gone  through  with,  but  as  an  in 
spired  revelation,  as  indisputable  authority  in  science,  politics, 
morals,  and  life.  It  began,  indeed,  to  be  judged  necessary  by 
the  more  ardent  and  sincere,  that  all  existing  institutions  in 
Church  and  State,  all  social  relations,  and  the  habits  of  every 
day  life,  should  be  reconstructed,  and  made  to  conform  to 
this  divine  model.  Those  who  entertained  these  sentiments 
increased  to  a  considerable  party,  composed  chiefly,  indeed, 
of  the  humble  classes,  yeomen,  traders,  and  mechanics,  but 
including  also  clergymen,  merchants,  landed  proprietors,  and 
even  some  of  the  nobility.  They  were  derided,  by  those  not 
inclined  to  go  with  them,  as  Puritans  [an  honorable  evi 
dence  of  their  elevated  standard  of  purity  in  heart  and  life]  : 
but  the  austerity  of  their  lives  and  doctrines,  and  their  con 
fident  claim  to  internal  assurance  of  a  second  birth  and 
special  election  as  the  children  of  God,  made  a  powerful  im 
pression  on  the  multitude ;  while  the  high  schemes  they  en 
tertained  for  the  reconstruction  of  society  brought  them  into 
sympathy  with  all  that  was  great  and  heroic  in  the  nation."  : 

In  1604,  parliament  showed  an  astonishing  increase  of  Pu 
ritan  strength.  The  advocates  of  freedom  in  religion  were 
a  majority  in  the  commons;  and  the  boldness  with  which 

*  Hildreth,  i.  153,  154. 


A  NEW  ENGLAND  EMERGES  FllOM  THE   OLD.  91 

they  defended  their  views  showed  that  ruthless  oppression 
had  failed,  and  the  contest  must  go  on.  "  The  interests  of 
human  freedom  were  at  issue  on  the  contest." 


THE   PURITANS    BECOME   PILGRIMS    IN    SEARCH  OF   LIBERTY. 

The  light  of  the  Keformation  would  now,  as  ever  hereafter, 
be  the  guide  of  freedom.  Luther  had  said,  "  The  gospel  is 
every  man's  right,  and  it  is  not  to  be  endured  that  any  one 
should  be  kept  therefrom.  But  the  evangel  is  an  open  doc 
trine  :  it  is  bound  to  no  place,  and  moves  along  freely  under 
heaven,  like  the  star  which  ran  in  the  sky  to  show  the  wiz 
ards  from  the  East  where  Christ  was  born.  Do  not  dispute 
with  the  prince  for  place.  Let  the  community  choose  their 
own  pastor,  and  support  him  out  of  their  own  estates.  If  the 
prince  will  not  suffer  this,  let  the  pastor  flee  into  another 
land, '  and  let  those  go  with  him  who  will,  as  Christ  teaches.' " 

These  words  are  great,  and,  in  the  main,  wise,  as  the 
promptings  of  inspiration  ;  and  they  predict  the  plans  of 
Providence  for  the  emancipation  of  conscience,  and  the  ex 
tension  of  religious  and  civil  freedom  in  the  New  World. 

We  have  thus  fully  identified  the  spirit  and  the  movement 
out  of  which  the  colonization  of  New  England  and  the  lib 
erties  of  our  country  arose.  We  must  now  leave  the  great 
mass  of  the  Puritans  to  struggle  with  the  usurpations  of 
prelacy  and  the  divine  right  of  kings  ;  to  battle  their  way  up 
to  the  great  Revolution ;  to  reveal  their  high  virtues  amid 
bloody  persecutions  and  unjust  inflictions  of  power,  —  intend 
ed  only  to  be  "  a  terror  to  evil-doers  and  a  praise  to  them  that 
do  well,"  —  until  the  head  of  the  royal  oppressor  rolls  in  the 
dust ;  then  to  reveal  their  energy  and  their  follies  amid  the 
prosperity  of  the  Protectorate ;  and  again  to  suffer  under 
the  reigns  of  profligacy  and  bigotry  after  the  Restoration, 
sometimes  stealing  away  alone  to  pray,  and  daring  even 
death  itself  to  meet  in  "  conventicles,"  and  listen  to  the  gos 
pel  from  the  lips  of  men  who  would  peril  their  lives  for 


92  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

"  the  liberty  of  prophesying ; "  then  scattered  abroad  like 
the  primitive  saints  after  the  stoning  of  Stephen,  holding  up 
the  cross  amid  foreign  people,  and  calling  wandering  strangers 
to  the  fountain  of  God's  blessed  word ;  and  finally  becoming 
a  diffused  element  of  freedom,  a  leaven  of  godliness  amid 
the  nations,  and  especially  the  English,  to  appear  in  power 
and  glory  after  many  days. 

We  must  step  back  a  few  years  to  the  later  period  of 
Elizabeth's  reign,  where,  in  the  north  of  England,  we  shall 
find  a  small  company,  "  a  poor  people,"  who  "  became  en 
lightened  by  the  word  of  God,"  "  presently  both  scoffed  and 
scorned  by  the  profane  multitude,  and  their  ministers  urged 
with  the  yoke  of  subscription ; "  led  by  suffering  "  to  see 
that  the  beggarly  ceremonies  were  monuments  of  idolatry," 
and  that  the  lordly  power  of  the  prelates  ought  not  to  be 
submitted  to.  Many  of  them,  "  whose  hearts  the  Lord  had 
touched  with  heavenly  zeal  for  his  truth,"  resolved,  "  what 
ever  it  might  cost  them,  to  shake  off  the  anti-Christian  bond 
age,  and,  as  the  Lord's  free  people,  to  join  themselves  by  a 
covenant  into  a  church  estate  in  fellowship  of  the  gospel." 
"  Of  the  same  faith  with  Calvin,  heedless  of  acts  of  parlia 
ment,  they  rejected  '  the  offices  and  callings,  the  courts  and 
canons,'  of  bishops,  and,  renouncing  all  obedience  to  human 
authority  in  spiritual  things,  asserted  for  themselves  an  un 
limited  and  never-ending  right  to  make  advances  in  truth, 
and  '  walk  in  all  the  ways  which  God  had  made  known  or 
should  make  known  to  them.'  "  *  John  Robinson,  "  a  man 
not  easily  to  be  paralleled,"  was  the  pastor  of  this  despised 
and  persecuted  primitive  flock. 

Probably  through  the  agency  of  William  Brewster,  their 
attention  was  directed  to  Holland,  "  where,  they  heard,  was 
freedom  of  religion  for  all  men."  They  loved  their  home  ; 
but  they  would  leave  it,  and  live  anywhere,  only  so  that  they 
could  have  liberty  to  pray  and  prophesy  according  to  the 
dictates  of  conscience. 

*  Bancroft,!.  299-301. 


A  NEW  ENGLAND  EMERGES  FROM  THE   OLD.  93 

In  1608,  after  a  costly  failure  the  year  before,  the  men 
had  moved  out  to  their  ship ;  but  the  vigilance  of  the  gov 
ernment,  which  made  it  a  crime  to  flee  from  persecution, 
detected  them.  "  A  company  of  horsemen  appeared  in  pur 
suit,  and  seized  on  the  helpless  women  and  children  who  had 
not  yet  adventured  on  the  surf.  Pitiful  it  was  to  see  the 
heavy  care  of  these  poor  women  in  distress  :  what  weeping 
and  crying  on  every  side ! "  At  last  the  magistrates,  seeing 
no  way  to  punish  them  for  devotion  to  their  husbands  and 
fathers,  "  glad  to  be  rid  of  them  on  any  terms,"  suffered  them 
to  depart,  "  though,  in  the  mean  time,  they,  poor  souls !  en 
dured  misery  enough." 

Robinson,  Brewster,  and  their  little  church,  were  now  on 
the  water;  and  henceforth  they  were  "  pilgrims."  They  were 
shortly  in  Amsterdam,  but  had  no  assurance  that  this  was 
their  home.  "  They  knew  that  they  were  PILGRIMS,  and  looked 
not  much  on  those  things,  but  lifted  up  their  eyes  to  heaven, 
their  dearest  country,  and  quieted  their  spirits." 

In  1609,  they  were  in  Ley  den,  when  "  they  saw  poverty 
coming  on  them  like  an  armed  man."  However,  "  careful  to 
keep  their  word,  and  painful  and  diligent  in  their  callings," 
they  soon  reached  "  a  comfortable  condition,  grew  in  the  gifts 
and  grace  of  the  Spirit  of  God,  and  lived  together  in  peace 
and  love  and  holiness."  "  Never,"  the  magistrates  said,  "  did 
we  have  any  suit  or  accusation  against  any  of  them."  Noble 
testimony !  Now  the  hope  of  prosperity  dawned  upon  them. 
"  Many  came  there  from  different  parts  of  England,  so  as  they 
grew  a  great  congregation."  They  seemed  to  approach  near 
to  "  the  primitive  pattern  of  the  first  churches,"  "  such  was 
the  humble  zeal  and  fervent  love  of  this  people  towards  God 
and  his  ways,  and  their  single-heartedness  and  sincere  affec 
tion  one  towards  another."  * 

But  they  were  not  to  remain  here.  God  would  make  use 
of  the  bitter  hatred  of  James,  reaching  to  the  Continent, 
and  of  the  shyness  of  their  brother  Puritans,  and  of  poverty 

*  Bancroft,  i.  303. 


94  THE    GBEAT    REPUBLIC. 

and  crushing  toil,  to  stir  them  up  to  seek  a  permanent  set 
tlement  in  the  New  World.  Even  "  their  children,  sharing 
their  parents'  burdens,  bowed  under  the  weight,  and  were 
becoming  decrepit  in  early  youth." 

God  would  thrust  them  out,  but  not  under  the  patronage 
of  Holland.  Englishmen  were  to  found  the  great  governing 
colonies  of  the  New  World.  Persecuted,  and  exiled  from 
their  native  land,  the  "  Pilgrims "  were  yet  loyal  English 
patriots,  and  would  seek  reconciliation  with  their  govern 
ment,  so  as  to  go  out  in  search  of  a  new  province  for  James, 
their  bitter  persecutor. 

John  Carver  and  Robert  Cushman  made  the  attempt,  in 
the  name  of  the  Church  of  the  Pilgrims,  in  1617.  They  took 
over  "the  Seven  Articles;"  proposed  to  have  "liberty  to  settle 
in  the  most  northern  parts  of  Virginia,"  "  to  live  in  a  distinct 
body  by  themselves."  They  would  consent  to  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles,  of  course  with  their  own  Calvinistic  interpretation; 
and  "  towards  the  king,  and  all  civil  authority  derived  from 
him,  including  bishops,  whose  civil  authority  they  alone  rec 
ognized,  they  promised,  as  they  would  have  done  to  Nero 
or  the  Roman  pontiff,  <  obedience  in  all  things,  —  active  if 
the  thing  commanded  be  not  against  God's  word,  or  passive 
if  it  be.'  " 

The  Virginia  Company  and  the  London  Company  thought 
favorably  of  so  good  a  prospect  of  adding  new  resources  to 
their  colonies  by  such  accessions  of  industry  and  persistent 
energy  as  these  men  represented ;  but  they  must  refer  the 
matter  to  higher  authority.  The  great  Lord  Bacon  was  to 
be  consulted  before  their  petition  could  be  granted  by  "  the 
king,  for  liberty  of  religion,  to  be  confirmed  under  the  king's 
broad  seal."  Bacon  was  an  active  patron  of  the  colonists 
everywhere,  and,  from  the  necessities  of  philosophy,  inclined 
to  free  toleration.  This,  however,  was  theory  merely.  Prac 
tically  he  was  "a  crown  courtier  and  an  intolerant  statesman." 
He  therefore  answered,  "  Discipline  by  bishops  is  fittest  for 
monarchy  of  all  others.  The  tenets  of  separatists  and  sec- 


A  NEW  ENGLAND  EMERGES  FROM  THE  OLD.        95 

taries  are  full  of  schism,  and  inconsistent  with  monarchy. 
The  king  will  beware  of  Anabaptists,  Brownists,  and  others 
of  their  kinds :  a  little  connivancy  sets  them  on  fire.  For 
the  discipline  of  the  Church  in  colonies,  it  will  be  necessary 
that  it  agree  with  that  which  is  settled  in  England,  else  it 
will  make  a  schism  and  a  rent  in  Christ's  coat,  which  must 
be  seamless ;  and,  to  that  purpose,  it  will  be  fit,  that  by  the 
king's  supreme  power  in  causes  ecclesiastical,  within  all  his 
dominions,  they  be  subordinate  under  some  bishop  and  bish 
opric  of  this  realm.  This  caution  is  to  be  observed,  that 
if  any  transplant  themselves  into  plantations  abroad  who 
are  known  schismatics,  outlaws,  or  criminal  persons,  they 
be  sent  for  back  upon  the  first  notice." 

Let  the  reader  mark,  that  Providence  did  by  no  means  in 
tend  to  release  his  people  from  the  strengthening  power  of 
severe  discipline.  He  therefore,  in  this  crisis  of  their  strug 
gles  for  self-emancipation,  brought  them  into  direct  collision 
with  the  most  stringent  and  vicious  forms  of  oppressive  bigot 
ry.  Still  they  were  to  be  allowed  to  go.  James,  the  Pharaoh 
of  his  country  and  times,  must  think  the  enlargement  of  his 
dominions  "a  good,  an  honest  motive;  and  fishing  was  an 
honest  trade,  the  apostles'  own  calling."  He  would  refer  the 
matter  to  the  prelates  of  Canterbury  and  London,  and  go  on 
with  his,  persecutions  against  the  Puritans  of  Lancashire.  In 
the  mean  time,  a  "  promise  of  neglect "  was  all  the  anxious 
Pilgrims  could  obtain,  and  all  the  plans  of  God  would  allow. 
Discipline  cleared  up  their  vision,  and  they  reasoned  well. 
"If  there  should  afterwards  be  a  purpose  to  wrong  us,  though 
we  had  a  seal  as  broad  as  the  house-floor,  there  would  be 
means  enough  found  to  recall  or  reverse  it.  We  must  rest 
herein  on  God's  providence."  Thus  they  were  brought  to 
the  most  perfect  renunciation  of  dependence  upon  man,  and 
to  the  simplest  forms  of  trust  in  God. 

They  were,  however,  to  be  reached  by  another  temptation. 
The  want  of  means  turned  even  the  iron-willed  Robinson  to 
the  Dutch;  but  this  unwise  expedient  was  overruled. 


96  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

At  last,  in  1619,  "the  Virginia  Company"  "  in  open  court 
demanded  our  ends  of  going ;  which  being  related,  they  said 
the  thing  was  of  God,  and  granted  a  large  patent." 

Resolved  now  not  "to  meddle  with  the  Dutch,  or  to  de 
pend  too  much  on  the  Virginia  Company,"  relying  upon  God 
and  their  own  endeavors,  they  made  ready  to  depart. 

Only  a  part  of  the  community  could  embark  at  a  time  in 
"  The  Speedwell  "  and  "  The  Mayflower  : "  so  the  pastor  re 
mained  with  those  who  were  to  be  left  behind,  and  Brewster 
went  forward  with  "  such  of  the  youngest  and  strongest  as 
freely  offered  themselves." 

God  must  be  solemnly  recognized  in  fasting  and  prayer. 
"  Let  us  seek  of  God  a  right  way  for  us  and  for  our  little 
ones,  and  for  all  our  substance."  Read  now  the  lofty  breath 
ings  of  liberty  from  the  consecrated  soul  of  Robinson,  in  his 
farewell  address :  — 

"  I  charge  you,  before  God  and  his  blessed  angels,  that  you 
follow  me  no  farther  than  you  have  seen  me  follow  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  The  Lord  has  more  truth  yet  to  break  forth 
out  of  his  Holy  Word.  I  cannot  sufficiently  bewail  the  con 
dition  of  the  reformed  churches,  who  are  come  to  a  period 
in  religion,  and  will  go  at  present  no  farther  than  the  in 
struments  of  their  reformation.  Luther  and  Calvin  were 
great  and  shining  lights  in  their  times ;  yet  they  penetrated 
not  into  the  whole  counsel  of  God.  I  beseech  you  re 
member  it,  —  'tis  an  article  of  your  church  covenant,  — 
that  you  be  ready  to  receive  whatever  truth  shall  be  made 
known  to  you  from  the  written  word  of  God."  These  far- 
reaching  instructions  may  well  be  deemed  equivalent  to  the 
suggestions  of  inspirations. 

One  scene  more  before  the  departure.  "  When  the  ship 
was  ready  to  carry  us  away,"  writes  Edward  Winslow,  "  the 
brethren  that  staid  at  Leyden  again  solemnly  sought  the 
Lord  with  us  and  for  us ;  feasted  us  that  were  to  go  at  our 
pastor's  house,  being  large;  where  we  refreshed  ourselves, 
after  tears,  with  singing  of  psalms,  making  joyful  melody 


A  NEW  ENGLAND  EMERGES  FROM  THE  OLD.        97 

in  our  hearts  as  well  as  with  the  voice,  there  being  many 
of  the  congregation  very  expert  in  music :  and,  indeed,  it 
was  the  sweetest  melody  that  ever  mine  ears  heard.  After 
this,  they  accompanied  us  to  Delfthaven,  where  we  went  to 
embark,  and  there  feasted  us  again ;  and  after  prayer  per 
formed  by  our  pastor,  when  a  flood  of  tears  was  poured 
out,  they  accompanied  us  to  the  ship,  but  were  not  able 
to  speak  one  to  another  for  the  abundance  of  sorrow  to 
part.  But  we  only,  going  aboard,  gave  them  a  volley  of 
small-shot  and  three  pieces  of  ordnance ;  and  so,  lifting 
up  our  hands  to  each  other  and  our  hearts  for  each  other 
to  the  Lord  our  God,  we  departed." 

It  would  seem  very  strange  that  any  sifting  or  reduction 
of  this  small  force  for  the  founding  of  free  institutions  in 
the  New  World  should  be  required  or  even  allowed.  But 
God  sees  not  as  man  sees.  He  who,  for  an  important  mili 
tary  undertaking,  reduced  the  army  of  Gideon,  made  choice 
of  one  of  the  two  vessels  chartered  to  bear  the  Pilgrims  to 
America.  "  The  Speedwell,"  unseaworthy,  could  return  to 
England,  "and  those  who  are  willing  return  to  London, 
though  this  was  very  grievous  and  discouraging.;"  while 
"  The  Mayflower, "  freighted  with  "  one  hundred  and  two 
souls,"  could  move  on  to  her  providential  destination.  "On 
the  sixth  day  of  September,  1620,  thirteen  years  after  the 
first  colonization  of  Virginia,  two  months  before  the  conces 
sion  of  the  grand  charter  of  Plymouth,  without  any  warrant 
from  the  sovereign  of  England,  without  any  useful  charter 
from  a  corporate  body,  the  passengers  in  '  The  Mayflower ' 
set  sail  for  a  new  world,  where  the  past  could  offer  no  favor 
able  auguries."  *  They  propose  to  make  the  mouth  of  the 
Hudson ;  but,  under  the  guidance  of  Providence,  they  are 
sailing  toward  "  the  rock-bound  coast,"  named  years  before, 
by  the  gallant  Capt.  John  Smith,  New  England. 

See  that  frail  "  pilgrim  craft  afloat  upon  the  waste  of  wa 
ters  " !  Will  not  she  go  down  amid  the  surges  of  ocean  as 

*  Bancroft,  i.  308. 


13 


98  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

she  "  leaps  madly  from  billow  to  billow  "  ?  No  :  these  are  the 
chosen  of  God.  No  surges  of  ocean  can  overwhelm  them, 
from  which  they  will  not  emerge ;  no  weapon  formed  against 
them  can  prevail.  In  the  land  of  oppression,  they  had  sighed 
for  liberty.  They  had  tasted  its  sweets,  and  seen  its  golden 
light,  until  at  length,  as  God  ordained,  in  comparison  with 
it,  property  and  home  and  friends  lost  their  power  to  charm  ; 
and  they  would  go  to  a  wild  and  savage  land  in  pursuit  of 
one  object  alone,  —  "freedom  to  worship  God."  There  was 
no  danger  to  "The  Mayflower."  She  was  "the  ark  of  a 
deluged  world."  She  would  bear  proudly  and  gallantly  her 
precious  burden  to  her  predestined  haven.  "  The  model  Re 
public  was  in  '  The  Mayflower.' " 


THE   PILGRIMS    HAVE   FOUND    LIBERTY. 

The  ocean  was  very  boisterous,  and  the  voyage  one  of  ex 
treme  peril ;  but,  after  sixty-five  days  of  sailing  and  praying, 
"  The  Mayflower  "  rounded  the  hook  of  Cape  Cod,  and  cast 
anchor  in  a  quiet  harbor.  The  landing,  however,  must  not 
be  made  until  they  had  determined  the  fundamental  form  of 
their  government ;  and  thus  they  wrote  and  covenanted  :  — 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  amen.  We  whose  names  are  under 
written,  the  loyal  subjects  of  our  dread  sovereign,  King  James, 
having  undertaken,  for  the  glory  of  God,  and  advancement 
of  the  Christian  faith,  and  honor  of  our  king  and  country,  a 
voyage  to  plant  the  first  colony  in  the  northern  parts  of  Vir 
ginia,  do,  by  these  presents,  solemnly  and  mutually,  in  the 
presence  of  God,  and  one  of  another,  covenant  and  combine 
ourselves  together  into  a  civil  body  politic,  for  our  better 
ordering  and  preservation,  and  furtherance  of  the  ends  afore 
said  ;  and,  by  virtue  hereof,  to  enact,  constitute,  and  frame 
such  just  and  equal  laws,  ordinances,  acts,  constitutions,  and 
offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  conve 
nient  for  the  general  good  of  the  colony.  Unto  which  we 
promise  all  due  submission  and  obedience." 


A  NEW  ENGLAND  EMEHGES  FEOM  THE  OLD.        Q9 

How  admirably  clear  and  concise  is  this  great  document! 
Never  were  more  important  words  written  by  uninspired 
men.  They  were  no  rebels  against  the  crown  of  England ; 
and  hence  they  declare  their  loyalty  to  James,  their  lawful 
sovereign  according  to  apostolic  order.  But  they  formed 
"  a  civil  body  politic,"  and  thus  asserted  the  right  to  self- 
government.  Who  had  a  right  to  forbid  them  ?  They  had 
suffered  every  thing  but  death,  sacrificed  all  the  endearments 
of  home,  become  pilgrims  on  earth,  all  to  be  free  ;  and  they 
would  be  free,  they  were  free  :  and  as  if  all  unconscious  of 
the  nobleness  of  soul  which  gave  formal  utterance  to  these 
exalted  principles,  and  regardless  of  the  fearful  struggles  it 
would  cost  to  maintain  them,  they  resolved  to  act  as  law 
makers  and  civil  rulers,  simply  and  only  "for  the  general 
good  of  the  colony." 

But  it  should  be  henceforth  impossible  to  misunderstand 
them.  They  were  not  a  company  of  mercenary  adven 
turers.  Their  personal  convenience  and  worldly  interests 
were  all  subordinate  to  a  lofty  Christian  purpose,  which  men 
purely  selfish  would  find  it  impossible  to  comprehend.  They 
had  undertaken  this  whole  daring  enterprise  "for  the  glory 
of  God,  and  advancement  of  the  Christian  faith."  This  is 
the  highest  conception  of  man  on  earth,  the  loftiest  moral 
grandeur  within  the  range  of  human  thought  and  expres 
sion  ;  and,  despite  all  the  frailties  and  errors  inevitably  hu 
man  appearing  in  their  future,  history  nobly  vindicates  the 
sincerity  and  practical  effectiveness  of  this  high  resolve. 
The  record  and  the  deeds  are  immortal. 

And  let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  this  was  clear,  unquestion 
able  advance  in  the  assertion  of  human  rights.  In  the  Pil 
grims,  the  race  had  stepped  forward  of  its  boldest  ventures 
in  the  direction  of  civil  liberty.  There  had  been  republics 
before ;  high  claims  had  been  set  up  for  the  rights  of  man  in 
the  Old  World  and  the  New,  and  death-struggles  had  been 
risked  to  vindicate  them:  but  "this  was  the  birth  of  popular 
constitutional  liberty."  * 

*  Bancroft,  i.  310. 


100  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Well  indeed  it  was  that  an  attempt  so  bold,  and  defiant 
of  precedents  and  power,  an  achievement  so  improbable, 
should  be  undertaken  "  in  the  name  of  God ;  "  that  a  covenant 
so  holy,  and  bearing  in  its  bosom  the  fate  of  uncounted  mil 
lions,  should  be  made  "  in  the  presence  of  God,"  and  avowed 
ly  and  sincerely  "  for  the  glory  of  God  and  the  advancement 
of  the  Christian  faith."  In  this  alone  there  was  hope  of 
success ;  and  we  shall  see,  as  we  advance,  that  our  Pilgrim 
Fathers  had  thus  identified  and  recognized  the  essential  life- 
force  of  the  great  American  system,  —  the  vital  active  sov 
ereignty  of  God.  Well,  therefore,  did  President  Stiles  say, 
in  1783,  "It  is  certain  that  civil  dominion  was  but  the 
second  motive,  religion  the  primary  one,  with  our  ances 
tors,  in  coming  hither,  and  settling  this  land.  It  was  not 
so  much  their  design  to  establish  religion  for  the  benefit  of 
the  State,  as  civil  government  for  the  benefit  of  religion, 
and  as  subservient,  and  even  necessary,  to  the  peaceable 
enjoyment  and  unmolested  exercise  of  religion,  —  of  that 
religion  for  which  they  fled  to  these  ends  of  the  earth." 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

COLONIZATION   AND    LIBERTY  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

"  Soon  after  the  Reformation,  a  few  people  came  over  for  conscience'  sake.  This 
apparently  trivial  incident  may  transfer  the  great  seat  of  empire  into  America."  — 
JOHN  ADAMS. 

OUR  Christian  emigrants  land  on  Cape  Cod,  just  in  the  rear 
of  our  present  beautiful  Provincetown ;  but  they  touch  the 
land  only  to  thank  God,  and  begin  the  work  of  exploration 
for  the  site  of  their  town.  Their  home  is  yet  in  "  The  May 
flower."  It  was  chilly  November.  "  It  snowed,  and  did  blow 
all  the  day  and  night,  and  froze  withal."  They  must  be  in 
haste  to  prepare  for  their  shivering  families  a  cover  from 
the  storms  of  winter.  Standish  and  Bradford  could  not  wait 
sixteen  days  for  repairing  the  shallop.  Regardless  of  perils 
from  the  Indians,  they  pushed  out  by  land,  but  found  no 
place  for  a  settlement.  The  shallop  was  now  out  coasting 
for  some  fair  haven  and  for  the  land  of  promise ;  but  those 
who  landed  to  search  "  were  tired  marching  up  and  down 
the  steep  hills  and  deep  valleys,  which  lay  half  a  foot  thick 
with  snow."  Thanks  to  Providence,  the  Indians  had  buried 
a  little  c'orn  there  for  this  dreadful  time  of  need.  Brave 
men  continue  the  search.  The  war-whoop  and  death-arrows 
salute  them  as  they  rise  from  their  morning  .prayers.  "  The 
Mayflower  "  moves  along  the  coast,  and  seems  about  to  wreck 
amid  a  storm  of  dreadful  fury;  but  God  moves  a  sailor  to  cry 
out  to  her  frightened  pilot,  "About  with  her,  or  we  are  cast 
away ! "  "  About "  she  turns,  skims  over  the  surf,  and  is  safe. 
Noble  men  are  on* the  land;  demands  are  urgent:  but  they 
will  by  no  means  break  the  holy  sabbath.  On  Monday  they 

101 


THE  GEEAT  REPUBLIC. 


are  in  "  The  Mayflower,"  and  she  moves  cautiously.  At  length, 
on  the  "  eleventh  day  of  December,  old  style,  the  exploring 
par.ty.of  the  forefathers  land"  on  the  rock  henceforth  to  be 
sacre'd  in  histJry  ,as  the  place  on  which  New-England  freedom 
y  set  her/oot  and  began  her  mighty  work. 


THE   MEN   AND    THE   TIME. 

Such  men  as  our  Pilgrim  sires  would  not  have  been  the 
world's  choice  for  the  founding  of  a  new  empire,  at  least  not 
with  the  unpropitious  events  which  crowded  around  Plym 
outh  Kock.  But  what  wisdom  and  foresight  could-  have 
been  more  evidently  infinite  ?  The  Pilgrims  were  a  hardy 
race,  a  firm,  enduring  stock.  Trained  to  self-reliance  under 
the  direct  guidance  of  Providence,  baptized  in  the  sea  of 
suffering,  they  had  the  certain  combinations  of  vast  and 
irresistible  power.  Purer,  nobler  blood  never  flowed  in  An 
glo-Saxon  veins.  Religion  was  their  element,  their  grand 
controlling  power.  They  must  worship.  The  triune  Jehovah 
had  revealed  himself  to  them,  and  they  were  divinely  moved 
to  adore  him  in  spirit  and  in  truth,  in  public  and  in  private  ; 
and  when,  in  the  land  of  their  birth,  they  found  they  could 
not,  they  fled  as  from  the  plague,  ready  to  go  to  the  ends 
of  the  earth  for  the  privilege  of  hearing  the  pure  gospel 
preached,  and  offering  up  fervent  prayers  without  the  pres 
ence  of  a  domineering,  execrable  censorship.  ' 

They  threw  open  the  Holy  Bible,  and  bade  their  sons 
and  their  daughters  look  in  and  see  heaven's  own  light 
with  their  own  eyes,  before  they  were  tempted  to  believe 
that  only  a  dismal  night  of  scepticism  and  woe  was  reserved 
for  this  guilty  state. 

What  could  be  more  evident  than  the  movement  of  a 
God  among  the  suffering  ones  of  the  Old  World,  in  stirring 
the  spirit  of  enterprise,  pouring  dauntless  courage  into 
their  throbbing  bosoms,  selecting  the  choicest  among  them. 
imbuing  them  with  the  spirit  of  a  new  social  system,  and 


COLONIZATION  AND  LIBERTY  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.        1Q3 

guiding  them  to  the  chosen  land  ?  What  but  Divinity 
could  have  produced  such  recognitions  of  his  sovereign 
authority,  the  acceptance  of  a  mission  so  mysterious  and  so 
difficult,  and  the  high  resolves  and  sustained  energy  mani 
fest  in  every  step  of  their  wonderful  career  ? 

They  were  here  at  length  to  toil,  to  battle,  to  pray,  and 
at  length  to  die,  but  not  until  they  had  sent  their  heroic 
blood  coursing  down  through  the  veins  of  future  generations 
to  the  end  of  time.  Here  they  would  bravely  enact  the 
pledges  of  their  farewell  address  on  the  strand  of  Delfthaven 
on  the  morning  of  their  embarkation.  "  We  are  actuated," 
they  said,  "  by  the  hope  of  laying  some  foundation,  or  making 
way  for  the  propagation  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ  to  the  re 
mote  ends  of  the  earth,  though  we  shall  be  but  the  stepping- 
stones  to  others."  "Laying  some  foundation."  Yes;  and 
what  a  foundation  they  laid !  The  lapse  of  ages  will  but 
suffice  to  show  its  amazing  solidity  and  breadth.  "  The  king 
dom  of  Christ."  How  sublimely  their  ideas  of  government 
and  the  destiny  of  man  rose  above  the  grovelling  concep 
tions  of  avarice  and  ambition  !  "  The  propagation  of  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  to  the  remote  ends  of  the  earth."  Did 
ever  a  feeble  colony  venture  upon  the  heaving  bosom  of  the 
ocean,  to  plant  themselves  upon  a  foreign  shore  amid  wild 
and  merciless  savages,  for  such  an  object  as  this  ?  The  truth 
is,  the  whole  movement  was,  in  all  its  grand  features,  super 
human,  a  clear  demonstration  of  a  reigning  Divinity  in  the 
affairs  of  men. 

The  period  of  this  colonization  was  timely.  Had  it  been 
"  immediately  on  the  discovery  of  the  American  continent, 
the  old  English  institutions  would  have  been  planted  un 
der  the  powerful  influence  of  the  Roman-Catholic  religion ; 
had  the  settlement  been  made  under  Elizabeth,  it  would  have 
been  before  activity  of  the  popular  mind  in  religion  had  con 
ducted  to  a  corresponding  activity  in  politics ; "  *  had  it 
been  before  the  orders  for  conformity  and  the  bitter  perse 
cutions  for  attempts  to  exercise  the  rights  of  conscience, 

*  Bancroft,  i.  308. 


104  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

New  England  might  have  been  settled,  like  Virginia,  by  the 
advocates  of  prelacy  and  the  divine  right  of  kings.  The 
deadly  incubus  of  caste,  and  of  aristocratic  exemptions  from 
labor,  and  the  expenses  of  government,  would  have  borne 
down  New  England  to  the  level  of  the  old  civilization.  But 
the  omniscient  God  had  all  these  contingencies  before  him, 
and  controlled  the  events  which  were  likely  to  interfere  with 
the  certainty  and  high  moral  -purposes  of  his  general  plan. 
Hence  it  was  not  courtiers  nor  nobles,  not  the  scions  of  worn- 
out  pretending  families,  but  hard-handed,  brave-souled,  prac 
tical  men,  who  were  to  colonize  New  England ;  and,  at  the 
right  time,  Providence  sent  them  out  on  their  great  mission. 


PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 

Who  can  describe  the  gratitude  and  joy  of  these  wander 
ing  pilgrims  ?  True,  they  were  shivering  with  cold ;  they  were 
surrounded  by  savages  whose  hostility  they  must  dread  even 
when  they  seemed  to  be  friendly.  Fierce  hunger  gnawed 
at  their  vitals,  and  gaunt  famine  stared  them  in  the  face  ; 
but  their  Christian  heroism  endured  the  trial.  They  knelt 
as  they  stepped  upon  the  rock,  and  poured  out  their  souls 
in  prayer  to  Him  whose  glory  they  sought ;  and  he  heard 
and  answered. 

They  proceeded  at  once  to  build  a  town  ;  and  what  should 
they  call  it  ?  On  the  map  made  by  Capt.  Smith,  the  harbor 
had  been  called  "Plymouth."  They  had  finally  sailed  from 
Plymouth  in  dear  Old  England.  It  was  providential :  they 
were  in  Plymouth  again  in  New  England ;  and  Plymouth  it 
should  be. 

Now  God  appeared  in  charge  of  this  vast  but  unimposing 
interest.  He  moved  the  savages  to  say,  "  Welcome,  English 
men  ! "  or,  when  they  would  not  listen  to  moderate  counsel, 
he  would  permit  the  redoubtable  Standish  to  scatter  them 
as  chaff  before  the  wind.  He  would  give  the  emigrants 
Indian  corn  and  fish  and  game  enough  to  keep  the  colony 


COLONIZATION  AND   LIBERTY    IN  MASSACHUSETTS.        1Q5 

from  extinction  by  starvation,  and  yet  he  would  drive  them 
by  hunger  and  want  to  the  cultivation  of  the  soil. 

They  had  commenced  to  exercise  the  rights  of  freemen ; 
but  would  this  be  tolerated  ?  Would  the  crown  be  satisfied 
with  assurances  of  loyalty  in  every  thing  not  in  conflict  with 
the  word  of  God,  and  grant  them  civil  and  religious  freedom? 
It  was  at  least  very  improbable. 

At  the  end  of  a  year,  thirty-five  additional  colonists  arrived; 
and  Cushman  was  with  them.  He  brought  a  patent  for  the 
Pilgrims  from  the  Council  for  New  England.  This  made 
Massachusetts  distinct  from  Virginia.  They  could  not  be 
identical.  Their  settlements  were  too  remote ;  and  they  were 
to  represent  rival,  and  in  some  respects  antagonist  ideas  of 
man  and  liberty.  They  must  demonstrate  their  theories,  and 
try  the  strength  of  their  opposing  principles,  quite  apart  from 
each  other,  before  the  great  facts  of  their  unity  could  become 
evident  and  practical. 

Cushman  would  make  but  a  brief  stay ;  lecture  the  peo 
ple  severely  "  on  the  sin  and  danger  of  self-love ; "  gather 
his  cargo  of  "  furs,  sassafras,  clapboards,  and  wainscots,"  worth 
about  twenty-four  hundred  dollars;  and  hasten  back  to  report 
to  "  the  merchant  adventurers  "  the  prospects  of  their  invest 
ments  in  money  and  Puritan  industry  for  seven  years.  He 
would 'also  become  "a  confidential  agent"  of  the  Plymouth 
Colony  in  London.  We  can  but  wish  he  had  brought  over 
a  supply  of  provisions  in  "  The  Fortune,"  as  the  colonists  were 
near  to  starving ;  and  that  he  had  succeeded  in  securing  a 
charter  of  liberty  from  the  government:  but  they  must  do 
without  this  charter  until  they  have  full  opportunity  to 
strengthen  their  self-reliance,  and  battle  energetically  with 
conservative  repression  at  home. 

LIBERTY   REVEALS    HER   FORM    AND   STRENGTH. 

How  much  we  wish  that  good  John  Robinson  could  come 
from  Leyden  with  the  company  left  behind,  when  the  Pil- 


106  THE  GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

grims  sail  from  Delfthaven !  He  would  be  a  power  in  the 
struggles  with  the  crown.  But  he  never  came.  By  the 
cruel  plottings  of  "  the  adventurers  in  England."  he  was  re 
fused  a  passage ;  and  the  Church  of  the  Pilgrims  must  be 
denied  the  privilege  of  hearing  the  voice  and  receiving  the 
care  of  their  own  beloved  pastor,  that  bigoted  Churchmen 
might  force  upon  them  the  yoke  of  a  State  religion  and  the 
services  of  a  dreaded  ritual.  This,  as  it  was  fit,  would  be 
one  of  the  first  issues  with  the  despotism  from  which  they 
had  fled.  "  The  character  of  the  Church  had  for  many  years 
been  fixed  by  a  sacred  covenant.  As  the  Pilgrims  landed, 
their  institutions  were  already  perfected.  Democratic  liberty 
and  independent  Christian  worship  at  once  existed  in  Amer 
ica."  :  This  principle  they  could  therefore  by  no  means  give 
up.  "  For  the  first  eight  years,  there  was  no  pastor "  but 
Robinson  in  Holland.  "  Lyford,  sent  out  by  the  London  part 
ners,"  makes  the  attempt  to  bring  them  under  the  control 
of  Church  authority ;  but  he  is  rejected,  and  expelled  from 
the  colony.  They  prefer  to  worship  in  their  own  simple 
way,  and  wait  the  action  of  Providence  to  give  them  a  pas 
tor  after  their  own  hearts.  The  fort  they  had  erected  for 
defence  against  the  Indians  became  their  house  of  worship, 
as  near  to  heaven  and  acceptable  to  God  as  any  gorgeous 
cathedral  in  England.  "  Brewster,  the  ruling  elder,  and  such 
private  members  as  had  the  gift  of  prophecy,  officiated  as 
exhorters.  On  Sunday  afternoons,  a  question  was  propound 
ed,  to  which  all  spoke  who  had  any  thing  to  say."  -j-  So  the 
Pilgrims  stand  firm,  and  refuse  yet  to  come  under  the  bond 
age  of  ceremonies.  I  suppose  the  Yankees  have  the  irrev 
erence  to  smile,  even  at  this  day,  when  they  read,  that,  in 
1623,  Robert  Gorges,  the  son  of  Sir  Ferdinand,  "appointed 
lieutenant-general  of  New  England,  with  power  '  to  restrain 
interlopers'  not  less  than  to  regulate  the  affairs  of  the  corpo 
ration,"  brought  with  him  one  "  Morrill,  an  Episcopal  clergy 
man,  who  was  provided  with  a  commission  for  the  super in- 

*  Bancroft,  i.  313.  f  Hildreth,  i.  175. 


COLONIZATION   AND   LIBERTY   IN   MASSACHUSETTS.        1Q7 

tendence  of  ecclesiastical  affairs.  Instead  of  establishing  a 
hierarchy,  Merrill,  remaining  in  New  England  about  a  year, 
wrote  a  description  of  the  country  in  verse  ;  while  the  civil 
dignity  of  Robert  Gorges  ended  in  a  short-lived  dispute  with 
Weston.  They  caine  to  plant  a  hierarchy  and  a  general 
government,  and  they  produced  only  a  fruitless  quarrel  and 
a  dull  poem."  * 

"  The  grand  charter  of  Plymouth  "  neither  advanced  nor 
impeded  New  England  in  matters  of  civil  liberty.  Neither 
their  independence  nor  thrift  waited  for  charter  rights.  Go 
ing  on  with  their  characteristic  plan  of  managing  for  them 
selves,  they  bought  out  the  "English  adventurers,"  whose 
capital  had  furnished  the  means  for  beginning  their  colony. 
Submitting  to  a  monopoly  from  eight  of  their  own  number 
for  six  years,  they  began  to  assert  the  rights  of  property  in 
their  own  labor,  and  work  their  way  up  to  business  independ 
ence. 

And  all  this  was  done  in  the  name  of  religion,  and  in 
firm  dependence  upon  Almighty  God.  His  guidance  was 
humbly  invoked  upon  every  occasion,  and  the  promotion  of 
his  glory  avowed  as  the  grand  motive  of  all  their  resistance 
to  tyranny,  and  vigorous  efforts  to  constitute  a  government 
upon  the  basis  of  justice.  To  divest  the  history  of  Massa 
chusetts 'of  its  divine  element  would  be  to  utterly  destroy  it. 

COLONIES    INCREASE. 

Plymouth  will  soon  be  the  centre  of  a  neighborhood  of 
colonies.  Englishmen  were  rapidly  coming  to  the  apprehen 
sion  that  a  splendid  empire  would  some  day  arise  in  America. 
A  lucrative  trade  seemed  to  be  easily  within  reach,  and  they 
promptly  grasped  for  advantages  which  might  soon  be  be 
yond  reach. 

An  early  attempt  at  a  settlement  near  Weymouth  had 
resulted  disastrously.  This  was  now  renewed.  But  the  most 

*  Bancroft,  i.  326. 


108  THE   GEEAT   REPUBLIC. 

important  demonstration  began  in  1624,  near  Cape  Ann.  It 
was  meant  to  be  a  profitable  business  enterprise;  but  it 
received  a  higher  impulse  from  "  White,  a  minister  of  Dor 
chester,  a  Puritan,  but  not  a  Separatist.  Roger  Conant, 
having  already  left  New  Plymouth  for  Nantasket,"  became 
the  agent  and  the  hero  of  this  adventure.  The  merchants, 
discouraged  by  the  want  of  profits,  settled  honorably  with 
those  they  had  employed,  and  gave  up  "  the  unprofitable 
scheme ; "  but  Conant,  "  inspired  as  it  were  by  some  supe 
rior  instinct,"  united  with  White  and  a  few  others,  determined 
to  persist  in  the  endeavor  to  establish  a  colony ;  "  and,  mak 
ing  choice  of  Salem  as  opening  a  convenient  place  of  refuge 
for  the  exiles  for  religion,  they  resolved  to  remain  as  sen 
tinels  of  Puritanism  on  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts." 

In  1628,  four  years  later,  a  more  formidable  combination 
of  Puritan  strength  and  enterprise  appears  in  England  for 
the  religious  colonization  of  New  England.  "  The  constraints 
of  the  English  laws,  and  the  severities  of  the  English  hie 
rarchy,"  threw  the  advocates  of  freedom  more  fully  than  ever 
upon  the  care  of  Providence.  Great  names,  and  men  full  of 
business  energy  and  religious  zeal,  are  found  in  the  organi 
zation  which  followed.  They  wished  "  a  charter  from  the 
crown,"  obtained  the  friendship  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  and  secured  from  the  Council  of 
Plymouth  for  New  England  "  a  large  district  on  the  Charles 
River."  "  Endicott,  who,  '  ever  since  the  Lord  in  mercy  had 
revealed  himself  unto  him,'  had  maintained  the  straitest 
judgment  against  the  outward  form  of  God's  worship  as 
prescribed  by  English  statutes ;  a  man  of  dauntless  courage, 
and  that  cheerfulness  which  accompanies  courage  ;  benevo 
lent,  though  austere ;  firm,  though  choleric ;  of  a  rugged 
nature,  which  his  stern  principles  of  nonconformity  had  not 
served  to  mellow,  —  was  selected  as  a  '  fit  instrument  to  begin 
the  wilderness-work.'  "  With  "  his  wife  and  family,  the  hos 
tages  of  his  irrevocable  attachment  to  the  New  World,"  he 
arrived  in  September.  His  party,  with  those  he  found  there, 


COLONIZATION  AND   LIBERTY   IN   MASSACHUSETTS.        1Q9 

numbered  some  fifty  or  sixty ;  and  with  these  he  "  founded 
the  oldest  town  in  the  colony,  soon  to  be  called  Salem,"  and 
with  eagle  eye  began  to  move  about  the  future  "  hub  of  the 
universe." 

"Thomas  Walford,  a  blacksmith,"  was  now  at  Charles- 
town  ;  "  William  Blackstone,  an  Episcopal  clergyman,"  was 
on  the  opposite  peninsula ;  "  Samuel  Maverick,  son  of  a 
pious  nonconformist  minister,"  but  "  himself  a  prelatist," 
was  on  "  the  island  now  known  as  East  Boston  ; "  and  "  strag 
glers  "  were  "  at  Nantasket  and  farther  south."  A  small  be 
ginning,  one  would  say,  for  the  elegant  commercial  city  of 
Boston,  "  the  Athens  of  America,*  only  a  little  more  than 
two  hundred  years  ago.  Let  us  hope  that "  the  unruly  com 
pany  in  what  is  now  Quincy"  profited  by  the  faithfulness 
of  our  Puritan  governor,  who  "  visited  them  in  person," 
and  "  rebuked  them  for  their  profane  revels,  and  monished 
them  to  look  there  should  be  better  walking." 

We  now  come  to  an  epoch  of  great  importance  in  the 
history  of  America.  A  new  monarch  had  ascended  the 
throne  of  England.  Urged  by  "the  time-serving  courtier, 
Lord  Dorchester,"  and  prompted  by  fear  of  the  Dutch,  who 
"  were  already  trading  in  the  Connecticut  River,"  and  the 
French,  who  "  claimed  New  England  as  within  the  limits  of 
New  France,"  and  discouraged  by  the  repeated  failures 
of  "  the  prelatical  party,"  and  finally  moved  by  "  an  offer  of 
6  Boston  men '  that  promised  good  to  the  plantation,"  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1629,  "a  few  days  only  before  Charles  I., 
in  a  public  State  paper,  avowed  his  purpose  of  reigning 
without  a  parliament,  the  broad  seal  of  England  was  put  to 
the  letters-patent  for  Massachusetts." 

"  The  charter,  which  was  cherished  for  more  than  half  a 
century  as  the  most  precious  boon,  constituted  a  body  politic 
by  the  name  of  the  Governor  and  Company  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  Bay  in  New  England."  The  "  governor,  deputy,  and 
eighteen  assistants,"  were  to  be  "  elected  annually  by  the 
freemen  or  members  of  the  corporation."  This  was  a  most 


HO  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

important  concession,  made  by  a  despotic  sovereign.  Provi 
dence  directed  the  profligate  Charles  II.  to  record  the  judg 
ment,  that  "  the  principle  and  foundation  of  the  charter  of 
Massachusetts  was  the  freedom  of  liberty  of  conscience ; " 
and  would  see  that  the  privileges  it  conferred  should  be 
passed  over  unimpaired  to  the  struggling  Puritans  of  New 
England.  The  advocates  of  prelacy  and  civil  despotism 
would  not  emigrate  in  large  numbers  to  the  land  of  trials 
and  fanatical  reformers;  but  swarms  of  praying  Pilgrims 
would  come  hither,  and  be  sure  to  construe  every  word  of 
the  charter,  and  the  very  neglects  of  the  king,  in  favorof 
their  own  asserted  rights.  This  alone  was  necessary  to  found 
successfully  the  great  free  State  of  Massachusetts. 

With  this  charter  came  a  goodly  company  of  emigrants, 
and  just  in  time  to  revive  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  rem 
nants  of  former  colonists  settled  in  and  about  Salem. 
Charlestown  received  a  portion  of  the  new  population,  and  a 
town  was  laid  out  "  about  the  hill."  Higginson,  the  ordained 
teacher  of  Salem,  availed  himself  of  the  press  to  rouse  atten 
tion  in  England  to  the  claims  of  this  new  country,  and  was 
successful.  "  The  concessions  of  the  Massachusetts  charter 
seemed  to  the  Puritans  like  a  summons  from  heaven,  inviting 
them  to  America  ; "  and  on  they  came. 

The  28th  of  July,  1629,  marks  another  grand  transition 
period  in  the  history  of  freedom  in  America.  On  this  day, 
"Matthew  Cradock,  governor  of  the  company,"  proposed 
"the  transfer  of  the  government  of  the  plantation  to  those 
that  should  inhabit  there;"  and  this  would  bring  "persons 
of  worth  and  quality  "  to  the  New  World.  "  Wealthy  com 
moners,  zealous  Puritans,  were  confirmed  in  the  desire  of 
founding  a  new  and  a  better  commonwealth  beyond  the  At 
lantic,  even  though  it  might  involve  the  sale  of  their  heredi 
tary  estates,  and  hazard  the  inheritance  of  their  children." 

Now  the  noble  Winthrop  appears  with  his  eleven  associ 
ates,  who  "  bound  themselves  in  the  presence  of  God,  by  the 
word  of  a  Christian,  that  if,  before  the  end  of  September, 


COLONIZATION  AND  LIBERTY  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.        HI 

an  order  of  the  court  should  legally  transfer  the  whole 
government,  together  with  the  patent,  they  would  them 
selves  pass  the  seas  to  inhabit  and  continue  in  New  Eng 
land."  Singularly  enough,  "  two  days  after  this  covenant 
had  been  executed,  a  general  consent  appeared,  by  the 
erection  of  hands,  that  the  government  and  patent  should 
be  settled  in  New  England."  Henceforth  the  officers  of  the 
colony  would  reside  in  the  midst  of  the  people. 

The  new  emigration  set  forward ;  and,  "  during  the  season 
^  of  1630,  seventeen  vessels  brought  over  not  far  from  a  thou 
sand  souls,  beside  horses,  kine,  goats,  and  all  that  was  most 
necessary  for  planting,  fishing,  and  ship-building." 

John  Winthrop  was  elected  governor,  and  he  was  a  man 
of  rare  excellences.  Mild,  loving,  and  firm,  he  was  well 
adapted  to  overcome  the  discontents  of  his  comrades.  A 
royalist  and  conformist  at  home,  he,  nevertheless,  had  a 
strong  desire  for  "gospel  purity,"  and  the  highest  forms 
of  liberty  under  the  British  Government.  He  would  be  an 
heroic  representative  of  the  transition  period  from  the  Ref 
ormation  to  Republicanism,  an  inflexible  defender  of  order 
and  progressive  freedom. 

Salem  did  not  suit  Winthrop  as  the  head  of  the  colony. 
Looking  for  a  better  place,  on  the  17th  of  June,  1630,  he 
sailed  into  Boston  Harbor ;  and,  as  the  result  of  the  exami 
nation,  headquarters  were  soon  removed  to  Charlestown ;  and 
Boston,  with  its  populous  environs,  soon  begins  its  career  of 
greatness  and  wealth  as  the  commercial  and  civil  metropolis 
of  a  great  State. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  trace  farther  the  growth  of  colonies 
in  Massachusetts.  We  have  advanced  far  enough  to  obtain 
a  clear  and  comprehensive  view  of  the  vital  principles 
which  constructed  and  developed  the  civil  and  religious 
institutions  of  the  Commonwealth.  Let  us  now  observe  a 
little  more  minutely  the  application  and  limitations  of  these 
principles. 


112  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 


CHRISTIANITY   AND    FREEDOM    IN    MASSACHUSETTS. 

We  have  seen  with  what  a  profound  sense  of  responsibility 
to  God  the  Puritans  renounced  their  homes  in  England,  and 
became  pilgrims  in  quest  of  liberty.  It  is  not  now,  how 
ever,  their  acknowledgment  of  God  merely  that  requires  our 
attention.  The  argument  is  deeper.  The  question  is,  What 
power  was  alone  sufficient  to  produce  the  phenomena  which 
have  passed  before  us  ?  In  examining  the  history  of  dis 
coveries  in  America,  and  considering  the  colonization  of  Vir 
ginia  and  the  minor  members  of  the  Southern  group,  we 
have  found  that  restless  vagrancy  and  ambitious  avarice 
could  produce  daring  adventure,  and  heroic  efforts  to  found 
despotic  institutions.  We  have  seen  also  the  struggles  of  a 
purer  vitalizing  force  in  the  midst  of  these  dominant  im 
pulses,  gradually  forcing  its  way  to  position  as  the  true  and 
rightful  forming  power  of  nations. 

In  the  movement  now  under  consideration,  the  representa 
tive  colonists  are  stripped  of  all  State  patronage,  and  are 
exiles  first  in  a  land  of  civilization,  and  then  in  a  land  of  sav 
ages.  Simple  subsistence  would  seem  to  be  enough  to  tax 
their  highest  energies.  If  comfort  and  abundance  should  be 
achieved,  it  must,  one  would  say,  be  the  result  of  an  entire 
devotion  to  worldly  pursuits.  But  they  make  a  mere  inci 
dent  of  worldly  pursuits.  Their  grand  absorbing  object  is 
the  worship  and  glory  of  God.  They  see  that  freedom  of 
conscience  for  themselves  is  indispensable  to  this  result.  A 
clearer  light  shines  deep  down  into  their  souls,  and  far  out 
into  the  world  and  the  future,  and  reveals  liberty  from  thral 
dom  of  sin,  from  oppressions  of  governments  civil  and  eccle 
siastical,  as  the  inherent,  inalienable  right  of  all  good  men. 
Whence  but  from  heaven  could  this  light  come  ?  The  world, 
in  its  highest  efforts  of  reason,  has  refused  to  supply  it.  The 
light  from  God  is  clear  and  searching  and  steady.  Coming 
from  this  source,  how  evidently  would  it  be  adequate  to 
reveal  the  spirit  and  designs  of  human  freedom  as  deter- 


COLONIZATION  AND  LIBEETY  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.        H3 

mined  in  the  original  creation  of  mind,  and  to  show  the 
enormous  crime  of  usurpation  which  denies,  and  attempts  to 
crush,  these  inborn  rights  ! 

In  the  same  way  must  we  account  for  that  firm  adherence 
to  right  amidst  the  storms  of  persecution  and  the  trials 
of  colonization  which  the  history  of  the  Pilgrims  reveals. 
What  need  had  they  to  go  to  Amsterdam  or  Ley  den  or 
Plymouth  ?  They  had  nothing  to  do  but  "  conform  "  to  the 
wicked  exactions  of  despotic  power,  and  go  on  and  prosper 
like  other  subjects  of  the  British  crown.  But  the  souls  of 
the  martyrs  were  in  them.  Suffering  and  right  were  to  them 
infinitely  preferable  to  royal  favor  and  a  dishonored  con 
science.  And  how  came  it  so  ?  No  worldly  power,  no  selfish 
philosophy,  ever  gave  them  or  others  this  lofty  heroism  while 
they  floated  with  the  mass  of  unquestioning  sycophants  in 
the  wake  of  power.  Admitting,  however,  that  the  plans  of 
God  for  the  emancipation  of  thought  and  conscience  had 
matured ;  that  he  had  opened  a  virgin  hemisphere  for  the 
planting  and  growth  of  a  higher,  purer  civilization;  and 
that  he  himself  would  undertake,  by  the  discipline  of  suffer 
ing  and  inward  regeneration,  to  provide  the  men  for  the 
movement  which  would  illustrate  these  grand  designs :  what 
could  have  been  more  appropriate  than  the  strange  power 
of  endurance  and  enterprise  for  the  vindication  of  liberty 
which  we  have  seen  in  these  Puritan  Pilgrims  ? 

Just  as  evidently  would  the  active  agency  of  God  in  the 
souls  of  the  colonists  connect  inseparably  the  rights  of 
conscience  and  civil  liberty.  It  is,  however,  in  exact  con 
formity  with  this  theory  of  the  providential  colonization 
of  New  England,  that  the  conflict  should  show  our  Puritan 
sires  constantly  engaged  in  the  spirit  of  earnest  prayer;  that, 
when  they  formed  the  basis  of  constitutional  government  in 
"  The  Mayflower,"  they  should  do  every  thing  in  the  name  of 
God,  and  in  solemn  dependence  upon  his  wisdom  and  grace ; 
that  all  attempts  to  coerce  them  should  utterly  fail,  serving 
only  to  render  more  illustrious  their  supreme  devotion  to 


114  THE  GKEAT  REPUBLIC. 

exalted  principle.  It  is  thus  easy  to  explain  the  undeniable 
fact  that  they  stepped  boldly  forward  of  their  nation  and 
age  in  announcing  new  powers  of  humanity,  and  demonstrat 
ing  the  capability  of  man  for  a  higher  range  of  honor  and 
glory  on  earth  than  had  ever  before  been  deemed  possible. 
This  is  God  in  history,  God  in  America. 

The  illustrations  of  these  positions,  and  especially  of  the 
inseparable  identity  of  the  rule  of  God  and  the  develop 
ment  of  the  higher  forms  of  liberty  in  the  minds  of  the' 
Puritans,  are  so  numerous  and  striking,  that  selections  are 
difficult. 

"  To  the  European  world,  the  few  tenants  of  the  huts  and 
cabins  of  Salem  were  too  insignificant  to  merit  notice.  To 
themselves,  they  were  chosen  emissaries  of  God ;  outcasts 
from  England,  yet  favorites  with  Heaven ;  destitute  of  se 
curity,  of  convenient  food,  and  of  shelter,  and  yet  blessed  as 
instruments  selected  to  light  in  the  wilderness  the  beacon  of 
pure  religion.  The  emigrants  were  not  so  much  a  body  pol 
itic  as  a  church  in  the  wilderness,  seeking,  under  a  visible 
covenant,  to  have  fellowship  with  God,  as  a  family  of  adopt 
ed  sons." 

"  The  New  World  shared  in  the  providence  of  God  :  it  had 
claims,  therefore,  to  the  benevolence  and  exertions  of  man. 
What  nobler  work  than  to  abandon  the  comforts  of  England, 
and  plant  a  church  without  a  blemish,  where  it  might  spread 
over  a  continent  ?  " 

"  The  ill  success  of  other  plantations  could  not  chill  the 
rising  enthusiasm.  Former  enterprises  had  aimed  at  profit  : 
the  present  object  was  purity  of  religion.  The  earlier  settle 
ments  had  been  filled  with  a  lawless  multitude :  it  was  now 
proposed  to  form  a  "  peculiar  government,"  and  to  colonize 

THE   BEST." 

When  officers  were  to  be  elected  at  a  very  full  General 
Court, "  it  was  resolved  that  the  business  should  be  proceeded 
on  with  its  first  intention,  which  was  chiefly  the  glory  of 
God  j  and  to  that  purpose  its  meetings  were  sanctified  by 


COLONIZATION  AND  LIBERTY  IN   MASSACHUSETTS.        H5 

the  prayers  and  guided  by  the  advice  of  two  faithful  min 
isters  in  London."  : 

And  there  were  faithful  ministers  with  the  colonies.  The 
liberal  Samuel  Skelton,  and  "the  able,  faithful,  and  grave 
Francis  Higgins,"  —  the  one  elected  pastor,  and  the  other 
teacher,  in  Salem,  —  took  care  that  the  people  should  not 
perish  for  lack  of  knowledge. 

"The  enjoyment  of  the  gospel  as  the  dearest  covenant 
that  can  be  made  between  God  and  man  was  the  chief  object 
of  the  emigrants."  They  therefore  took  care  to  organize 
their  churches  after  the  simple  model  of  their  own  under 
standing  of  worship  and  the  condition  of  the  primitive  Chris 
tian  Church.  Thus  Winthrop,  Dudley,  Isaac  Johnson,  and  Wil 
son  became  a  church  by  covenant,  —  "  the  seminal  certre  of 
the  ecclesiastical  system  of  New  England ; "  and  honest  John 
Wilson  was  chosen  the  first  pastor  of  "  the  first  church  of 
Boston."  Eoger  Williams,  renowned  in  the  ecclesiastical  and 
civil  history  of  the  Republic  and  the  world,  came  hither  to 
accomplish  a  mission  not  yet  understood ;  but  he  must  have 
his  place  here  among  the  worthies  whose  religion  required 
and  could  produce  freedom  from  "  Episcopal  and  malignant 
practices."  Cotton,  Eliot  the  Apostle  to  the  Indians,  and 
a  host  of  faithful  godly  men,  appear  in  the  train,  all  breath 
ing  devout  tempers  and  manly  independence. 

Winthrop,  the  scholar,  the  statesman,  and  future  govern 
or  of  Massachusetts,  may  represent  the  spirit  of  the  whole 
movement.  "  I  shall  call  that  my  country,"  he  said  in  a  let 
ter  to  his  honored  father,  "  where  I  may  most  glorify  God, 
and  enjoy  the  presence  of  my  dearest  friends.  Therefore 
herein  I  submit  myself  to  God's  will  and  yours,  and  dedicate 
myself  to  God  and  the  Company  with  the  whole  endeavors 
both  of  body  and  mind.  The  conclusions  which  you  set 
down  are  unanswerable  ;  and  that  cannot  but  be  a  pros 
perous  action  which  is  so  well  allowed  by  the  judgments 
of  God's  prophets,  undertaken  by  so  religious  and  wise 

*  Bancroft,  i.  347-351. 


116  THE   GEE  AT    EEPUBLIC. 

worthies  in  Israel,  and  indented  to  God's  glory  in  so  special 
a  service."  This  is  the  statesmanship  of  New-England  col 
onization. 

LIMITATIONS    OF   LIBERTY   IN   MASSACHUSETTS. 

The  reader  will  observe  that  we  have  written  not  to  eulo 
gize  any  thing,  nor  defend  every  thing,  in  the  Puritan  charac 
ter  or  opinions  or  administration.  We  have  examined  their 
history  with  one  object  alone,  —  to  identify  the  divine  in  the 
origin  and  development  of  American  institutions,  and  place 
the  action  of  Providence  in  clear  relief  before  the  world. 

It  is  now  time  to  admit  that  much  which  was  merely 
human  mingled  with  the  divine  in  this  movement,  and  that 
the  liberty  of  Puritanism  had  its  limitations,  and  required,  as 
it  received,  the  accession  of  other  elements  to  make  it  ge 
nial,  practical,  and  thoroughly  American. 

Its  theology  included  the  Calvinistic  interpretation  of  the 
Thirty-nine  Articles,  the  strong  tendency  of  which  was  not 
only  to  harmonize  the  permission  of  moral  evil,  with  the  di 
vine  plans,  but  to  make  sin  in  itself  a  part  of  those  plans. 
The  practical  effect  would  naturally  be  to  weaken  hope  in 
moral  appeals  to  individual  responsibility,  and  strengthen 
the  idea  of  coercion,  of  which,  in  the  most  rigid  forms  of 
faith,  God  would  be  the  great  example  in  every  thing.  The 
first  grand  obstacle,  therefore,  that  liberty  must  meet  in  the 
New  World,  would  be  the  theoretical  limitation  of  the  will. 
Carried  to  what  would  seem  its  legitimate  extreme,  this 
limitation  would  be  fatal  to  liberty ;  for,  if  the  soul  itself  is 
not  free,  there  can  be  no  freedom  anywhere. 

But  it  is  not  in  the  nature  of  mind  to  make  this  limitation 
thoroughly  practical.  The  instantaneous  action  of  volition, 
and  the  freedom  of  choice,  will  make  place  for  the  fact  of 
accountability :  and,  if  the  limitation  of  the  will  is  held  to  be 
absolute,  the  freeness  of  the  act  and  the  guilt  of  the  trans 
gression  will  claim  its  place  by  its  side ;  and,  with  more  or 
less  attempt  at  reconciliation,  freedom  will  become  the  great 


COLONIZATION  AND  LIBEETY  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.        H7 

practical  law  of  human  life.  This  was  Puritanism.  In  its 
first  forms,  it  was  a  prompt,  bold,  and  indignant  protest 
against  the  infringements  of  liberty  by  the  usurpations  of 
kings  and  prelates ;  then  it  was  the  most  patient  and  en 
during  of  all  forms  of  suffering  among  men ;  and  finally  it 
was  the  uprising  of  an  innate  sense  of  justice,  that  would 
bear  dov/n  every  thing  which  dared  to  oppose  it.  This  was 
the  real  freedom  of  the  will;  and  the  Puritans  asserted  it,  in 
the  most  energetic  form  possible  to  man,  by  daring  heroic 
action.  They  were,  therefore,  the  most  thorough  Protestants 
(protest-ants)  in  the  world.  It  was  vain  to  say  that  this 
grand  resurrection  of  liberty  did  not  belong  to  their  system. 
They  made  it  belong ;  and,  practically,  all  limitations  of  the 
will  were  forced  to  conform  to  the  rising  power  of  personal 
freedom. 

If,  however,  there  was  something  in  the  severe  doctrines  of 
Calvin  which  suggested,  and  had  a  strong  tendency  to  pro 
duce,  intolerance,  that  tendency  would  be  greatly  strength 
ened  by  long  connection  with  systems  of  despotic  power ; 
and,  when  the  misrule  of  authority  was  thrown  off,  authority 
itself  in  favor  of  the  right  would  be  likely  to  be  retained. 
While  tie  enormous  wrong  of  a  formal  ritualistic  State  re 
ligion  would  appear,  it  might  be  deemed  a  grand  achieve 
ment  to  establish  a  pure,  simple,  saving  religion  by  law ; 
and  this  was  the  real  direction  and  grave  error  of  the  Puri 
tan  mind.  While  their  whole  souls  rose  up  in  resistance  to 
every  attempt  to  compel  men  to  do  wrong,  they  esteemed 
it  a  high  virtue  and  a  moral  necessity  to  compel  them  to  do 
right. 

This  will  explain  the  rigid  exactions  of  the  colonial  gov 
ernment  in  favor  of  the  sabbath,  going  to  church,  paying 
the  minister,  and  the  like,  which  gave  the  Puritans  the  repu 
tation  of  "  blue  lights."  These  were  excellent  things  to  do ; 
but  the  religious  power  of  man  could  not  be  coerced.  The 
same  explanation  is  true  of  the  exclusiveness  of  "the  stand 
ing  order  "  by  which  it  was  affirmed  that  men  were  ruined 


118  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

if  they  used  their  liberty  in  the  establishment  of  the  English 
Church,  or  attempted  to  disturb  the  rights  of  "  the  Lord's 
people  "  by  introducing  the  "  pestilent  heresy  "  of  Arminian- 
ism  into  New  England.  It  explains,  but  by  no  means  vindi 
cates,  Puritan  intolerance.  It  is  both  curious  and  lament 
able  to  see  the  extreme  spirit  of  Protestantism  reaching 
the  very  prescriptive  bigotry  of  Romanism,  and  the  brave 
assertion  of  Puritan  rights  resulting  in  the  bitter  persecuting 
intolerance  of  prelacy;  and  yet  historical  fidelity  compels 
the  admission.  We  must  confess,  however  reluctantly,  that 
the  spirit  of  proscription  and  intolerance  in  New  England  is 
exactly  identical  with  the  same  spirit  which  we  found  in 
Virginia. 

Hence,  when  John  and  Samuel  Browne  would  not  consent 
to  the  Congregationalism  of  Salem,  and  "  gathered  a  company 
in  which  '  the  common-prayer  worship '  was  upheld,"  no  mat 
ter  how  "  sincere  in  their  affection  for  the  good  of  the  plan 
tation,"  away  with  them !  "  Should  the  hierarchy  intrude 
on  the  forests  of  Massachusetts  with  the  ceremonies  which 
their  consciences  scrupled  ?  Should  the  success  of  the  colony 
be  endangered  by  a  breach  of  its  unity,  and  the  authority 
of  its  government  overthrown  by  the  confusion  of  an  ever- 
recurring  conflict  ?  They  deemed  the  co-existence  of  their 
liberty  and  of  prelacy  impossible,"  and  it  should  not  obtrude 
itself  into  the  inheritance  of  the  Lord's  people.  No  argu 
ment  could  avail.  "  The  supporters  of  the  liturgy  were  re 
buked  as  separatists ;  their  plea  was  reproved  as  sedition, 
their  worship  forbidden  as  a  mutiny :  and  the  Brownes  were 
sent  back  to  England  as  men  6  factious  and  evil-conditioned,' 
who  could  not  be  suffered  to  remain  within  the  limits  of  the 
grant,  because  they  would  not  be  conformable  to  its  govern 
ment.  Thus  was  Episcopacy  professed  in  Massachusetts,  and 
thus  was  it  exiled."  * 

Roger  Williams  was  astounded  both  by  the  development 
of  intolerance  he  found  in  the  colony,  and  at  the  continued 

*  Bancroft,  i.  349,  350. 


COLONIZATION  AND  LIBERTY  IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

nominal  connection  of  the  colonists  with  the  English  Church. 
"  On  landing  at  Boston,  he  found  himself  unable  to  join  its 
church.  He  had  separated  from  the  Establishment  in  Eng 
land,  which  wronged  conscience  by  disregarding  its  scruples : 
they  were  an  '  unseparated  people/  who  refused  to  renounce 
communion  with  their  persecutors.  He  would  not  suffer  the 
magistrate  to  assume  jurisdiction  over  the  soul  by  punishing 
what  was  no  more  than  a  breach  of  the  first  table,  an  error 
of  conscience  or  belief.  They  were  willing  to  put  the  whole 
Decalogue  under  the  guardianship  of  the  civil  authority.  The 
thought  of  employing  him  as  a  minister  was  therefore  aban 
doned  ;  and  the  Church  of  Boston  was,  in  Wilson's  absence, 
commended  to  '  the  exercise  of  prophecy.'  "  He  would  soon 
become  a  pilgrim  in  the  midst  of  pilgrims,  an  exile  from  the 
land  of  his  adoption ;  for  he  had  the  temerity  to  assert  that 
"  no  one  should  be  bound  to  worship,  or  to  maintain  a  wor 
ship,  against  his  own  consent."  "  The  civil  magistrate  may 
not  intermeddle  even  to  stop  a  church  from  apostasy  and 
heresy:  his  power  extends  only  to  the  bodies  and  goods 
and  outward  estate  of  men."  To  the  minds  of  the  Puritans, 
these  were  monstrous  heresies.  There  could  be  no  room  for 
such  a  man  in  Massachusetts,  He  must  go  away,  or  be 
punished  till  he  will  submit. 

The  Antinomians,  fresh  from  the  school  of  Genevan  the 
ology,  and  determined  to  carry  out  the  system  of  Calvin  to 
what  they  deemed  its  extreme  logical  results,  must  obtrude 
their  heretical  notions  upon  "  the  Lord's  heritage,"  and  accuse 
even  the  Puritans  of  being  "  priest-ridden  magistrates,"  "  un 
der  a  covenant  of  works."  They  had  been  emancipated  from 
the  bondage  of  the  law.  The  Holy  Spirit  lived  in  and  con 
trolled  them,  and  his  teachings  were  superior  "  to  the  minis 
try  of  the  Word."  Anne  Hutchinson,  a  woman  of  ability 
"  and  profitable  and  sober  carriage,"  was  their  leader.  "  John 
Wheelright,  a  silenced  minister,"  and  "  Henry  Vane,  the  gov 
ernor  of  the  colony,"  sustained  her.  Indeed,  the  orthodox 
faith  and  the  State  religion  were  in  peril ;  for  "  scholars,  and 


120  THE  GREAT  EEPUBLIC. 

members  of  the  magistracy,  and  the  General  Court,  adopted 
her  opinions."  What  was  the  remedy  ?  Not  argument,  not 
the  advancing  light  of  reason  and  the  skilful  interpretation 
of  the  word  of  God.  It  was  too  early  for  this.  The  law 
must  exclude  such  persons  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  colony. 
The  ministers  insisted,  arid  the  civil  magistrates  exiled  Wheel- 
right,  Anne  Hutchinson,  and  Aspinwall  from  the  territory 
of  Massachusetts,  as  "  unfit  for  the  society  of  its  citizens." 
"  The  rock  on  which  the  State  rested  was  religion.  A  com 
mon  faith  had  gathered  and  still  bound  the  people  together. 
They  were  exclusive ;  for  they  had  come  to  the  outside  of 
the  world  for  the  privilege  of  living  by  themselves.  Fugi 
tives  from  persecution,  they  shrank  from  contradiction  as 
from  the  approach  of  peril.  And  why  should  they  open  their 
asylum  to  their  oppressors  ?  Religious  union  was  made  the 
bulwark  of  the  exiles  against  expected  attacks  from  the 
hierarchy  of  England.  The  wide  continent  of  America  in 
vited  colonization :  they  claimed  their  own  narrow  domains 
for  the  brethren.  Their  religion  was  their  life :  they  wel 
comed  none  but  its  adherents ;  they  could  not  tolerate  the 
scoffer,  the  infidel,  or  the  dissenter ;  and  the  whole  people 
met  together  in  their  congregations.  Such  was  the  system, 
cherished  as  the  stronghold  of  their  freedom  and  happi 
ness."'  It  is  unnecessary  to  extend  the  history.  The 
Quakers  and  the  Roman  Catholics,  the  witches  and  the 
infidels,  shared  the  same  fate ;  a  few  even  suffering  the 
death-penalty  for  heretical  contumacy.  True  religious  free 
dom  must  bide  its  time  in  Massachusetts. 

*  Bancroft,  i.  368. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
THE  NORTHERN  GROUP   COMPLETED. 

As  we  found  Virginia  the  representative  colony  of  the 
Southern,  so  we  find  Massachusetts  the  representative  of  the 
Northern  group.  In  discussing  the  principles  which  controlled 
the  formation  of  Puritanic  institutions  in  this  colony,  I  have, 
to  a  large  extent,  described  those  of  all  New  England  and 
the  Middle  States.  Marked  divergences  will  appear  in  de 
tail  ;  but  in  the  grand  fundamental  position,  that  true  religion 
is  the  life  and  organizing  force  of  liberty,  they  all  agree. 
Christian  regeneration,  freeing  the  soul  of  the  individual 
from  the  bondage  of  sin,  becomes  the  origin  of  cravings  for 
outward  freedom.  Persecution  in  some  form  becomes  the 
occasion  for  asserting  these  sacred  rights  ;  and  the  high  con 
trol  of  Providence  converts  the  Puritan  into  the  Pilgrim,  and 
the  Pilgrim  into  the  founder  of  a  State. 

MAINE. 

The  district  of  Maine,  which  had  been  colonized  by  the 
French,  and  entered  by  Pring  and  Way  mouth  and  Argall, 
was  temporarily  colonized  by  the  English  in  1607.  Popham, 
the  Chief  Justice  of  England,  and  Gorges,  the  Governor  of 
Plymouth,  were  the  movers  and  patrons  of  the  first  expedi 
tion  to  this  country.  On  the  8th  of  August,  our  adven 
turers  reached  "  America,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec, 
and,  offering  public  thanks  to  God  for  their  safety,  began 
their  settlement  under  the  auspices  of  religion,  with  a  gov- 


16 


122  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

% 

ernment  framed  as  if  for  a  permanent  colony ; "  but  the  colo 
nists  were  not  of  the  right  stamp,  and  after  a  severe  winter 
and  many  misfortunes,  leaving  the  dead  body  of  their  presi 
dent,  George  Popham,  as  if  in  charge  of  the  right  of  soil, 
they  returned  to  England,  and  "  did  coyne  many  excuses  " 
for  their  failure. 

This  hardy  territory,  which  had  been  included  in  the 
enormous  grant  made  to  the  enterprising  Capt.  Smith  and  his 
companions  in  1620,  and  became  a  portion  of  New  England  to 
be  ruled  absolutely  by  the  Plymouth  Company,  was  granted 
in  part  to  the  Pilgrims  in  1623.  A  patent  was  conceded 
to  Gorges  and  Mason  ;  and  their  far-famed  "Laconia"  includ 
ed  the  whole  country  between  the  sea,  the  St.  Lawrence,  the 
Merrimack,  and  the  Kennebec  ;  "  and,  under  the  auspices  of  a 
company  of  merchants,  permanent  settlements  were  formed 
on  the  banks  of  the  Piscataqua." 

But  the  bigoted  and  indomitable  Gorges  was  not  satisfied. 
Three  years  later,  he  set  himself  thoroughly  at  work  to  coun 
teract  the  Roman  Catholics  and  the  French  monarch  in  their 
determined  purpose  to  claim  the  eastern  coast  of  North 
America.  His  effort,  however,  resulted  in  the  grand  failure 
of  Sir  William  Alexander  and  his  timid  Scotch  settlers,  with 
his  splendid  paper  order  of  nobility,  and  a  war  with  New 
France,  in  which  the  English  gained  a  barren  victory,  and 
received  the  surrender  of  the  starved  garrison  of  Quebec; 
but,  under  the  genius  of  Richelieu,  they  were  compelled 
to  surrender  all  their  conquests,  and  the  French  extended 
their  boundary  down  into  the  district  of  Maine  as  far  as  the 
Penobscot. 

To  encourage  agriculture, "  a  district  of  forty  miles  square, 
named  Lygonia,  and  stretching  from  Huntswell  to  the  Ken- 
nebunk,  was  set  apart  for  the  first  colony  of  farmers ; "  but 
the  emigrants  were  ridiculed  and  discouraged  by  the  more 
successful  patrons  of  the  forest  and  the  sea. 

The  persistent  Gorges,  however,  was  not  to  be  discour 
aged.  He  obtained  a  right  to  the  whole  territory  between 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.          123 

the  Kennebec  and  New  Hampshire.  He  accepted  the  ap 
pointment  of  Governor-General  of  New  England,  that  he 
might  set  forward  the  enterprise ;  but  Providence,  much  to 
the  satisfaction  of  Massachusetts,  defeated  his  plans. 

Maine  is  small  in  1636 ;  but  she  has  succeeded  in  the  or 
ganization  of  a  court  at  Saco,  and  will  struggle  on  against 
wind  and  tide  until  she  falls  into  the  arms  of  Massachusetts. 
It  is  vain  to  contend  against  destiny.  Gorges  is  dead.  Piscat- 
aqua,  Gorgeana,  and  Wells  could,  "  by  unanimous  consent, 
form  themselves  into  a  body  politic ;  "  but  they  were  too  weak 
for  so  formidable  an  undertaking.  Massachusetts  stretched 
her  old  convenient  grant  over  the  territory ;  and  in  May, 
1652,  Maine  lost  her  "  independence,"  very  much  to  the  com 
fort,  it  would  seem,  of  those  who  preferred  stability  and 
strength  to  struggle  and  mere  form.  Let  us  rejoice  that  the 
privileges  of  the  English  Church  in  the  district  were  not  to 
be  interfered  with. 

In  May,  1677,  when  Charles  II.  had  succeeded  the  Pro 
tectorate,  and  the  Indian  war  was  raging,  Massachusetts  is 
relieved  of  Maine  by  royal  orders.  The  king  does  not  like 
to  have  these  Puritans  cover  too  much  ground.  They  may 
become  impertinent  and  troublesome  some  day.  He,  more 
over,  wants  the  territory  for  Monmouth,  his  reputed  son. 
Of  course,  the  king  could  do  as  he  liked ;  but  Yankee  shrewd 
ness  came  to  the  help  of  the  great  colony.  Her  represen 
tative  men  ascertained  the  rightful  owners  of  the  grant  to 
Gorges,  and  quietly  Bought  out  "  the  State  of  Maine "  for 
some  six  thousand  dollars.  Massachusetts  found  both  the 
French  and  the  Duke  of  York  in  her  way ;  but  as  "  pro 
prietary  "  she  organized  the  government,  using  "  a  little 
gentle  force  "  when  it  was  absolutely  necessary. 

The  religion  of  Maine  was  thus  far  only  partly  Puritan. 
It  appears  not  to  have  assumed  any  decided  character.  But 
it  must  be  noticed,  that  all  the  attempts  at  colonization  in 
that  territory  were  made  under  strictly  worldly  influences. 
It  was,  in  truth,  a  most  persistent  attempt,  upon  the  part  of 


124  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

the  great  experimental  Gorges,  to  secure  a  foothold  in  Ne\v 
England  for  royalty  and  prelacy,  free  from  Puritan  control ; 
and  our  readers  have  seen  that  these  attempts  were  a  most 
extraordinary  succession  of  failures. 

We  shall  henceforth  find  Puritan  zeal  and  energy  produ 
cing  a  new  life  in  that  district  of  Massachusetts.  Let  us  hope 
that  the  Pilgrims  propagated  in  Maine  their  love  of  liberty 
with  as  little  as  possible  of  their  intolerance.  The  struggle 
between  the  prerogatives  of  the  crown  and  the  people  went 
on,  until,  under  the  lead  of  Providence,  a  strong,  vigorous 
Protestant  State  rose  up  to  maintain  the  liberty  of  her  peo 
ple,  and  take  her  position  in  the  Great  American  Eepublic. 


NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 

From  the  discovery  of  this  territory  by  Martin  Pring,  in 
1603,  to  its  formal  annexation  to  Massachusetts  on  the  14th 
of  April,  1642,  there  was  comparatively  little  prosperity  in 
New  Hampshire. 

Mason  covered  the  territory  with  a  patent,  which  pro 
duced  abundance  of  lawsuits.  In  the  mean  time,  the  inhabit 
ants  themselves,  about  Dover  and  Portsmouth,  obtained  title 
to  the  soil,  which  was  decidedly  favorable  to  progress ;  and  a 
small  number  of  people,  about  1631,  settled  on  the  "  Straw 
berry  Bank"  of  the  Piscataqua :  but  the  country  long  re 
mained  a  wilderness.  In  1653,  Portsmouth  had  only  "  be 
tween  fifty  and  sixty  families." 

After  a  struggle  with  proprietaries,  and  various  adverse 
influences,  for  a  period  of  forty  years,  the  people  reached  the 
conviction  that  an  independent  colony  was  impracticable  in 
that  rugged  country,  and  hence  deliberately  handed  them 
selves  over  to  the  strong  and  prosperous  colony  of  Massa 
chusetts.  We  must  with  this  fact  remember  that  these  set 
tlers  were  not  generally  Puritans.  They  were  without  the 
energy  and  organizing  power  of  that  strange  people. 

A  little  "  worldly  wisdom  "  seems  to  have  already  crept  in 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.          125 

among  the  Massachusetts  Puritans ;  for  they,  with  true  pro 
priety,  conceded  that  their  religious  system  could  not  be 
forced  upon  the  new  territory  ;  and  an  order  was  adopted  in 
General  Court, "  that  neither  the  freemen  nor  the  deputies  of 
New  Hampshire  were  required  to  be  church-members." 

For  a  long  period,  the  fact  was  perfectly  evident  that  this 
was  not  a  Puritan  "  State ;  "  but  with  the  liberty  conceded, 
and  the  infusion  of  Puritan  energy,  it  might  be  hoped  that 
the  future  of  New  Hampshire  would  be  prosperous.  At  least, 
our  Massachusetts  u  Jonathan,"  walking  off  with  Maine  in 
one  pocket  and  New  Hampshire  in  the  other,  was  a  little  in 
danger  of  worldly  pride,  one  would  say. 

The  corning  of  the  "  royal  commissioners "  to  assert  the 
prerogatives  of  the  crown  in  Massachusetts,  of  course  seri 
ously  disturbed  the  future  State  of  New  Hampshire  ;  and 
when  the  commissioners  were,  by  formal  proclamation,  re 
fused  the  right  of  holding  a  court,  at  the  bar  of  which  the 
colony  was  summoned  to  appear,  New  Hampshire  was  in 
volved  in  the  embryo  rebellion ;  and,  some  thirteen  years 
later,  —  July  24,  1679,  —  her  territory  was  arbitrarily  de 
tached  from  Massachusetts,  and  made  a  royal  province.  The 
people  met  in  "  General  Assembly  "  to  consider  the  matter, 
when  the  infusion  of  the  Puritan  element  became  very  evi 
dent  ; '  and  thus  they  wrote  to  Massachusetts :  "  We  acknowl 
edge  your  care  for  us,  we  thankfully  acknowledge  your  kind 
ness,  while  we  dwelt  under  your  shadow ;  owning  ourselves 
deeply  obliged,  that,  on  our  earnest  request,  you  took  us 
under  your  government,  and  ruled  us  well.  If  there  be 
opportunity  for  us  to  be  anywise  serviceable  to  you,  we 
shall  show  how  ready  we  are  to  embrace  it.  Wishing  the 
presence  of  God  to  be  with  you,  we  crave  the  benefit  of 
your  prayers  on  us,  who  are  separated  from  you." 

But  how  will  New  Hampshire  respond  to  the  act  of  royal 
"  prerogative,"  aiming  at  the  utter  destruction  of  her  liber 
ties?  Let  the  following  spirited  words  of  the  Assembly 
answer :  "  No  act,  imposition,  law,  or  ordinance,  shall  be 


126  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

valid,  unless  made  by  the  Assembly,  and  approved  by  the 
people."  Brave,  noble  words!  Feeble,  indeed,  the  colony 
was.  What  would  be  its  power  to  cope  with  the  formidable 
strength  of  the  British  realm  ?  Physically  nothing,  but 
morally  ample  :  for  God  had  moved  New  Hampshire  up  by 
the  side  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  in  the  great  struggle 
for  national  freedom ;  nor  was  she  to  be  intimidated  by 
threats  or  demonstrations  of  tyrannical  power. 

The  irrepressible  Mason  was  again  in  sight,  bound  to  claim 
all  the  land  by  proprietary  right ;  but  the  "  granite  "  colonial 
government  was  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  his  grasping 
schemes.  He  returns  to  England  for  a  redress  of  grievances, 
and  finds  Edward  Canfield  a  suitable  instrument  of  his  sin 
ister  designs.  The  king  was  easily  propitiated  by  "  one-fifth 
part  of  all  the  quit-rents  for  the  support  of  the  government  •  " 
and  Canfield  was  sure  of  his  salary,  having  "  a  mortgage 
on  the  whole  province  for  twenty-one  years  "  as  security, 
and  with  certain  prospects  of  "  an  abundant  harvest  of  fines 
and  forfeitures  "  as  perquisites.  He  was  in  ecstasies,  and  was 
villain  enough  to  boast  openly  of  his  purpose  "to  wrest  a 
fortune  from  the  sawyers  and  lumber-dealers  of  New  Hamp 
shire."  * 

But  what  strange  men  he  met  when  he  came  to  take  pos 
session  of  his  grand  estates  !  They  did  not  know  him  ;  they 
questioned  his  rights ;  they  would  indeed  give  him  "  two 
hundred  and  fifty  pounds"  (which,  to  tell  the  truth,  he  was 
very  glad  to  get) ;  "  but  they  would  not  yield  their  liber 
ties  :  and  the  governor  in  anger  dissolved  the  Assembly." 
This  was  a  new  issue.  Such  an  assumption  of  power  had 
been  hitherto  unknown  in  New  England.  "  Liberty  and  ref 
ormation"  began  to  ring  out  from  the  excited  but  inconsid 
erate  multitude.  This  was  treason  against  the  king ;  and 
poor  "  Edward  Gove,  an  unlettered  enthusiast,"  must  suffer 
for  it  three  years  ".in  the  Tower  of  London." 

Meanwhile  Canfield  began  to  look  after  his   perquisites. 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  116,  117. 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.  127 

Taxes  and  arbitrary  fees,  violent  arrests,  imprisonments,  and 
false  reports  of  invasions,  only  made  the  "  granite  "  men  more 
obstinate  than  ever. 

The  ministers,  Canfield  thought,  having  something  of  the 
Puritan  rebel  in  them,  were  exciting  the  people  to  re 
sist;  and  they  must  be  suppressed.  Moody,  of  Portsmouth, 
"  replied  to  his  tlireats  by  a  sermon,  and  the  Church  was  in 
flexible."  He  would  now  assert  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Church 
of  England,  and  command  festivals  and  feasts,  and  the  Lord's 
Supper,  free  to  the  people  indiscriminately,  and  the  use  of 
"  the  English  Liturgy  ; "  but  the  ministers  and  the  people  said 
"  No  ! "  "  The  governor  himself  appointed  a  day  on  which 
he  claimed  to  receive  the  elements  at  the  hands  of  Moody, 
after  the  forms  of  the  Church  of  England  ; "  but  the  stern  old 
Puritan  saw  nothing  honorable  or  right  against  godly  sim 
plicity.  He  could  submit  to  be  "prosecuted,  condemned, 
and  imprisoned  ; "  but  no  living  man  could  compel  him  to  be 
subject  to  carnal  ordinances.  Canfield  sent  word  to  Eng 
land,  "  that,  while  the  clergy  were  allowed  to  preach,  no  true 
allegiance  could  be  found : "  "  there  could  be  no  quiet  till  the 
factious  preachers  were  turned  out  of  the  province."  The 
king  must  certainly  send  round  "  a  ship  of  war;"  for,  "  with 
out  some  visible  force  to  keep  the  people  of  New  Hampshire 
under,' it  would  be  a  difficult  or  impossible  thing  to  execute 
his  Majesty's  commands  or  the  law  of  trade." 

But  the  people  are  not  frightened.  They  are  even 
violent.  The  men  have  "  clubs,"  and  the  wives  "  hot  water," 
for  the  sheriff  and  his  officers,  when  they  come  to  enforce 
the  governor's  unlawful  exactions. 

Canfield  at  last  was  in  as  complete  despair  as  Sancho 
Panza  when  he  came  into  possession  of  "  that  same  island." 
He  was  "governor,"  no  doubt;  but  he  could  only  see  the 
sumptuous  viands  which  his  appetite  craved,  and  he  was 
thoroughly  sick  of  his  government.  In  despair,  he  wrote 
imploringly  to  the  government  in  England,  "  I  shall  esteem 
it  the  greatest  happiness  in  the  world  to  be  allowed  to  re- 


128  THE  GBEAT  REPUBLIC. 

move  from  this  unreasonable  people.  They  cavil  at  the 
royal  commission,  and  not  at  my  presence.  No  one  will  be 
accepted  by  them  who  puts  the  king's  commands  in  exe 
cution." 

We  have  traced  these  developments  of  liberty,  under  the 
promptings  of  religion,  far  enough  to  perceive  their  perfect 
identity  with  the  spirit  which  colonized  New  England,  and 
would  ultimately  constitute  the  Great  American  Republic. 


CONNECTICUT. 

We  trace  the  settlement  of  this  country  from  about  the 
8th  of  October,  1635,  when  people  from  the  neighborhood  of 
Boston  came  to  found  Hartford  and  Windsor  and  Wethers- 
field.  Sixty  Pilgrims,  including  women  and  children,  started 
to  travel  with  their  stock  and  effects  through  the  forests  to 
the  Valley  of  the  Connecticut.  They  were  bound  for  "  the 
Far  West,"  in  the  almost  unknown  wilds  of  Connecticut ; 
and  through  the  perils  of  a  hard  winter,  the  people  living 
on  the  milk  of  the  browsing  kine,  journeyed  to  the  home  of 
their  future  independence.  Their  numbers  had  diminished, 
and  "  the  army  of  the  Lord  "  was  very  much  sifted  by  the 
way ;  but  enough  were  left  in  the  spring,  and  of  the  right 
kind,  to  organize  a  good,  strong,  free,  civil  government. 
Other  Pilgrims  found  their  way  to  "  the  new  Hesperia  of 
Puritanism ; "  but  the  grand  colony  of  about  a  hundred  trav 
elled  on  foot,  through  the  pathless  forests  of  Massachusetts, 
to  "  the  delightful  banks  "  of  the  Connecticut.  They  were 
superior  people.  John  Haynes,  formerly  Governor  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  and  the  unrivalled  Hooker,  were  the  great  and 
true  representatives  of  State  and  Church ;  and  many  were 
from  the  wealthy  and  more  intelligent  families. 

Now  the  new  colony  is  surrounded  with  perils.  The  Pe- 
quods  are  hostile,  and  are  about  to  succeed  in  forming  most 
formidable  combinations  for  the  extermination  of  these  white 
intruders.  But  the  heroic  exile,  Roger  Williams,  with  un- 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.          129 

exampled  bravery,  penetrates  their  wilds  ;  presents  himself 
meekly,  but  fearlessly,  in  the  midst  of  their  council  of  war ; 
and,  by  the  help  of  God,  dissolves  the  grand  conspiracy. 
The  Pequods,  however,  are  desperate,  and  determined  to  pro 
voke  war.  "  To  John  Mason,  the  staff  of  command  was  de 
livered  at  Hartford  by  the  venerated  Hooker;  and  after 
nearly  a  whole  night,  spent,  at  the  request  of  the  soldiers,  in 
importunate  prayer  by  the  very  learned  and  godly  Stone, 
about  sixty  men,  one-third  of  the  whole  colony,  aided  by  John 
Underbill  and  twenty  gallant  recruits,  whom  the  forethought 
of  Yane  had  sent  from  the  Bay  State,  sailed  past  the 
Thames."  This  Christian  army  would  keep  the  holy  sabbath 
on  the  way,  and  would  open  an  honorable  parley  with  the 
savages  before  firing  a  gun ;  but  there  was  no  alternative. 
They  must  fight  and  conquer,  or  their  wives  and  children 
would  fall  the  bleeding  victims  of  savage  ferocity. 

The  war  is  begun,  and  by  bullets  and  swords,  and  raging 
flames,  against  bows  and  arrows :  it  is  a  war  of  extermination. 
How  terrible  the  necessity !  How  sad  the  record  of  history ! 

Peace  has  come ;  and  now  .these  thinking,  worshipping 
pioneers  proceed  to  construct  a  government.  Its  grand  funda 
mental  provisions  are  very  few  and  simple ;  but  centuries  of 
advancing  civilization  will  hardly  be  able  to  improve  them. 
A  free,  equal,  representative  government,  a  republic  of  jus 
tice,  are  the  few  words  which  express  the  whole. 

One  such  independent  sovereignty,  it  would  seem,  ought 
to  be  enough  for  u  the  State  of  Connecticut."  But  the  peo 
ple  will  be  their  own  judges.  In  1638,  we  see  another  Pu 
ritan  colony  rising  up  at  New  Haven  "  under  the  guidance 
of  John  Davenport  as  its  pastor,  and  of  the  excellent  The- 
ophilus  Eaton,  who  was  annually  elected  its  governor  for 
twenty  years,  till  his  death." 

Here  was  "  austere,  unmixed  Calvinism  ;  but  the  spirit  of 
humanity  had  sheltered  itself  under  the  rough  exterior." 
"  Under  a  branching  oak,"  while  it  was  yet  cold,  the  people 
gathered,  and  listened  to  the  solemn  words  of  Davenport. 


130  THE    GEE  AT   REPUBLIC. 

They  had  been,  "  like  the  Son  of  man,  led  into  the  wilder 
ness  to  be  tempted."  After  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer, 
they  rested  their  first  form  of  government  on  a  simple  plan 
tation-covenant,  —  that  "  all  of  them  would  be  ordered  by 
the  rules  which  the  Scriptures  held  forth  to  them." 

They  would  recognize  the  rights  of  the  Indians,  and  ob 
tain  fairly  a  title  to  their  lands. 

In  another  year,  assembled  in  a  barn,  they  sought  to  per 
fect  their  organization  ;  and,  by  the  influence  of  Davenport, 
it  was  solemnly  resolved  that  the  Scriptures  are  the  perfect 
rule  of  a  commonwealth ;  that  the  purity  and  peace  of  the 
ordinances  to  themselves  and  their  posterity  were  the  great 
end  of  civil  order  ;  and  that  church-members  only  should  be 
free  burgesses."  "  Eaton,  Davenport,  and  five  others,  were 
the  ( seven  pillars '  for  the  New  Haven  of  wisdom  in  the 
wilderness."  Other  towns,  as  they  arose,  followed  their  unique 
example ;  and  the  Bible  became  the  grand  statute-book  of 
New  Haven,  and  the  elect  were  its  freemen. 

This  is  Connecticut,  substantially,  for  the  whole  period 
of  preparation  now  under  consideration.  They  will  increase 
in  numbers  and  wisdom ;  but  they  are  "  gospellers  and  psalm- 
singers  "  to  the  end  of  the  world,  and  all  over  creation. 

We  deplore  the  narrowness  which  moved  these  stern 
primitive  legislators  to  limit  the  right  of  franchise  to  mem 
bers  of  the  church ;  but  we  bear  to  them  profound  respect 
for  their  loyal  devotion  to  the  grand  truths  of  revelation, 
and  their  sincere  homage  to  the  "  Lord  of  lords,  and  King 
of  kings."  In  this  they  caught  the  true  American  thought 
and  principle,  in  the  neglect  of  which,  we,  as  a  nation,  have 
suffered  the  most  severe  and  well-deserved  chastisements. 


RHODE   ISLAND. 

The  history  of  this  State  can  never  be  separated  from  the 
character,  opinions,  and  enterprise  of  Eoger  Williams. 

We  have  already  seen,  that,  when  he  entered  Massachu- 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.          131 

setts,  he  was  in  advance  of  the  general  sentiment  of  the  Pu 
ritans  on  the  question  of  religious  liberty.  On  the  one  hand, 
he  would  not  consent  to  even  a  nominal  connection  with 
Prelacy:  that  he  had  calmly  and  deliberately  renounced 
forever.  On  the  other  hand,  he  rose  to  the  clearest  concep 
tion  of  religious  freedom  known  among  men.  However 
wrong  the  Church  might  be,  it  was  not  the  right  of  any  man 
nor  any  government  forcibly  to  correct  the  wrong,  even  to 
save  the.  Church  from  the  most  destructive  heresy.  Though 
it  was  the  highest,  noblest  right  for  every  man  to  consecrate 
himself  to  the  service  of  God,  no  man,  no  number  of  men, 
had  the  right  to  compel  him  to  this  service.  Roger  Williams 
was  more  than  a  Puritan.  He  was  the  great  mind  ordained 
of  Providence  to  advance  beyond  the  position  of  indignant 
protest  against  oppression,  to  the  revelation  that  the  highest 
right  must  itself  be  the  result  of  a  freedom  which  might  be 
abused  by  consenting  to  the  deepest  wrong.  He  was  the 
first  true  type  of  the  American  freeman,  conceding  fully  to 
all  others  the  high-born  rights  which  he  claimed  for  himself. 
This  was  farther  than  Puritanism  could  lead  the  race ;  and,  for 
the  present,  it  was  not  ready  to  follow. 

Roger  Williams  could  not  join  the  Church  in  Boston.  It 
was  vain  to  attempt  to  make  him  pastor  of  Salem.  He 
could  try  it  once  and  again ;  but  the  spirit  of  the  place 
and  the  standard  of  the  people  cramped  him.  He  was  too 
bold  and  outspoken  against  the  intolerance  of  his  brethren 
to  stay  there.  Nor  did  God  intend  that  he  should  remain 
in  -Plymouth.  He  must  be  thrust  out  to  lead  the  nation 
on  toward  the  goal  of  their  providential  future. 

He  was  a  very  troublesome  man  for  bigotry  to  manage. 
He  was  too  good,  apparently,  to  be  persecuted ;  too  strong  in 
his  logical  position  and  defence  to  be  put  down  by  argu 
ment.  "  An  unbelieving  soul,"  he  said,  "  is  dead  in  sin."  To 
force  him  from  one  kind  of  worship  to  another  "  was  like 
shifting  a  dead  man  into  several  changes  of  apparel."  "  No 
one  should  be  bound  to  worship,  or  to  maintain  a  worship, 


132  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

against  his  own  consent."  No  man  ought  to  be  disfranchised 
because  he  was  not  a  member  of  the  Church.  "  The  re 
moval  of  the  yoke  of  soul  oppression,  as  it  will  prove  an  act 
of  mercy  and  righteousness  to  the  enslaved  nations,  so  it  is 
of  binding  force  to  engage  the  whole,  and  every  interest 
and  conscience  to  preserve  the  common  liberty  and  peace." 

He  denied  the  right  to  coerce  a  man  to  take  the  freeman's 
oath;  but  would  not  he  himself  be  compelled  to  take  it? 
No ;  he  refused  :  and  such  was  the  firm  dignity  of  his  bear 
ing,  "  that  the  government  was  forced  to  desist  from  that 
proceeding." 

But  he  was  living  under  a  religion  established  by  law, — 
not  Prelacy,  but  Puritanism,  in  which  intolerance  was  just  as 
vile  to  him,  and  just  as  determined  against  a  nonconformist. 
"  The  ministers  got  together,  and  declared  any  one  worthy 
of  banishment  who  should  obstinately  assert  that  '  the  civil 
magistrate  might  not  intermeddle,  even  to  stop  a  church 
from  apostasy  and  heresy.' "  He  was  under  the  ban  of  the 
Church ;  but  the  people  would  have  him  for  a  6(  teacher." 
They  were  punished  by  the  loss  of  lands ;  and  he  would 
unite  with  them  in  "letters  of  admonition  unto  all  the 
churches  whereof  any  of  the  magistrates  were  members, 
that  they  might  admonish  the  magistrates  of  their  injustice." 
This  was  treason,  and  the  storm  coming  on  was  too  severe 
for  his  church.  They  forsook  him,  and  even  his  wife  turned 
against  him.  He  will  promptly  assert  his  right  of  with 
drawal.  Hear  him :  "  My  own  voluntary  withdrawing  from 
all  these  churches,  resolved  to  continue  in  persecuting  the 
witnesses  of  the  Lord,  presenting  light  unto  them,  I  confess 
it  was  mine  own  voluntary  act;  yea,  I  hope  the  act  of  the 
Lord  Jesus,  sounding  forth  in  me  the  blast,  which  shall,  in  his 
own  holy  season,  cast  down  the  strength  and  confidence  of 
those  inventions  of  men." 

When  arraigned  before  the  civil  magistrates,  he  "  main 
tained  the  rocky  strength  of  his  ground ;  ready  to  be  bound 
and  banished,  and  even  to  die  in  New  England,"  rather  than 
be  untrue  to  his  honest  convictions. 


THE  NOETHEEN  GEOUP  COMPLETED.          133 

"At  a  time  when  Germany  was  the  battle-field  for  all 
Europe  in  the  implacable  wars  of  religion,  when  even  Hol 
land  was  bleeding  with  the  anger  of  vengeful  factions,  when 
France  was  still  to  go  through  the  fearful  struggle  with  big 
otry,  when  England  was*  gasping  under  the  despotism  of 
intolerance,  almost  half  a  century  before  William  Penn 
became  an  American  proprietary,  and  two  years  before 
Descartes  founded  modern  philosophy  on  the  method  of 
free  reflection,  Roger  Williams  asserted  the  great  doctrine 
of  intellectual  liberty.  It  became  his  glory  to  found  a  State 
upon  that  principle,  and  to  stamp  himself  upon  its  rising 
institutions  in  characters  so  deep,  that  the  impress  has 
remained  to  the  present  day,  and  can  never  be  erased  with 
out  the  total  destruction  of  the  work."  *  "  He  was,"  contin 
ues  Bancroft  in  one  of  his  most  eloquent  passages,  "the 
first  person  in  modern  Christendom  to  assert  in  its  plenitude 
the  doctrine  of  the  liberty  of  conscience,  the  equality  of  opin 
ions  before  the  law ;  and,  in  its  defence,  he  was  the  harbinger 
of  Milton,  the  precursor  and  the  superior  of  Jeremy  Taylor." 

But  before  the  bar  of  "  civil  liberty  "  in  Massachusetts  his 
doom  was  sealed.  The  stern  urgency  of  Cotton  seems  to 
have  been  almost  necessary  to  prevent,  even  then,  a  revolt 
from  prescriptive  bigotry.  But  the  act  was  recorded.  The 
immortal  Williams  was  an  exile ;  but,  in  the  struggle,  so 
much  light  had  forced  itself  into  the  surrounding  darkness, 
that  an  apologetic  tone  was  assumed  in  explaining  and  vin 
dicating  the  decree.  It  was  necessary  to  preserve  inviolate 
the  "oaths  for  making  trial  of  the  fidelity  of  the  people," 
and  to  avert  a  movement  which  seemed  likely  "  to  subvert 
the  fundamental  state  and  government  of  the  people." 

It  was  not  absolutely  insisted  that  he  should  go  out  among 
the  savages  in  the  severity  of  the  winter.  He  might  remain 
till  spring;  but  even  this  was  not  without  danger  to  the 
stability  of  Puritan  freedom.  There  were  many  in  Salem 
who  loved  Roger  Williams,  and  who  hung  upon  his  lips 

*  Bancroft,  i.  375. 


134  THE  GKEAT  EEPUBLIC. 

with  intense  delight.  "  The  people  were  much  taken  with 
the  apprehension  of  his  godliness." 

The  fear  of  his  contagious  opinions  determined  the  gov 
ernment  to  end  the  matter  in  a  summary  way.  He  was 
condemned  to  sail  immediately  for  England.  But  once  more, 
as  God  willed,  he  would  disobey.  In  the  midst  of  winter  he 
went  out,  not  knowing  whither  he  went ;  and,  "  for  fourteen 
weeks,  he  was  sorely  tossed  in  a  bitter  season,  not  knowing 
what  bread  or  bed  did  mean." 

But  God  had  made  him  friends  among  the  savages.  He 
had,  some  time  before,  risked  his  rights  as  a  citizen  to  affirm 
in  a  pamphlet  that  they  were  not  to  be  forcibly  dispossessed 
of  their  lands,  but  were  to  be  bargained  with  for  their  homes, 
like  white  men.  He  had  gone  out  into  their  wigwams  and 
hunting-grounds  to  preach  to  them  Jesus  and  the  resurrec 
tion;  and  his  deep  sympathy  and  holy  sacrifice  in  their 
behalf  had  awakened  in  these  savage  bosoms  the  most 
ardent  gratitude  and  affection.  Exiled  from  Massachusetts, 
"he  was  welcomed  by  Massasoit; "  and  "  the  barbarous  heart 
of  Canonicus,  the  chief  of  the  Narragan setts,  loved  him  as 
his  son  to  the  last  gasp."  "  The  ravens,"  he  said,  "  fed  me  in 
the  wilderness."  It  was  thus  that  the  grand  pioneer  of 
freedom  was  disciplined  for  his  task. 

In  June  of  1636,  we  find  this  prince  of  exiles,  with 
only  five  companions,  landing  from  a  frail  Indian  canoe,  in 
a  wilderness,  outside  of  any  patent  claims  of  civilized  men, 
and  very  thankful,  he  said,  "that  ever-honored  Gov.  Win- 
throp  wrote  to  me  to  steer  my  course  to  the  Narragansett 
Bay,  encouraging  me  from  the  freeness  of  the  place  from 
English  claims  or  patents.  I  took  this  prudent  motion  as 
a  voice  from  God." 

The  spot  on  which  these  Pilgrims  from  "  the  land  of  Pil 
grims  "  first  placed  their  feet  is  marked,  by  tradition,  as  sa 
cred  to  liberty.  Williams  named  it  Providence  ;  and  so  it  is 
to  this  day,  the  beautiful  and  capital  city  of  the  State  found 
ed  by  his  enlightened  philanthropy.  "  I  desired,"  said  he, 


THE  NOBTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.          135 

"  it  might  be  for  a  shelter  for  persons  distressed  for  con 
science."  Noble  monumental  record  of  a  noble  man  ! 

Now,  for  a  time,  he  cannot  study  much. .  He  has  no  slaves, 
like  Virginians,  to  fell  the  trees,  and  raise  him  bread.  ^  He 
has  no  great  colony,  like  Cotton  or  Davenport,  to  see  that  he 
is  supported  from  government  tithes.  "  My  time,"  he  writes, 
"  was  not  spent  altogether  in  spiritual  labors ;  but  day  and 
night,  at  home  and  abroad,  on  the  land  and  water,  at  the 
hoe,  at  the  oar,  for  bread." 

His  title  to  the  soil  of  his  colony  came  legitimately,  and  by 
fair  stipulation,  from  the  Narragansetts,  and  bore  the  signa 
tures  of  the  Indian  princes,  Canonicus  and  Miantonomoh.  It 
is  a  large,  splendid  territory,  he  thought,  as  he  looked  out 
upon  his  domain  of  freedom,  and  said  it  is  "  my  own  as  truly 
as  any  man's  coat  upon  his  back."  But  he  would  be  no 
grand  monopolist  of  the  gifts  of  God ;  indeed,  he  "  reserved 
to  himself  not  one  foot  of  land,  not  one  tittle  of  political 
power,  more  than  he  granted  to  servants  and  strangers." 
The  government  he  founded  was  to  be  "a  pure  democ 
racy,"  controlled  by  the  will  of  a  majority ;  but  this  should 
be  "  only  in  civil  things,"  and  over  all  was  the  sovereignty 
of  God. 

In  1643,  Williams  goes  to  England  to  settle  the  relations 
of  his  colony  with  "  the  mother-country."  The  colonies  were 
under  control  of  Warwick,  with  a  council  of  five  peers  and 
twelve  commons.  Fortunately  for  Rhode  Island,  that  noble 
philanthropist,  Henry  Vane,  was  of  the  latter.  Parliament 
was  surprised  and  deeply  interested  by  the  "  printed  Indian 
labors  of  Roger  Williams,  the  like  whereof  was  not  extant 
from  any  part  of  America."  The  favorable  impression  made 
by  the  great  missionary  led  "  both  houses  of  Parliament  to 
grant  unto  him,  and  friends  with  him,  a  free  and  absolute 
charter  of  civil  government  for  those  parts  of  his  abode." 
Thus  the  oppressed  of  all  lands  would,  it  seemed,  be  guar 
anteed  a  home  for  "  soul-liberty,  with  full  power  and  author 
ity  to  rule  themselves." 


136  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Eoger  Williams  returned  from  England  under  u  the  Pro 
tectorate/'  free  to  pass  unharmed  through  the  land  of  his  ban 
ishment  ;  to  be  met  on  the  waters  of  his  own  Narragansett  by 
a  fleet  of  boats  bearing  the  freemen  of  his  colony,  who  with 
gratitude,  and  shouts  of  welcome,  hailed  him  as  the  founder 
and  defender  of  their  liberties,  so  that  he  was  really  "  ele 
vated  arid  transported  out  of  himself."  Let  oppressed,  per 
secuted  Virtue  learn  to  dare  and  to  wait.  The  time  of  her 
triumph  will  surely  come. 

But  how  will  this  grand  little  "  democracie  "  succeed  in 
its  wild  experiment  ?  There  are  "  hardiness  and  tumults,"  we 
learn,  at  its  "  assemblies,"  called  together  "  by  the  drum  or 
the  voice  of  a  herald,"  under  a  tree,  or  by  the  sea-side.  No 
wonder ;  for  here  were  "  Anabaptists  and  Antinomians,  fana 
tics  and  infidels ; "  unpromising  materials,  one  would  say,  out 
of  which  to  construct  a  self-governing  State.  But  one  pure, 
clear,  lofty  mind  will  guide  the  whole.  They  will  have  good 
men  for  officers,  and  may  safely  put  on  to  their  records, 
*0uer  popularitie  shall  not,  as  some  conjecture  it  will,  prove 
an  anarchie,  and  so  a  common  tirannie ;  for  we  are  exceed 
ing  desirous  to  preserve  every  man  safe  in  his  person,  name, 
and  estate." 

There  was  still  danger.  Coddington  had  obtained  from 
the  executive  council  of  State  in  England  "  a  commission 
for  governing  the  islands ; "  and  Williams  must  go  to  Eng 
land  again  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  his  prospective  State. 
He  succeeded,  and  the  gratitude  of  the  people  would  have 
made  him  governor ;  but  he  was  wiser  than  they.  He  refused 
all  honors,  but  gave  a  true  account  of  the  valuable  efforts 
of  Sir  Henry  Yane  in  their  behalf.  Their  letter  to  him 
sums  up  the  history  of  the  early  colonization  of  Rhode  Is 
land,  and  will  complete  the  presentation  of  those  features  of 
its  history  most  important  to  our  discussion.  On  the  27th 
of  August,  1654,  they  wrote,  "  From  the  first  beginning  of 
the  Providence  Colony,  you  have  been  a  noble  and  true  friend 
to  an  outcast  and  despised  people  :  we  have  ever  reaped  the 


THE  NOETHEKN  GKOUP  COMPLETED.          137 

|| 

sweet  fruits  of  your  constant  loving-kindness  and  favor. 
We  have  long  been  free  from  the  iron  yoke  of  wolfish  bish 
ops  ;  we  have  sitten  dry  from  the  streams  of  blood  spilt  by 
the  wars  in  our  native  country ;  we  have  not  felt  the  new 
chains  of  the  Presbyterian  tyrants,  nor,  in  this  colony,  have 
we  been  consumed  by  the  over-zealous  fire  of  the  (so-called) 
godly  Christian  magistrates ;  we  have  not  known  what  an 
excise  means ;  we  have  almost  forgotten  what  tithes  are ; 
we  have  long  drank  of  the  cup  of  as  great  liberties  as  any 
people  that  we  can  hear  of  under  the  whole  heaven  :  when 
we  are  gone,  our  posterity  and  children  after  us  shall  read 
in  our  town-record  your  loving-kindness  to  us,  and  our  real 
endeavor  after  peace  and  righteousness." 

Roger  Williams  is  a  Christian  and  a  minister,  and  he  will 
found  a  church.  He'  is  a  Baptist,  and  his  church  will  be  ex 
clusive  immersionists ;  but  he  will  rise  above  precedents,  and 
take  no  pains  to  establish  the  line  of  succession.  He  and 
his  simple-minded  people  will  baptize  each  other,  and  go  on 
to  serve  the  Lord,  and  proclaim  the  doctrine  of  justification 
by  faith  with  might  and  main,  and  God  will  be  with  them. 
His  denomination  will  feel  obliged  to  restrict  "  communion  " 
to  those  baptized  as  they  understand  it,  and  will  accept  the 
decrees  as  they  understand  them ;  but  the  complete  and 
stringent  accountability  of  every  man  will  be  the  ground 
of  their  practical  appeals  in  all  lands,  and  of  their  battle-cry 
of  freedom  to  the  end  of  the  world. 

As  the  central  power  of  the  Southern  group  removed 
from  Virginia  to  South  Carolina,  where  she  arose  as  the 
only  original  and  most  intensely  slave  State,  so  the  centre 
of  the  Northern  group  removed  from  Massachusetts  to 
Rhode  Island,  where  Roger  Williams,  her  noblest  representa 
tive  of  freedom,  exiled  from  her  territory  for  his  brave  pro 
test  against  intolerance,  unfurled  the  banner  of  unrestricted 
liberty  on  the  banks  of  the  Narragansett. 

Every  step  of  this  advance  movement  in  the  clear  asser 
tion  of  the  great  American  idea  was  made  under  the  direo 


18 


138  THE  GKEAT  KEPTJBLIC. 

tion  of  a  high-souled,  Christian  minister,  and  indicates  the 
divine  control  in  the  development  and  organization  of  free 
dom  on  the  Western  continent. 

The  colonial  history  of  Vermont  is  included  in  that  of 
New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  and  New  York,  and  evolves 
no  additional  principle  for  consideration  in  this  part  of  our 
work. 

New  England,  from  the  period  of  colonization,  will  go  on 
with  the  development  of  her  peculiar  institutions  under  ex 
treme  difficulties.  Her  battles  with  prerogatives  will  pass 
her  through  the  severest  ordeals  of  suppression  and  tyranny, 
and  lead  to  the  union  of  her  colonies,  the  development  of 
her  States,  and  her  final  incorporation  into  the  grand  union 
of  freedom. 

NEW  YORK. 

On  the  fourth  day  of  September,  1609,  just  as  Champlain 
was  entering  the  future  State  of  New  York  from  the  north, 
the  gallant  Henry  Hudson  rounded  Sandy  Hook,  and  "  The 
Half-moon  "  cast  anchor.  He  had  sailed  in  search  of  "  the 
north-west  passage  "  to  Asia,  under  direction  of  the  famous 
East-India  Company ;  and  ended  a  long,  perilous  voyage  in 
the  discovery  of  the  Hudson  Kiver. 

This  gave  New  York,  with  boundaries  entirely  undefined, 
to  the  Dutch  by  right  of  discovery.  In  1610,  Providence 
inspired  the  English  with  a  wholesome  dread  of  the  "  art 
and  industry  of  the  Dutch,"  and  thus  defeated  a  proposed 
alliance  with  the  East-India  Company  for  the  joint  coloni 
zation  of  Virginia,  which  would  have  probably  destroyed 
English  independence  in  America. 

After  long  and  characteristic  hesitation,  the  States-Gen 
eral  gave  authority  to  private  adventurers  to  make  "  four 
successive  voyages  to  any  passage,  haven,  or  country  they 
should  thereafter  find;"  and  in  1614  a  fleet  of  "five  small 
vessels  "  sailed  for  America,  bearing  as  commanders  the  fa 
mous  Hendrick  Christaenson  of  Cleve,  and  "the  worthy 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.          139 

Adriaen  Block."  Shipwreck  did  not  destroy  the  courage,  nor 
defeat  the  objects,  of  these  daring  navigators.  Their  dis 
coveries  on  the  northern  coast  of  America  resulted  in  a 
grant  to  the  explorers  from  the  assembly  of  the  States- 
General  of  "  a  three-years'  monopoly  of  trad'e  with  the  ter 
ritory  between  Yirginia  and  France,  from  forty  to  forty-five 
degrees  of  latitude."  Their  charter,  given  on  the  llth  of 
October,  1614,  named  the  extensive  regions  NEW  NETHER 
LANDS.  Jtfhn  Smith  had  that  same  year  called  the  northern 
part  NEW  ENGLAND.* 

This  provided  for  a  conflict  of  jurisdiction  between  Eng 
land  and  Holland,  and  the  latter  seemed  at  that  time  much 
more  likely  to  succeed  than  the  former.  This  was  an  era  of 
great  ambition  and  boundless  prospects  upon  the  part  of  the 
United  Provinces,  now  glorying  in  their  freedom  after  a  long 
and  desperate  struggle  to  achieve  it.  We  almost  tremble  to 
see  how  likely  the  colonists  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  were 
soon  to  be  crowded  off  from  the  continent  by  the  grasping 
power  of  France,  Holland,  and  Spain.  But  the  plans  of  God 
would  not  permit  it.  These  hardy  adventurers  were  here, 
not  to  establish  a  permanently  Dutch  province,  but  to  act 
an  important  part  in  founding  several  strong  States  of  the 
Republic  of  freedom.  After  various  conflicts  with  New  Eng 
land  and  the  agents  of  Lord  Baltimore,  conquering  New 
Sweden,  and  bringing  into  striking  contrast  the  right  of 
free  toleration  and  the  institution  of  slavery,  the  govern 
ment  of  Holland  was  finally  superseded  by  that  of  England. 
"New  Amsterdam  "  soon  disappeared  from  the  map  of  Amer 
ica;  and  early  in  October,  1664,  "for  the  first  time,  the 
whole  Atlantic  coast  of  the  old  thirteen  States  was  in  posses 
sion  of  England."  t 

The  spirited  little  Republic  had  grappled  heroically  with 
the  combined  powers  of  France  and  England  for  the  rights 
of  free  navigation,  not  for  herself  alone,  but  for  the  world; 
and  by  the  noble  patriotism  of  William  of  Orange,  the 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  275, 276.  t  Ibid.,  ii.  315. 


140  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

bravery  and  genius  of  De  Ruyter  and  Tromp,  and  the  power 
ful  pen  of  Grotius,  she  had  gained  the  grandest  triumph  of 
the  age,  —  the  "  rights  of  neutral  flags  "  upon  the  high  seas. 
She  had  recovered  her  own  European  territory;  but  as  a 
nation  she  appe'ars  no  more  in  our  history,  except  as  an  ally 
and  friend  of  the  Republic  of  American  liberty. 

We  must  not,  however,  fail  to  mark  the  providence  which 
made  a  free  Protestant  republic  "  the  mother  of  four  of  our 
States,"  and  gave  to  our  country  the  cool,  strong  blood  of 
the  Hollander  to  mingle  with  that  of  the  fiery  Celt,  the  pro 
gressive  Anglo-Saxon,  the  sturdy  German,  and  the  polished 
French,  to  produce  the  purest,  noblest  type  of  the  new  Amer 
ican  race.  We  may  hence  also  trace  to  a  common  origin  the 
great  Reformation,  the  love  of  civil  freedom,  which  became 
alike  ineradicable  in  New  York  and  New  England. 

The  settlement  of  the  Empire  State  will  henceforth  go  on 
in  the  ordinary  way  amid  stirring  rivalries  and  fierce  antago 
nisms  ;  but  her  struggles  will  be  those  of  the  rising  nation, 
and  the  spirit  of  the  people  will  be  grandly  expressed  in 
1691  by  the  haughty  accusation  of  a  royal  governor,  "  There 
are  none  of  you  but  what  are  big  with  the  privileges  of 
Englishmen  and  Magna  Charta." 


NEW   JERSEY. 

In  the  spring  of  1664,  the  Duke  of  York  "  assigned  to 
Lord  Berkeley  and  Sir  George  Carteret,  both  proprietaries 
of  Carolina,  the  land  between  the  Hudson  and  the  Dela 
ware.  In  honor  of  Carteret,  the  territory,  with  nearly  the 
same  bounds  as  at  present,  except  on  the  north,  received 
the  name  of  New  Jersey."  * 

Moved  by  avarice  to  encourage  population,  these  "  lords' 
of  the  soil "  made  liberal  concessions  to  the  people.  They 
promised  "  security  of  persons  and  proper  ty  under  laws  to 
be  made  by  an  assembly  composed  of  the  governor  and 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  315. 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED. 

council,  and  at  least  an  equal  number  of  representatives  of 
the  people ;  freedom  from  taxation,  except  by  the  colonial 
assembly;  a  combined  opposition  of  the  people  and  the 
proprietaries  to  any  arbitrary  impositions  from  England; 
freedom  of  judgment,  conscience,  and  worship  to  every 
peaceful  citizen. "  *  Thus  early  did  scheming,  selfish  men 
come  to  be  aware,  that,  to  achieve  success  with  Americans, 
they  must  at  least  make  profession  of  respect  for  American 
ideas. 

Swedish  farmers  soon  appeared  here  and  there ,  in  New 
Jersey ;  Dutch  families  might  have  been  found  about  Bur 
lington;  and,  in  1618,  traders  took  up  a  position,  which  be 
came  a  permanent  settlement,  on  Bergen  Heights.  In  1664, 
the  Quakers  found  a  quiet  retreat  "  south  of  Raritan  Bay : " 
and  the  New-England  Puritans  contrived  to  get  a  claim  for 
a  home  on  the  Raritan ;  but  they  could  not  mix  up  with  the 
ungodly.  They  must  have  their  own  jurisprudence.  They 
would  treat  honorably  with  the  Indians  for  their  lands ;  and, 
"with  one  heart,  they  resolved  to  carry  on  their  spiritual  and 
town  affairs  according  to  godly  government."  Like  them 
selves,  ever  on  the  alert,  when  in  May,  1668,  the  first 
"colonial  legislative  assembly  convened  at  Elizabethtown, 
they  were  there  to  transfer  the  chief  features  of  the  New- 
England  codes  to  the  statute-book  of  New  Jersey."  f 

It  was  but  a  slight  matter  for  these  brave,  plain  people 
to  dash  aside  the  claims  set  up  by  Maryland  to  the  land 
they  had  received  by  double  right  through  the  Duke  of 
York  and  the  natives  of  the  soil.  Just  as  easy  was  it 
to  repudiate  the  demands  of  Berkeley  and  Carteret  for 
quit-rents  upon  their  farms.  It  was  a  mere  trifle,  —  6nly 
a  half-penny  an  acre ;  but  it  was  the  right  which  they 
questioned.  The  mere  intimation  of  a  purpose  to  enforce 
this  unlawful  exaction  cost  Carteret  his  office,  and  sent  him 
to  England  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

West  New  Jersey  was  purchased  by  the  Quakers  of  the 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  316.  t  Ibid.,  ii.  318.  . 


142  THE  GEEAT  REPUBLIC. 

aged  Berkeley  in  1674 ;  and  to  this  wilderness  they  came  for 
rest,  guided,  as  they  believed,  by  the  light  within.  And 
what  form  of  government  will  they  adopt  ? 

The  Friends  in  England,  sustaining  the  relation  of  proprie 
taries  for  honest  convenience,  not  to  "  lord  it  over  God's  her 
itage,"  received  the  views  of  the  feeble  colonists,  and  said, 
"  The  CONCESSIONS  are  such  as  Friends  approve  of.  We  lay  a 
foundation  for  after-ages  to  understand  their  liberty  as  Chris 
tians  and  as  men,  that  they  may  not  be  brought  into  bond 
age  but  by  their  own  consent;  for  we  put  THE  POWER  IN  THE 
PEOPLE."  And  all  the  rights  recognized  by  a  pure  democracy 
are  defined  and  guarded  in  their  fundamental  laws  adopted 
on  the  third  day  of  March,  1677 :  "All  and  every  person  in 
the  province  shall,  by  the  help  of  the  Lord  and  these  funda 
mentals,  be  free  from  oppression  and  slavery." 

How  lovingly  the  savages  responded  to  the  gentle  jus 
tice  of  these  Friends !  "  You  are  our  brothers,"  they  said ; 
"  and  we  will  live  like  brothers  with  you.  We  will  have  a 
wide  path  for  you  and  us  to  walk  in.  If  an  Englishman 
falls  asleep  in  this  path,  the  Indian  shall  pass  him  by,  and 
say,  '  He  is  an  Englishman ;  he  is  asleep ;  let  him  alone/ 
The  path  shall  be  plain :  there  shall  not  be  in  it  a  stump 
to  hurt  the  feet." 

The  principal  settlements  of  New  Jersey  were  begun. 
They  would  go  on  and  prosper,  and  others  would  be  added, 
until  the  population  was  sufficient  for  a  State.  The  partition 
was  at  length  broken  down,  and  New  Jersey  was  numbered 
with  "the  old  thirteen." 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

William  Penn  was  a  thorough  Quaker.  He  had  been  the 
counsellor  of  the  Friends  in  New  Jersey,  and  seen  them 
multiplied  and  prosperous.  He  purchased  East  New  Jersey 
from  the  heirs  of  Carteret ;  but  he  desired  to  obtain  a  grant 
on  the  west  side  of  the  Delaware  for  the  enlargement  of 
the  domain  of  peace.  After  much  skilful  management  and 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.          143 

te  great  opposition,"  he  finally  obtained  a  charter  from 
Charles  II  in  1680;  and  thus  he  writes  March  5,  1681: 
"After  many  writings,  watchings,  solicitings,  and  disputes 
in  council,  my  country  was  confirmed  to  me  under  the  great 
seal  of  England.  God  will  bless  it,  and  make  it  the  seed 
of  a  nation.  I  shall  have  a  tender  care  of  the  government, 
that  it  be  well  laid  at  first." 

He  was  now  the  sole  proprietor  of  a  vast  and  fertile  terri 
tory,  including  u  three  degrees  of  latitude  by  five  degrees  of 
longitude  west  from  the  Delaware,"  —  enough  for  a  kingdom ; 
and,  two  months  after  he  received  his  charter,  he  writes  to 
the  scattered  settlers  the  following  letter :  "  MY  FRIENDS,  I 
wish  you  all  happiness  here  and  hereafter.  These  are  to 
lett  you  know  that  it  hath  pleased  God  in  his  Providence 
to  cast  you  within  my  Lott  and  Care.  It  is  a  business,  that 
though  I  never  undertook  before,  yet  God  has  given  me  an 
understanding  of  my  duty  and  an  honest  minde  to  doe  it 
uprightly.  I  hope  you  will  not  be  troubled  at  your  change 
and  the  king's  choice  ;  for  you  are  now  fixt,  at  the  mercy 
of  no  governour  that  comes  to  make  his  fortune  great. 
You  shall  be  governed  by  laws  of  your  own  making,  and 
live  a  free,  and,  if  you  will,  a  sober  and  industrious  people. 
I  shall  not  usurp  the  right  of  any,  or  oppress  his  person. 
God  Has  furnisht  me  with  a  better  resolution,  and  has  given 
me  his  grace  to  keep  it.  In  short,  whatever  sober  and  free 
men  can  reasonably  desire  for  the  security  and  improve 
ment  of  their  own  happiness,  I  shall  heartily  comply  with. 
I  beseech  God  to  direct  you  in  the  way  of  righteousness, 
and  therein  prosper  you,  and  your  children  after  you.  I  am 
your  true  friend."  Happy,  indeed,  were  these  Pennsylvania 
Quakers  to  be  under  the  government  of  a  man  so  thorough 
ly  honest  and  paternal.  Impartial  history  must,  in  spite  of 
all  criticism,  award  to  him  the  credit  of  fully  redeeming 
these  liberal  pledges. 

With  but  a  small  fortune,  quite  reduced  by  expensive 
lawsuits  in  defence  of  his  persecuted  brethren,  Penn  had 


144  THE    GEEAT   REPUBLIC. 

now  an  opportunity  of  ample  remuneration  for  all  his  sacri 
fices  and  toil,  by  "  the  sale  of  domains."  For  a  monopoly 
of  the  Indian  trade,  he  was  offered  "  six  thousand  pounds 
and  an  annual  revenue."  Will  he  yield  to  the  temptation  ? 
Hear  him :  "  I  will  not  abuse  the  love  of  God,  nor  act  un 
worthy  of  his  providence,  by  defiling  what  came  to  me 
clean.  No  :  let  the  Lord  guide  me  by  his  wisdom  to  honor 
his  name,  and  serve  his  truth  and  people,  that  an  example 
and  a  standard  may  be  set  up  to  the  nations.  There  may  be 
room  there,  though  not  here,  for  the  holy  experiment." 

Subject  only  to  the  careless  negligence  or  capricious  exac 
tions  of  a  weak  king,  Penn  was  now  an  absolute  sovereign 
over  a  growing  and  confiding  people.  Was  this  right? 
Would  he  hold  on  to  this  power,  and  attempt  to  give  it 
hereditary  descent  ?  Hear  him  again :  "  For  the  matter  of 
liberty,  I  purpose  that  which  is  extraordinary,  —  to  leave  my 
self  and  successors  no  power  of  doing  mischief;  that  the 
will  of  one  man  may  not  hinder  the  good  of  a  whole 
country.  It  is  the  great  end  of  government  to  support 
power  in  reverence  with  the  people,  and  to  secure  the  people 
from  the  abuse  of  power ;  for  liberty  without  obedience  is 
confusion,  and  obedience  without  liberty  is  slavery." 

Noble  words,  and  as  real  and  sincere  as  they  are  noble. 
How  high  he  rose  above  the  governmental  theories  of  English 
civilization ! 

If  it  be  asked, "  How  came  this  man  to  be  so  nobly  superior 
to  the  selfishness  of  his  time  ?  "  we  must  candidly  answer,  His 
views  of  himself  and  his  fellow-men  arose  directly  from  his 
conceptions  of  God.  Glance  at  his  history,  and  you  see  this 
distinctly.  Bred  an  Independent,  he  became,  at  twelve 
years,  serious  and  thoughtful.  It  was  only  necessary  for 
him  to  hear  a  Quaker  at  Oxford  to  start  the  train  of  spirit 
ual  thought  and  expression  which  would  expel  him  for 
nonconformity.  From  his  own  father's  hand  he  received 
the  first  personal  violence  for  the  freedom  he  claimed  for 
his  conscience.  Becoming  a  studied  and  travelled  gentle- 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.          145 

man,  his  way  was  open  to  preferment ;  but  he  had  met  and 
once  more  heard  his  old  friend  Thomas  Loe,  and  his  spirit 
ual  consciousness  was  at  once  attentive  to  "  the  voice  within," 
and  "William  Penn  was  a  Quaker  again,  or  some  very 
melancholy  thing."  "  God,"  said  he,  "  in  his  everlasting 
kindnes^,  guided  my  feet  in  the  flower  of  my  youth,  when 
about  two  and  twenty  years  of  age."  In  jail  for  the  free 
action  of  conscience,  he  said,  "  Religion  is  my  crime  and  my 
innocence :  it  makes  me  a  prisoner  to  malice,  but  my  own 
freeman."  For  asserting  his  rights,  and  professing  his  faith, 
through  the  press,  he  was  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower  until  he 
should  learn  the  virtues  of  conformity.  "  My  prison  shall  be 
my  grave"  was  his  noble  answer.  To  the  king  he  wrote 
grandly,  "  The  Tower  is  to  me  the  worst  argument  in  the 
world."  He  was  at  large  once  more,  but  had  spoken  at  a 
"conventicle,"  and  was  again  under  arrest.  "Not  all  the 
powers  on  earth  shall  divert  us  from  meeting  to  adore  our 
God  who  made  us,"  said  the  lofty  soul  of  this  prince  of  men. 
When  the  magistrate  remonstrated  with  him,  he  answered, 
"  I  prefer  the  honestly  simple  to  the  ingeniously  wicked." 
His  notes  of  freedom  rang  out  from  Newgate  :  "  If  we  cannot 
obtain  the  olive-branch  of  toleration,  we  bless  the  provi 
dence  of  God,  resolving  by  patience  to  outweary  persecu 
tion,  and  by  our  constant  sufferings  to  obtain  a  victory  more 
glorious  than  our  adversaries  can  achieve  by  their  cruelties." 
He  was  before  a  committee  of  the  Commons  to  plead  for 
liberty,  not  for  the  Quakers  merely,  but  for  all.  "  We  must 
give  the  liberty  we  ask,"  said  he :  "  we  cannot  be  false  to  our 
principles,  though  it  were  to  relieve  ourselves ;  for  we  would 
have  none  to  suffer  for  dissent  on  any  hand."  To  the 
electors  in  a  canvass  he  said, "  Your  well-being  depends  upon 
your  preservation  of  your  right  in  the  government.  You 
are  free ;  God  and  nature  and  the  constitution  have  made 
you  trustees  for  posterity.  Choose  men  who  will,  by  all 
just  and  legal  ways,  firmly  keep  and  zealously  promote 
your  power." 


19 


146  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

This  was  the  man,  who,  under  the  crown,  was  intrusted 
with  the  civil  liberties  of  Delaware,  a  good  part  of  New 
Jersey,  and  the  vast  State  of  Pennsylvania.  Who  could 
have  any  doubt  as  to  what  he  would  do  ?  With  the  great 
sovereign  of  human  liberty  before  his  eyes,  and  fresh  from 
the  cruel  sufferings  borne  for  conscience'  sake  in  his  native 
land,  he  hastened  to  the  field  of  his  mission  across  the 
waters.  With  his  heart  glowing  with  love,  he  entered  the 
land  of  his  inheritance,  "  a  free  colony  for  all  mankind,"  to 
try  "THE  HOLY  EXPERIMENT."  Swedes,  Dutch,  and  English 
hailed  him  as  a  common  protector  and  friend ;  and  wild 
savages  were  quiet  as  lambs  at  his  feet,  when  they  had  heard 
his  words,  and  gazed  deep  down  into  his  heart  under  "  the 
large  elm-tree  at  Shakamaxon."  "  We  will  live,"  responded 
the  Lenni  Lenapes,  "in  love  with  William  Penn  and  his 
children  as  long  as  the  moon  and  the  sun  shall  endure ; "  and 
no  Quaker  ever  perished  from  Indian  arrow.  "We  have 
done  better,"  said  the  Quakers,  "  than  if,  with  the  proud 
Spaniards,  we  had  gained  the  mines  of  Potosi.  We  may 
make  the  ambitious  heroes,  whom  the  world  admires,  blush 
for  their  shameful  victories.  To  the  poor,  dark  souls  round 
about  us,  we  teach  their  RIGHTS  AS  MEN." 

We  have  no  reason  to  trace  the  action  of  these  humane 
principles  in  the  formation  of  a  government.  The  people, 
so  far  as  Penn  could  make  them,  were  free  as  air.  They 
might  assemble  as  a  general  convention,  or  by  represen 
tatives.  They  preferred  the  latter,  and,  in  the  simplicity  of 
their  faith,  listened  to  the  voice  within  to  give  them  their 
laws;  and  be  assured  this  voice  would  suggest  nothing  but 
pure  freedom  to  a  Quaker.  Swedes,  Finns,  Dutch,  and 
English  were  completely  and  alike  invested  with  the  rights 
of  freemen,  and  could  exult  in  the  language  of  Lawrence 
Cook,  "It  is  the  best  day  we  have  ever  seen."  Penn  had 
founded  in  the  New  World  a  pure  democracy. 

It  was  not,  to  be  sure,  to  be  all  sunshine.  The  great  pro 
prietor,  who  had  reserved  nothing  for  himself,  must  leave 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED.          147 

his  people  to  their  own  wisdom.  There  would  be  divisions 
among  them  for  a  time.  Delaware  must  set  up  for  herself 
and  finally  his  Majesty's  commissioners  must  come  to  vex 
the  honest  Quakers.  But  they  had  passed  through  the  fire 
in  other  days.  They  would  vindicate  the  hopes  of  their 
founder,  and,  amid  the  praises  of  the  world,  sustain  their  own 
liberties  with  the  noblest  moral  heroism. 


THE    GREAT    WEST. 

We  have  thus  traced  the  history  of  God's  providence  in 
the  settlement  of  all  the  original  thirteen  States,  so  far  as 
to  identify  the  religious  force  active  in  their  colonization  and 
the  foundation  of  their  respective  systems  of  civil  liberty. 
The  Northern  group,  commencing  thirteen  years  later  than 
the  Southern,  has  shown  great  vigor,  and  attracted  a  hardy, 
enterprising  population,  and,  before  the  war  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  reached  a  commanding  position  in  all  the  elements  of  a 
growing  civilization. 

But  the  Northern  group  was  far  from  being  completed. 
Within  the  bosom  of  the  great  wilderness,  stretching  out 
over  the  vast  prairies,  and  on  over  the  Rocky  Mountains  to 
the  Pacific,  lay  the  great  States  and  Territories  of  the  West. 
The  boundary-line  between  the  Southern  and  Northern  group 
was  not  at  once  clearly  defined.  The  institution  of  slavery 
alone  would  determine  it.  During  the  period  now  under 
consideration,  the  colonies  were  alike  free  to  adopt  or  reject 
the  system  of  slave-labor,  as  States  are  free,  if  they  will,  to 
violate  all  moral  principle,  and  fix  upon  themselves  the  guilt 
of  crime  which  will  some  day  demand  a  fearful  and  bloody 
retribution.  And,  with  notable  exceptions,  there  was  a 
strange  want  of  conscience  in  the  North,  which  required  the 
demonstration,  that  the  nature  of  the  soil  and  the  severity 
of  the  climate  would  not  allow  reliance  upon  slave-labor,  to 
place  it  clearly  on  the  side  of  emancipation.  Slowly  the 
beginnings  of  this  foul  system  of  oppression  in  the  North  dis- 


148  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

appeared; 'and  free  labor  moved  southward,  until  the  famous 
Mason  and  Dixon's  Line  became  distinct,  and  the  equally 
famous  Missouri  Compromise  stretched  the  line  between  the 
two  groups  farther  west.  But  the  boundary  between  free 
dom  and  slavery  was  not  physically  indicated  in  the  West 
and  South-west.  The  interference  of  God's  providence  was 
necessary  to  save  large  portions  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  and 
the  Pacific  coast  from  the  deep  stain ;  and  hence  the  popula 
tion  went  into  these  territories  from  American  States  and 
from  Europe,  firmly  fixed  against  slavery.  The  struggle 
went  on  for  two  generations :  and,  under  the  divine  control, 
the  area  of  freedom  extended  so  rapidly  as  to  parallel,  and 
at  length  fairly  outstrip,  the  progress  of  slavery ;  and  the 
Northern  group  completed  embraced,  in  addition  to  her  large 
portion  of  the  old  thirteen,  the  vast  territories  and  teeming 
population  of  Vermont,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Illinois, 
Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Nebraska,  Dacotah,  Col 
orado,  New  Mexico,  Utah,  Montana,  Nevada,  California,  Ore 
gon,  Washington,  and  Idaho.  What  could  resist  the  spirit 
of  freedom  under  guidance  of  Providence,  controlling  the 
millions  who  would  inhabit  a  region  so  immense  in  extent, 
and  inexhaustible  in  resources  ? 

Slavery  struggled  hard  for  predominance  over  the  southern 
portion  of  this  great  West,  and  thus  over  the  nation  ;  and  if 
the  talents  and  shrewdness,  the  political  scheming  and  wealth, 
of  men  could  have  produced  it,  this  result  would  have  been 
inevitable.  The  final  defeat  of  this  grasping  tyranny,  and  the 
grand  triumph  of  liberty  in  the  West,  argue  a  reigning 
Divinity  in  the  affairs  of  men.  The  battle  was  at  length 
fairly  joined;  and,  when  it  reached  its  colossal  proportions, 
the  parties  were  so  large  and  potent,  and  so  nearly  balanced, 
as  to  bring  out  before  the  eyes  of  men  the  extreme  force 
and  terrific  energy  of  both  slavery  and  freedom.  This  the 
purposes  of  God  required ;  and  all  the  efforts  of  humanity 
during  a  hundred  years  were  utterly  inadequate  to  pre 
vent  it. 


THE  NORTHERN  GROUP  COMPLETED. 


PROVIDENCE   AND    WAR-DISCIPLINE. 

To  complete  our  view  of  the  colonization  period  of  Amer 
ican  history,  it  is  necessary  to  glance  at  the  question  of 
dominant  races  on  the  continent. 

The  aboriginal  tribes  were  numerous,  and  in  many  respects 
powerful,  when  the  white  men  first  appeared.  Though  sup 
posed  to  have  already  commenced  their  steady  decline,  they 
were  estimated  at  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  souls. 
A  much  larger  estimate  was  made  subsequently.  The  num 
ber  of  immigrants  was  for  a  generation  so  small  as  to  make 
it  fearfully  probable  that  they  would  be  overwhelmed  by 
their  savage  foes  whom  they  had  taught  to  fight,  and  whose 
cruel  ferocity  they  had  roused  to  the  extreme  of  vindictive 
rage. 

At  length  they  found  an  opportunity  of  acting  in  concert 
with  one  white  nation  engaged  in  bloody  war  with  another  ; 
and  the  French  and  Indian  War  was  to  overwhelm  the  Eng 
lish,  and  subjugate  or  expel  them  from  the  continent.  This 
contest  was  to  reach  proportions  at  first  hardly  deemed  pos 
sible.  Indeed,  if  God  intended  the  final  ascendency  of  the 
Anglo-Saxons  here,  he  evidently  intended  that  they  should 
be  themselves  so  small  and  feeble,  and  their  rivals  should  be 
so  numerous  and  powerful,  that  their  triumph  would  be 
clearly  the  work  of  his  own  hand.  Spaniards  held  their 
position  with  great  tenacity,  and  crowded  strongly  from 
Florida  on  the  south,  and  Mexico  on  the  west.  The  Dutch 
were  very  strong  on  the  Hudson  and  the  Delaware,  and  were 
crowding  New  England  hard  in  the  Valley  of  the  Connecti 
cut.  The  boundaries  of  New  France  were  stretching  for 
midably  from  the  St.  Lawrence  round  into  the  Valley  of  the 
Mississippi.  England  had  but  a  small  strip  of  the  Atlantic 
coast,  and  much  of  that  was  disputed  territory.  Who  could 
have  believed  that  New  Spain,  New  Sweden,  and  New  Amster 
dam,  would,  one  after  another,  disappear  under  the  spreading 
power  of  the  little  bands  gathering  around  Jamestown  and 


150  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Plymouth  Rock  ?  And  yet  they  did  disappear.  An  invisible 
agency  most  evidently  moved  within  the  outward  forms  of 
social  life,  and  secured  the  result  which  the  plans  of  Provi 
dence  required. 

France  might  with  apparently  good  reason  expect  to  suc 
ceed.  Her  territory  was  so  large,  her  energy  so  powerful, 
and  her  alliance  with  savage  tribes  so  formidable,  that  there 
seemed  almost  a  moral  certainty  that  the  Atlantic  slope  must 
yield  to  the  ascendency  of  French  arms  and  ideas  ;  and,  if 
so,  the  final  triumph  of  Popery  on  the  Western  continent 
was  inevitable.  Two  bloody  wars  must  settle  the  question. 
It  is  not  our  duty  to  trace  their  history ;  but  the  purpose  of 
God  came  out  at  last  when  the  brave  English  ascended  to 
"  the  Heights  of  Abraham,"  and  Montcalm,  Quebec,  and 
French  domination,  fell  before  the  heroic  Wolf  and  his  com 
rades  in  arms. 

Under  God,  the  Americans  in  sufficient  numbers  had  en 
tered  the  conflict  to  secure  the  triumph  of  England  over 
France,  and  received  a  military  discipline  which  would  pre 
pare  America  to  triumph  over  England. 


I)  II. 


CHAPTER  I. 

MIND-BATTLES  POINT  TO  A •  0semr]|^lJLFJ>  NATIONAL  -LIFE. 

"A?  interesting  mankind,  tl;  as,  Shall  the  Refotrn.-.i<  i;<.  -t-  •t?.l»i|«-d  to  the  fulness 

of-  free  i.iquiry,'  succeed  '  a  .igaimst  the  middle  »<{<»  «     —  lUxoaopr 

ESSENTIAL  free  in  the  mind.     If  this  is  inthralled,  no 

outward  forms  «  man  free.     Government  creates 

no  liberty.  .  e  it  when  it  exists,  respond  to  if. 

and  providv  s  sault  and  repress  it.    Hence  it 

is,  that  the  em:  houghr  liverance  from 

mental  tyranm  -'n,  become  the  precursors 

of  orgknized  liberty.  ate  result  does  riot  always 

follow.     Oppression  may  be  for  a  time  too  strong  for  the 
inner  force.     The  people  may  be  wanting  in  cleurness  of 
views,  or  in  public  spirit,  or  in  completeness  of  organiwi -lip**. 
Stem  diftcipline.  may  be  required  to  bring  them  up 
point  of  ptx>per  teBistance.     The  contest  once 
iv  wever,  can  never  be  endfcd  but  by  th*-  triuir»p|j  *>f 

t»i  this  examination  of .  the  earh  hi*«*>ry  * 
i< ^vr  reft^he^l  a  period  in  which  fb*    |$|||j|fj 


^-;tiv^  ^^  f>j  t.*;»\-/  ^  <P  •***  ^^  •'*- ••*•  $N     •-<;>^*l,'«nd  finally 


A  DISINTHEALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  153 

Proprietaries  and  companies,  with  enormous  privileges, 
might  hold  the  land  under  the  crown  ;  but  their  rights  could 
be  reversed,  and  concessions  revoked,  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
king.  This  involved  the  comfort  and  rights  of  the  settlers ; 
for  they  gradually  obtained  privileges  from  these  grand 
monopolies,  which  were  valuable.  Under  various  acts  of 
spontaneous  legislation,  and  by  capricious  acts  of  the  mon 
arch,  there  grew  up  a  feeling  of  ownership  in  the  soil,  upon 
the  part  of  individuals ;  and  the  people  would  first  contend 
with  the  proprietaries  and  companies  against  the  crown,  and 
then  against  all  monopolists,  for  the  right  to  own  the  lands 
which  they  had  rescued  from  the  forests,  and  with  incredible 
toil  brought  under  cultivation,  and  thus  given  them  their 
real  value. 

One  of  these  famous  contests  came  on  in  1623  between 
James  and  the  London  Company.  As  the  shares  were  un 
productive,  it  revealed  only  a  very  doubtful  property-interest ; 
but  it  brought  out  a  spirit  of  political  independence,  which 
surprised  the  king,  and  which  became  the  true  reason  for  the 
destruction  of  the  company.  The  king  could  not  suppress 
the  freedom  of  debate  in  the  company,  nor  control  the  elec 
tions.  He  would,  therefore,  demand  the  surrender  of  their 
charter.  This  they  stubbornly  refused,  undertaking  to  secure 
private  and  corporate  rights  against  a  despotic  government ; 
but  it  was  of  no  avail.  Pretexts  could  be  found  in  the  mis 
management  of  the  company  in  Virginia.  Commissioners 
appeared  there  to  investigate  the  acts  of  alleged  malefeasance. 
And  now  the  Virginians  appear  to  assert  property-rights, 
which  had  never  been  argued  before  the  crown.  There  were 
wrongs  which  they  would  like  to  have  redressed,  but  not  by 
the  destruction  of  the  fundamental  rights  under  which  they 
claimed  to  own  their  estates.  The  company  went  down  by 
royal  decree ;  but  the  new  power  just  coming  into  notice  in 
the  colony  could  not  be  so  easily  disposed  of.  Espionage, 
king-craft,  and  intimidations  were  alike  unavailing.  Liberty 
had  taken  deep  root  in  this  virgin  soil.  As  easily  might  his 


20 


154  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Majesty  tear  up  the  giant  trees  of  the  American  forests  as 
to  eradicate  it.  The  Assembly  convened  under  this  very 
charter  would  vindicate  the  rights  of  property  "  against  arbi 
trary  taxation "  at  all  hazards.  Not  an  inch  would  they 
yield  to  despotic  exactions.  "  The  governor  shall  not  lay 
any  taxes  or  ympositions  upon  the  colony,  their  lands,  or 
commodities,  other  way  than  by  authority  of  the  General 
Assembly,  to  be  levyed  and  ymployed  as  the  said  Assembly 
shall  appoynt." 

Now,  the  origin  of  this  controversy  was  farther  back.  If 
these  colonists  had  a  right,  as  individuals,  to  the  soil  on  which 
they  lived,  if  the  right  of  discovery  was  not  a  right  to  mo 
nopolize  the  continent,  then  the  king,  in  granting  patents  to 
adventurers,  had  no  right  to  pre-empt  this  vast  domain,  and 
exclude,  at  pleasure,  the  individuals  and  families  who  were 
to  reclaim  it  from  the  wild  beasts.  Then  they  were  men,  and 
not  merely  loyal  subjects  of  the  king;  and  their  right  to  the 
soil  came  through  a  great  law  of  the  Creator  to  which  kings 
as  well  as  people  are  subject.  Then  an  attempt  to  govern 
them  as  mere  tenants  at  will,  or  dispose  of  the  avails  of  their 
industry  as  serfs,  was  oppressive  ;  and,  when  the  Virginians 
stood  up  inflexibly  against  it,  they  began  to  assert  the  rights 
which  man  had  assailed,  and  which  God  would  defend.  This 
was  the  opening  battle  in  the  war  of  independence,  and  the 
colonists  triumphed. 

The  Plymouth  Colony  could  obtain  no  "  royal  patent ;  yet 
their  claim  to  their  land  was  valid,  according  to  the  principles 
of  English  law  as  well  as  natural  justice."  * 

One  after  another,  the  colonies  set  up  the  rights  which 
belong  only  to  freeholders.  Companies,  as  the  profits  of 
their  investments  were  exceedingly  small,  and  the  balance 
was  not  unfrequently  against  them,  were  more  easily  shaken 
off  than  the  king.  The  value  of  proprietary  estates  was 
seen  to  be  in  the  increase  of  the  population,  and  the  con 
tentment  and  thrift  of  the  people :  hence  extravagant  de- 

*  Bancroft,  i.  320. 


A  DISINTHKALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  155 

mands  became  unprofitable,  and  concessions  to  settlers  were 
steadily  accumulating  in  the  form  of  vested  rights.  The 
transfer  of  the  official  residences  and  headquarters  from  Eng 
land  to  Massachusetts  was  one  of  the  great  steps  indicating 
progress  in  the  right  direction.  But  on  the  23d  of  July, 
1664,  his  Majesty's  commissioners  arrived ;  and  they  would 
assume  control  over  this  question  of  the  right  of  soil,  and 
all  other  questions. 

"  The  lands  "  claimed  by  the  settlers  in  Massachusetts,  the 
royalists  said,  "belonged  to  Kobert  Gorges;"  but  these  Puritan 
intruders  had  "made  themselves  a  free  people."  "The  right 
of  England  to  the  soil,  under  the  pretence  of  discovery,  they 
derided  as  a  Popish  doctrine,  derived  from  Alexander  VI. ; 
and  they  pleaded,  as  of  more  avail,  their  just  occupation,  and 
their  purchase  from  the  natives  ;"  "  and,  as  the  establishment 
of  a  commission  with  discretionary  powers  was  not  specially 
sanctioned  by  their  charter,  they  resolved  to  resist  the  orders 
of  the  king,  and  nullify  his  commission."  '• 

In  1672,  Carteret  began  to  think  it  time  to  collect  his 
quit-rents  of  half  a  penny  an  acre  from  the  New-Jersey  Puri 
tans  ;  but  they  resisted  the  lawyers  with  the  very  primitive 
doctrine,  that  "  the  heathen,  as  the  lineal  descendants  of  Noah, 
had  a  rightful  claim  to  their  lands."  They  chose,  therefore, 
to  get  their  titles  from  the  Indians,  refuse  to  pay  their  "  quit- 
rents  "  to  parties  who  never  had  lawfully  owned  the  soil,  and, 
by  act  of  assembly,  to  drive  away  "  Mr.  Carteret,"  and  keep 
him  away,  until  he  could  learn  not  to  speak  of  "  quit-rents  " 
for  "  the  lands  belonging  of  right  to  New-Jersey  freemen." 

These  are  specimens  of  the  contest  which  arose  inevitably 
in  this  virgin  land.  Titles  acquired  from  the  natives  by 
honest  contract,  or  acquired  under  the  primal  laws  of  dis 
covery  and  occupation  by  hardy  Christian  enterprise,  or 
obtained  by  concessions  wrung  from  proprietaries,  compa 
nies,  or  the  crown,  as  the  result  of  firmness  in  asserting  the 
right,  were  so  many  victories  in  the  great  mind-struggle 
which  preceded  the  wars  of  the  Revolution. 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  79. 


156  THE  GEEAT  KEPUBLIC. 


THE   RIGHTS    OF   TRADE. 

As  soon  as  the  feeble  colonists  began  to  discover  native 
products  which  could  be  converted  into  articles  of  traffic,  or 
to  produce  from  the  soil  a  little  corn  and  tobacco,  companies 
and  proprietaries  began  to  dictate  the  laws  of  trade,  exact 
revenue,  and  establish  grand  monopolies,  the  tendency  of 
which  was  to  impoverish  the  settlers,  and  enrich  the  govern 
ing  classes.  When,  therefore,  the  spirit  of  Virginians  rose 
sufficiently  high  to  say,  "  For  the  encouragement  of  men  to 
plant  store  of  corn,  the  price  shall  not  be  restricted,  but 
it  shall  be  free  for  every  man  to  sell  it  as  deare  as  he  can," 
they  used  brave  words,  which  contained  the  fundamental 
principle  of  free  and  successful  trade. 

In  1622,  the  commerce  of  New  England  began  to  attract 
attention.  These  Puritans  were  likely  to  have  advantages, 
which,  in  the  judgment  of  men  "  at  home,"  from  whose  op 
pression  they  had  fled,  were  of  very  questionable  right.  "  In 
the  second  year  after  the  settlement  of  Plymouth,  five  and 
thirty  sail  of  vessels  went  to  fish  on  the  coasts  of  New  Eng 
land,  and  made  good  voyages.  The  monopolists  appealed 
to  King  James;  and  the  monarch,  preferring  to  assert  his  own 
extended  prerogatives  rather  than  to  regard  the  spirit  of 
the  House  of  Commons,  issued  a  proclamation  which  forbade 
any  to  Approach  the  northern  coast  of  America,  except  with 
the  special  leave  of  the  Company  of  Plymouth  or  of  the 
Privy  Council.  It  was  monstrous  thus  to  attempt  to  seal 
up  a  large  portion  of  an  immense  continent."  *  Will  the  at 
tempt  succeed  ?  "  Your  patent,"  said  Sir  Edward  Coke  to 
Gorges, "  contains  many  particulars  contrary  to  the  laws  and 
privileges  of  the  subject :  it  is  a  monopoly,  and  the  ends  of 
private  gain  are  concealed  under  color  of  planting  a  colony. 
Shall  none  visit  the  seacoast  for  fishing  ?  This  is  to  make  a 
monopoly  upon  the  seas,  which  wont  to  be  free.  If  you  alone 
are  to  pack  and  dry  fish,  you  attempt  a  monopoly  of  the 
wind  and  the  sun."  It  was  in  vain  for  Sir  George  Culvert  to 

*  Bancroft,  i.  325. 


A  DISENTHRALLED  NATIONAL   LIFE.  157 

growl,  "  The  fishermen  hinder  the  plantations ;  they  choke 
the  harbors  with  their  ballast,  and  waste  the  forests  by  im 
provident  use."  The  Commons  were  determined.  The  bill 
repealing  this  odious  patent  "  passed  without  amendment" 
James  refused  his  assent;  but  neither  that  nor  his  royal  orders 
already  quoted  availed  any  thing.  Both  patent  and  orders 
went  down  with  the  monopoly  of  the  company  in  a  struggle 
with  a  handful  of  Pilgrims  representing  the  principles  of 
eternal  justice. 

In  1642,  the  Virginians  come  up  to  this  question  again. 
Under  the  administration  of  Sir  William  Berkeley,  they  assert 
their  rights  in  the  clearest  and  most  dignified  language. 
"  Freedom  of  trade,"  they  insist,  "  is  the  blood  and  life  of  a 
commonwealth." 

Spain  and  Portugal  were  greedy  of  the  profits  of  trade  ; 
and,  based  upon  the  enterprise  of  discovery,  sanctioned  by 
the  authority  of  Home,  they  resolved  upon  a  monopoly  of 
the  commerce  of  the  world,  and  "  denounced  the  severest 
penalties  "  against  those  who  should  dare  to  intrude.  God, 
however,  made  use  of  the  commercial  freedom  of  Holland  to 
antagonize  this  usurpation,  and  wrest  from  the  usurpers  the 
dominion  of  the  seas.  Then  the  Dutch,  in  their  turn,  became 
the  commercial  monopolists  of  Europe. 

England  rose  up  to  dispute  this  sovereignty  of  the 
ocean.  Cromwell  resisted  Holland,  and  established  the  fa 
mous  Navigation  Act.  He  was  friendly  to  the  colonies; 
and,  intending  to  make  America  the  great  commercial  inter 
est  of  the  commonwealth,  he  accorded  to  her  the  unrestricted 
sale  of  her  great  staple  in  all  the  markets  of  the  world. 

Monarchy  restored  returned  immediately  to  its  old  pas 
sion  for  revenues,  and  determined  upon  monopolies  of  Amer 
ican  trade,  and  especially  of  the  tobacco-trade,  as  the  means 
of  accomplishing  the  purpose.  Charles  "invoked  the  au 
thority  of  the  Star  Chamber  to  assist  in  filling  his  exchequer 
by  new  and  onerous  duties  on  tobacco."  He  sent  commis 
sioners  to  buy  up  the  whole  crop.  The  colonists  dared  to 


158  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

resist;  and  he  would  try  other  proclamations,  restricting  the 
markets  to  London,  determined  in  some  way,  by  "  his  will 
and  pleasure,  to  have  the  sole  pre-emption  of  all  tobacco." 

Whenever  it  seemed  necessary,  for  the  time  being,  to  con 
sent  to  the  measures  which  sought  to  forge  commercial  fet 
ters  for  the  colonists,  it  was  done  with  such  caution  as  to 
give  no  historical  advantage  to  tyranny. 

In  1663,  "the  importation  of  European  commodities  into 
the  colonies,  except  in  English  ships  from  England,"  w$s  pro 
hibited  by  a  stringent  law.  Even  exchanges  between  New 
England  and  the  Southern  colonies  were  prohibited ;  and 
duties  were  levied  upon  little  articles  of  traffic  between  these 
future  States,  the  same  as  on  foreign  goods.  Americans  were 
forbidden  to  manufacture  articles  which  would  compete  with 
England ;  and  this  odious  system  of  monopoly  was  fortified 
by  all  the  cruelty  that  ingenuity  could  crowd  into  at  least 
"  twenty-nine  acts  of  Parliament." 

The  contest  must,  therefore,  go  on.  The  right  to  cripple 
and  virtually  destroy  American  trade,  so  fiercely  asserted, 
was  just  as  persistently  denied,  until  the  battles  of  mind 
resulted  in  blood. 


THE    RIGHT    OF    REPRESENTATION   AND    FREE    LEGISLATION. 

We  have  seen  that  one  of  the  first  instincts  of  colonists, 
whether  under  the  patronage  of  England,  or  refugees  from 
her  tyranny,  was  to  provide  laws  for  the  protection  of  per 
sonal  and  social  rights,  and  the  preservation  of  public  order. 
This  necessity,  at  first  acquiesced  in  by  all  parties,  at  length 
became  a  question  of  vigorously-contested  prerogative. 

In  1621,  Virginia  received  through  Sir  George  Yeardley 
a  written  constitution  for  "  the  great  comfort  and  benefit 
of  the  people,  and  the  prevention  of  injustice,  grievances, 
and  oppression;"  and  "  the  system  of  representative  govern 
ment,  and  trial  by  jury,  thus  became  in  New  Hemisphere  an 
acknowledged  right"  This  concession  was,  however,  only 


A  DISINTHRALLED   NATIONAL  LIFE.  159 

indirectly  from  the  crown,  and  would  be  recalled  whenever 
the  caprice  of  tyranny  suggested  it. 

Virginia,  however,  would  and  did  make  her  own  laws. 
"  There  is  more '  likelihood,"  she  said  distinctly  in  the  ears 
of  power,  "  that  such  as  are  acquainted  with  the  clime  and 
its  accidents  may  upon  better  grounds  prescribe  our  advan 
tages  than  such  as  shall  sit  at  the  helm  in  England." 

Maryland,  one  day  in  advance  of  Virginia,  in  the  house  of 
Kobert  Sly,  claimed  through  her  lawful  representatives  the 
right  of  independent  legislation. 

The  other  colonies  of  the  Southern  group  followed  in  the 
train.  Severe  contests  arose ;  but  the  future  Republic  never 
retraced  her  steps. 

The  Pilgrims,  as  we  have  seen,  asserted  their  right  of  self- 
government  in  "  The  Mayflower."  This  right  they  never 
surrendered.  "  The  Bay  State  "  resisted  every  encroach 
ment  upon  her  fundamental  rights,  and,  in  1634,  enacted 
"  the  test  oath,"  requiring  from  every  freeman  sworn  alle 
giance,  "  not  to  King  Charles,  but  to  Massachusetts." 

No  charter  granting  prerogatives  of  government  could  as 
yet  be  obtained.  The  Plymouth  colonists  would  like  to  have 
it,  would  try  hard,  and  expend  much  money  in  an  attempt 
to  get  it;  but,  if  they  failed,  they  would  surrender  no  right, 
and  omit  no  act  necessary  to  vindicate  the  righteous  prerog 
atives  of  God's  freemen. 

"  Relying  upon  their  original  compact,  the  colonists  gradu 
ally  assumed  all  the  prerogatives  of  government ;  even  the 
power,  after  some  hesitation,  of  capital  punishment.  No  less 
than  eight  capital  offences  are  enumerated  in  the  first  Plym 
outh  code,  including  treason  or  rebellion  against  the  colony, 
and  '  solemn  compaction  or  conversing  with  the  Devil.'  Trial 
by  jury  was  early  introduced ;  but  the  punishments  to  be  in 
flicted  on  minor  offences  remained,  for  the  most  part,  discre 
tionary.  For  eighteen  years,  all  laws  were  enacted  in  gen 
eral  assembly  of  all  the  colonists.  The  governor  chosen 
annually  was  but  president  of  a  council,  in  which  he  had 


160  THE   GEE  AT   REPUBLIC. 

a  double  vote.  It  consisted  first  of  one,  then  of  five,  and 
finally  of  seven  councillors,  called  '  assistants.'  So  little  were 
political  honors  coveted  at  New  Plymouth,  that  it  became 
necessary  to  inflict  a  fine  upon  such  as,  being  "chosen,  declined 
to  serve  as  governor  or  assistant.  None,  however,  were  to 
be  obliged  to  serve  for  two  years  in  succession."  : 

New  Hampshire  asserted  the  rights  of  self-government,  and 
with  great  boldness  defied  the  measures  of  power. 

By  the  people  on  the  Island  of  Rhode  Island,  it  was 
"  unanimously  agreed  upon  that  the  government  which  this 
body  politic  doth  attend  unto  in  this  island,  and  the  jurisdic 
tion  thereof  in  favor  of  our  province,  is  a  democracie  of 
popular  government ;  that  is  to  say,  it  is  the  power  of  the 
body  of  freemen  orderly  assembled,  or  major  part  of  them, 
to  make  or  constitute  just  lawes  by  which  they  will  be  regu 
lated,  and  to  depute  from  among  themselves  such  ministers 
as  shall  see  them  faithfully  executed  between  man  and 
man." 

In  November,  1681,  there  was  a  legislature  of  true  repre 
sentatives  of  the  honest  people  in  West  New  Jersey ;  "  of  men 
who  said  thee  and  thou,  and  wore  their  hats  in  presence  of 
beggar  or  king."  "  They  framed  their  government  on  the 
basis  of  humanity.  Neither  faith  nor  wealth  nor  race  was 
respected.  They  met  in  the  wilderness  as  men,  and  founded 
society  on  equal  rights."  t 

New  York,  in  public  assembly  held  in  1683,  said,  "  Supreme 
legislative  power  shall  forever  be  and  reside  in  the  governor, 
council,  and  people  met  in  general  assembly." 

Pennsylvania  in  1693,  in  contest  with  Fletcher,  governor 
under  William  and  Mary,  would  not  allow  that  their  legisla 
tive  acts  required  even  "  the  great  seal  of  the  proprietary." 
"  We  know  the  laws  to  be  our  laws,"  the  "  poor  men  "  who 
"represented  the  people"  said;  "and  we  are  in  the  enjoy 
ment  of  them.  The  sealing  does  not  make  the  law,  but  the 
consent  of  governor,  council,  and  assembly." 

*  Hildreth,  i.  175.  t  Bancroft,  ii.  360. 


A  DISENTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE. 

Thus  one  colony  after  another  took  up  the  same  position 
in  effect ;  and  the  Northern  group  also  became  a  unit  in  af 
firming  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  laws  for  themselves. 

The  statutes  of  freedom,  rising  directly  up  from  Nature, 
defining  practical  justice  according  to  the  subtle,  all-pervad 
ing  public  sense,  in  distinction  from  the  sophistries  of  learned 
dishonesty,  became  the  materials  of  State  governments,  and, 
at  length,  of  the  fundamental  constitution  of  the  Great  Re 
public. 

THE   RIGHT   OF  TAXATION. 

The  home  government  assumed  the  right  to  tax  the 
American  colonists  wholly  in  the  interests  of  the  crown, 
allowing  them  no  representation  in  Parliament.  This  was 
the  grand  question  at  issue  :  Had  the  government  of  Eng 
land  the  right  to  judge  for  the  people  of  America,  with 
out  information  direct  from  them,  what  they  ought  to 
pay  ?  Was  the  king  in  council  the  lord  paramount  of  the 
colonies,  so  that  he  could,  at  discretion,  appropriate  such 
avails  of  the  labor  of  men,  virtually  expatriated,  as  he 
chose?  The  American  people  said,  "No.  Taxation  with 
out  representation  is  oppression.  We  cannot,  will  not, 
submit  to  it." 

At  first,  this  seemed  to  England  a  mere  freak  of  these  colo 
nists  ;  an  indication  that  indulgence  had  produced  haughti 
ness,  and  contempt  of  authority ;  and  it  was  deemed  only  a 
question  of  convenience  how  far  this  should  be  indulged,  and 
when  it  should  be  effectually  put  down. 

But  gradually  it  assumed  the  proportions  of  a  grave  issue, 
and  became  a  question  of  principle,  which  could  not  be 
determined  by  mere  prerogative. 

As  early  as  1624,  the  voice  of  Virginia,  as  we  have  seen 
in  another  connection,  was  clear  and  firm  upon  this  ques 
tion.  Let  her  words  of  independent  manhood  be  repeated : 
"  The  governor  shall  not  lay  any  tax  or  ympositions  upon 
the  colony,  their  lands  or  commodities,  otherway  than  by 


21 


162  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  authoritie  of  the  General  Assembly,  to  be  levyed  and 
ymployed  as  the  said  Assembly  shall  appoynt."  Mark  the 
language.  "The  governor  shall  not."  No  weak  petition, 
no  words  of  imploring  suffering,  but  words  of  authority, 
bringing  out  thus  early  the  feeling  of  sovereignty  in  the 
colonists,  destined  to  appear  in  the  world's  future  as  a  new 
function  of  our  common  manhood. 

In  1634,  this  contest  began  to  assume  distinctness  in 
Massachusetts.  The  mild  and  liberal  Winthrop,  cautiously 
representing  the  crown,  finally  suggested  that  the  power  in 
question  resided  in  the  "  assistants."  But  no  influence  could 
allay  the  spirit  of  personal  independence  which  Providence 
intended  to  develop.  Officers  were  not  masters  in  America ; 
certainly  not  upon  questions  of  civil  rights  so  sacred  as 
those  which  then  pressed  upon  the  hearts  of  New  England's 
bravest,  noblest  men. 

"  The  people  established  a  reformation  of  such  things  as 
they  judged  to  be  amiss  in  the  government;"  and,  among 
other  things,  a  "  law  against  arbitrary  taxation  "  was  passed. 
"None  but  the  immediate  representatives  of  the  people 
might  dispose  of  lands,  or  raise  money.  Thus  early  did 
Massachusetts  echo  the  voice  of  Virginia,  like  the  moun 
tains  replying  to  the  thunder,  or  like  deep  calling  unto 
deep."  * 

In  1683,  New  York,  in  her  first  free  Assembly  under 
English  rule,  responded  to  Virginia  and  Massachusetts  in 
the  same  clear,  ringing  notes  of  freedom,  "  No  tax  shall  be 
assessed,  on  any  pretence  whatever,  but  by  the  consent  of 
the  Assembly." 

"  It  were  madness,"  cried  out  the  Quakers  of  West  New 
Jersey  against  the  Duke  of  York,  "  to  leave  a  free  country  to 
plant  a  wilderness,  and  give  another  person  an  absolute 
right  to  tax  us  at  will.  The  King  of  England  cannot  take 
his  subjects'  goods  without  their  consent." 

Let  this  controversy  go  on  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  till 

*  Bancroft,  i.  367. 


A  DISENTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  163 

royalty  returns  from  its  banishment,  and  Puritanism  in  Eng 
land  is  reduced  to  cruel  subjection  amid  the  death-throes  of 
liberty,  and  what  will  then  be  the  condition  of  the  contest 
in  the  New  World  ?  Then,  it  is  presumed,  prerogatives  may 
be  absolute  in  New  England.  Parliament  formally  assumed 
it ;  and  the  subsidy  of  "  five  per  cent  on  all  merchandise 
exported  from  or  imported  into  the  kingdom  of  England," 
or  "  any  of  his  Majesty's  dominions  thereunto  belonging," 
granted  to  Charles  II.,  was  made  by  express  definition  to 
apply  to  the  American  colonies. 

But  the  king  could  by  no  possible  means  obtain  his  five- 
per-cent  subsidy  from  America.  The  temper  of  the  people 
would  not  allow  it.  It  was  unlawful.  The  colonies  were 
not  bound  by  any  act  of  Parliament,  unless  expressly  named ; 
and  it  was  useless  to  levy  the  tax. 

Nor  would  a  hundred-years'  conflict  subdue  American 
resistance  to  such  high-handed  injustice.  The  final  decis 
ion  was  in  Boston  Harbor,  where  the  resistance  of  the  people 
to  "  taxation  without  representation "  dashed  the  cargo  of 
tea  into  the  ocean.  The  people  of  these  colonies  could  listen 
to  the  growl  and  murmur  of  power ;  they  could  bleed,  and, 
if  need  be,  die,  in  defence  of  their  rights :  but  they  could  by 
no  meaps  bow  down  their  necks  to  the  yoke  of  oppression. 
God  had  sent  them  to  America  for  an  entirely  different 
purpose. 

THE   RIGHT    OF   FREE   SPEECH,   A  FREE   BALLOT,   AND    A    FREE   PRESS. 

The  time  had  come  when  "  the  freemen  of  every  town  in 
the  Bay  State  were  busy  in  inquiring  into  their  liberties  and 
privileges."  Said  the  representative  of  royal  prerogative, 
"  Elections  cannot  be  safe  there  long ; "  but  the  people  an 
swered  by  publishing  boldly  their  understanding  of  human 
rights,  and  going  on  with  the  "  elections." 

The  English  Government  began  to  realize  that  to  enforce 
the  high  prerogatives  of  the  crown  in  America  would  re 
quire  absolute  and  continuous  subjugation.  This. was  no 


164  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

trifle ;  and  the  men  in  power  roused  themselves  to  a  more 
vigorous  and  determined  effort. 

"  The  general  patent*  of  New  England  was  surrendered  " 
by  royalists  "  to  the  king."  The  Plymouth  Colony,  greatly 
desiring  release  from  the  overshadowing  influence  of  her 
powerful  neighbor,  determined  to  secure  of  the  king  "a 
confirmation  of  their  respective  grants,"  and  a  repeal  of  the 
Massachusetts  patent.  The  company  was  arraigned  before 
the  court.  Terrible  persecutions  followed.  The  malicious 
cruelty  of  the  infamous  Laud  condemned  men  to  the  most 
horrible  mutilations  for  the  crime  of  longing  to  be  free. 
Wentworth  stirred  up  the  resentment  of  power  firmly 
resisted.  "  The  very  genius  of  that  nation  of  people,"  he 
said,  "  leads  them  always  to  oppose,  both  civilly  and  ecclesi 
astically,  all  that  ever  authority  ordains  for  them."  The 
faithful  Prynne  stood  before  the  bar  of  tyranny  a  second 
time  for  daring  to  write  and  speak,  to  print  and  publish,  his 
principles.  "  I  thought,"  said  Lord  Finch,  "  that  Prynne  had 
lost  his  ears  already ;  but  there  is  something  left  yet : "  and 
an  officer  of  the  court  displayed  the  mutilated  organs.  "  I 
pray  to  God,"  replied  Prynne,  "  you  may  have  ears  to  hear 
me.  Christians,"  said  he,  as  he  presented  the  stumps  of  his 
ears  to  be  grubbed  out  by  the  hangman's  knife,  "  stand  fast, 
be  faithful  to  God  and  your  country,  or  you  will  bring  on 
yourselves  and  your  children  perpetual  slavery."  This  was 
the  noblest  heroism,  the  highest  moral  grandeur.  The  spirit 
of  the  martyrs  was  in  this  life-and-death  struggle  for  liberty. 
Its  friends  were  "  enforced  by  heaps  to  desert  their  native 
country.  Nothing  but  the  wide  ocean,  and  the  savage  des 
erts  of  America,  could  hide  and  shelter  them  from  the  fury 
of  the  bishops."  But  even  this  poor  resort  was  soon  denied, 
and  Puritan  sufferers  were  forbidden  the  right  of  expatria 
tion. 

In  the  mean  time,  two  grand  movements  in  New  England 
revealed  the  presence  and  active  power  of  Providence  in 
behalf  of  Jiberty.  The  people  were  about  to  exercise  their 


A  DISINTHKALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  165 

rights  in  an  election.  Conservatism  was  alarmed.  The  de 
termined  Cotton  delivered  a  sermon  to  the  masses  of  assem 
bled  freemen  "  against  rotation  in  office."  But  the  people 
boldly  advanced ;  and  now  for  the  first  time  the  ballot-box, 
the  palladium  of  American  liberty,  appeared.  It  was  hence 
forth  to  be  the  grand  reliance  of  the  people,  and  must  and 
should  be  free. 

By  the  side  of  the  ballot  a  free  press  promptly  arranged 
itself.  It  began  to  sound  out  its  notes  of  liberty  in  1639,  and 
no  power  on  earth  could  thenceforth  silence  or  destroy  it. 

Let  us  see  what  further  these  feeble  colonists  will  do.  In 
firm  and  dignified  language  they  will  attempt  remonstrance 
against  the  cruel  tyranny  which  seeks  to  deprive  them  of 
vested  rights,  and  cautiously  warn  the  king  by  foreshadow 
ing  the  probable  future.  "  If  the  patent  be  taken  from  us, 
the  common  people  will  conceive  that  his  Majesty  hath 
cast  them  off,  and  that  hereby  they  are  freed  from  their 
allegiance  and  subjection,  and  therefore  will  be  ready  to 
confederate  themselves  under  a  new  government  for  their 
necessary  safety  and  subsistence,  which  will  be  of  dangerous 
example  unto  other  plantations,  and  perilous  to  ourselves 
of  incurring  his  Majesty's  displeasure." 

But  (3rod  interposed.  Before  this  remonstrance  reached 
the  throne,  the  Scots  had  risen  against  Romish  prayers 
and  the  superstitions  of  Prelacy.  The  monarch  went  down, 
and  the  colonists  had  twenty  years  of  neglect  in  which  to 
grow.  "  Twenty-one  thousand  two  hundred  "  emigrants  had 
reached  New  England  before  the  Long  Parliament.  They 
had  come  in  "two  hundred  and  ninety-eight  ships,"  "and 
the  cost  of  the  plantations  had  been  almost  a  million  of 
dollars."  "  In  a  little  more  than  ten  years,  fifty  towns  and 
villages  had  been  planted;  between  thirty  and  forty  churches 
built ;  and  strangers,  as  they  gazed,  could  not  but  acknowl 
edge  God's  blessing  on  the  endeavors  of  the  planters."  ^ 

The  liberty  embodied  in  the  commonwealth  could  not  well 

*  Bancroft,  i.  415. 


166  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

avoid  extending  its  influence  to  the  New  World.  In  March, 
1643,  in  response  to  the  petitions  of  the  colony  presented  by 
Hugh  Peters  and  his  two  colleagues,  as  special  messengers, 
charged  with  the  general  duty  of  vindicating  colonial  rights, 
the  House  of  Commons  publicly  acknowledged  that  "  the 
plantations  in  New  England  had,  by  the  blessing  of  the 
Almighty,  had  good  and  prosperous  success,  without  any 
public  charge  to  the  parent  State ; "  "  and  their  imports  and 
exports  were  freed  from  all  taxation  "  "  until  the  House  of 
Commons  shall  take  action  to  the  contrary." 

For  the  time  being,  the  people  breathed  more  freely.  The 
blessings  of  firmness  in  the  defence  of  the  right  were  begin 
ning  to  appear,  and  liberty  must  gather  strength  for  the 
terrific  battles  yet  to  come.  American  freemen  would,  when 
ever  emergency  required,  show  that  the  elective  franchise 
was,  with  them,  no  merely  nominal  thing.  By  choosing  for 
important  responsibilities  "men  of  the  inferior  sort,"  and 
rejecting  every  man  nominated  by  an  aristocratic  caucus, 
the  people  of  Boston  took  occasion  to  teach  the  magis 
trates  that  they  were  not  to  receive  dictation  from  power, 
even  amongst  themselves.  The  freedom  of  the  ballot,  free 
speech,  and  a  free  press,  had  become  so  dear  to  the  people, 
that  they  would  be  guarded  by  the  most  vigilant  care,  and 
defended  at  all  hazards.  They  were  the  very  soul  of  Amer 
ican  liberty.  In  1683,  the  people  of  New  York  in  a  free 
Assembly  said,  "  Every  freeholder  and  freeman  shall  vote  for 
representatives  without  restraint ;  no  freeman  shall  suffer 
but  by  judgment  of  his  peers ;  and  all  trials  shall  be  by  a 
jury  of  twelve  men."  Said  the  Quakers  of  West  New  Jersey, 
"  The  General  Assembly  shall  be  chosen,  not  by  the  confused 
way  of  cries  and  voices,  but  by  the  balloting-box.  Every 
man  is  capable  to  choose  or  be  chosen.  We  lay  a  founda 
tion  for  after-ages  to  understand  their  liberty  as  Christians 
and  as  men,  that  they  may  not  be  brought  into  bondage 
but  by  their  own  consent;  for  we  put  THE  POWER  IN  THE 


A  DISINTHEALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  167 

THE   RIGHT   OF   CONSTITUTIONAL   LIBERTY,   AND   OF   UNION   FOR   THE 
COMMON   DEFENCE. 

During  the  early  history  of  the  American  colonies,  the  pen 
had  been  busy.  In  every  settlement,  there  were  documents 
and  records,  which,  in  strong  rhetoric  and  stern  logic,  defined 
the  rights  of  the  people.  These  gradually  combined  in  the 
forms  of  fundamental  law ;  and  the  era  of  constitutions 
came  on. 

In  May,  1635,  "to  limit  the  direction  of  the  Executive, 
the  people  demanded  a  written  constitution ;  and  a  commis 
sion  was  appointed  "  "  to  frame  a  body  of  grounds  of  laws  in 
resemblance  to  a  Magna  Charta,"  "  to  serve  as  a  bill  of  rights. 
The  ministers,  as  well  as  the  General  Court,  were  to  pass 
judgment  upon  the  work."  Cotton  would  lead  the  people 
to  seek  their  model  in  "  the  laws  from  God  to  Moses."  Re 
ligion  controlled  every  thing ;  and  this  stern  old  Puritan  di 
vine  wrote  to  his  "  friends  in  Holland,"  "  The  order  of  the 
churches  and  the  commonwealth  is  now  so  settled  in  New 
England  by  common  consent,  that  it  brings  to  mind  the  new 
heaven  and  new  earth  wherein  dwells  righteousness." 

The  era  of  neglect,  and  consequent  unparalleled  prosperity, 
which  preceded  the  Restoration,  the  people  thought  favorable 
for  giving  more  definite  constitutional  form  if)  a  "  body  of 
liberties."  The  magistrates,  who  had  acquired  a  love  of 
power,  hardly  saw  the  necessity  for  it ;  but  the  people  saw 
it,  and  Cotton  had  already  prepared  what  he  thought  would 
serve  the  purpose,  and  probably  prevent  something  more 
radical  and  disloyal,  fortifying  every  part  of  it  with  texts  of 
Scripture. 

But  to  Nathaniel  Ward  of  Ipswich  belongs  the  honor  of 
framing  "  the  fundamental  code,"  which  combined  "  the  hu 
mane  doctrines  of  the  common  law  with  the  principles  of 
natural  right  and  equity,  as  deduced  from  the  Bible."  "After 
mature  deliberation,  this  ' model,'  which,  for  its  comprehen 
siveness,  may  vie  with  any  similar  record  from  the  days  of 


168  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Magna  Charta,  was  adopted  in  December,  1641,  as  '  The 
Body  of  Liberties '  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony." 

This  was  a  representative  government,  including  in  gen 
eral  and  in  detail  nearly  all  the  great  essential  rights  of  free 
men.  These  Puritan  minds  were,  however,  yet  a  little  hazy 
on  the  subjects  of  slavery  and  religious  toleration.  "  There 
shall  never  be  any  bond-slaverie,  villanage,  or  captivitie 
amongst  us,  unless  it  be  lawful  captives  taken  in  just  warres, 
and  such  strangers  as  willingly  selle  'themselves  or  are  sold 
to  us;  and  these  shall  have  all  the  liberties  and  Christian 
usages  which  the  law  of  God,  established  in  Israel  concerning 
such  persons,  doth  morally  require.  This  exempts  none  from 
servitude  who  shall  be  judged  by  authoritie."  "  If  any 
man  stealeth  a  man  or  mankind,  he  shall  surely  be  put  to 
death." 

Witchcraft  was  classed  with  blasphemy,  and  provided  with 
the  punishment  ordered  in  the  laws  of  Moses.  The  crimes 
now  recognized  in  civilized  countries  as  capital  offences,  and 
several  in  addition,  were  punishable  with  death. 

The  practice  and  forms  of  religion  were  free  to  the  virtu 
ous  and  orthodox. 

Thus  fairly  commenced  the  formal  assertion  of  constitu 
tional  rights,  which  would  be  repeated  by  different  colonies 
and  combinations,  until  the  celebrated  Articles  of  Confedera 
tion  issued  from  an  American  Congress,  and  finally  the  noble 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America  came  from 
the  people  in  representative  convention  assembled  at  the 
close  of  the  Revolutionary  War. 

The  year  1643  marks  an  important  epoch  in  the  progress 
of  American  liberty.  The  desire  for  union  amongst  the 
colonies,  which  had  been  seeking  expression  since  the  Pequod 
War  in  1637,  assumed  definite  form.  "The  united  colonies 
of  New  England "  were  "  made  all  as  one."  The  alleged 
motives  for  the  confederacy  were  "  protection  against  the 
encroachments  of  the  Dutch  and  the  French,  security  against 
the  tribes  of  savages,"  and  "the  liberties  of  the  gospel  in 
purity  and  peace." 


A  DISINTHKALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  169 

Connecticut,  jealous  of  the  leadership  of  Massachusetts, 
demanded  for  each  State  a  negative  on  the  acts  of  the  con 
federation.  Massachusetts  refused;  and  Connecticut  was 
driven,  by  fear  of  the  Dutch,  to  waive  her  doctrine  of 
State  rights.  Plymouth  Colony  led  the  way  in  determining 
that  the  acts  of  the  confederation  should  have  no  force  until 
they  were  "  confirmed  by  a  majority  of  the  people." 

This  first  form  of  the  Union  included  "  the  colonies  and 
separate  governments  of  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecti 
cut,  and  New  Haven." 

The  guidance  of  Providence  thus  early  appeared  in  the 
growth  and  elevation  of  national  ideas.  They  were  ap 
parently  the  result  of  increasing  illumination  on  the  great 
subjects  of  human  rights  and  despotic  assumptions,  and  of  a 
common  danger  of  rivals  and  enemies  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood  of  the  colonies.  But,  if  the  wisest  men  of  the 
times  foresaw  but  dimly  that  another  much  more  formidable 
necessity  for  union  would  arise,  God,  under  whose  direc 
tion  the  nation  was  forming,  saw  that  coming  necessity 
clearly,  and  provided  for  it. 

It  is  natural  to  ask  why  the  plantations  of  Providence 
and  Rhode  Island  were  not  admitted  into  this  confederacy. 
The  answer,  we  presume,  ought  to  be  substantially  that 
assigned  for  not  taking  in  the  people  beyond  the  Piscata- 
qua :  "  They  ran  a  different  course,  both  in  their  ministry 
and  civil  administration."  They  would  not  be  Puritans. 
The  old  prejudice  against  Roger  Williams  is  very  evident. 
The  Puritans  had  too  high  a  sense  of  the  sacredness  of  their 
orthodoxy  to  seem  to  indorse  the  grievous  heresies  of  Provi 
dence  by  political  association  with  them.  The  Island  of 
Rhode  Island  could  not  be  admitted,  ostensibly  because  the 
friends  of  Anne  Hutchinson  had  refused  the  jurisdiction  of 
Plymouth.  If  there  was  a  deeper  reason,  it  was  probably 
in  the  fact  that  they  were  nonconformists  with  respect  to 
the  Church  of  the  Puritans. 

These  facts  are  due  here,  notwithstanding  their  exposure 


170  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

of  the  pitiable  narrowness  of  the  governing  minds  of  the 
Massachusetts  Colony,  that  our  readers  may  see  how  pro 
found  were  the  religious  convictions  which  formed  the 
foundation  of  our  national  organizations.  The  erroneous 
application  of  these  convictions  does  not  impair  their  his 
torical  verity  or  importance.  It  is  easy  for  us  to  see,  that, 
without  them,  no  part  of  our  peculiar  national  organization 
would  have  been  possible. 

This  New-England  union,  imperfect  as  it  was,  and  reveal 
ing  alarmingly  as  it  did  the  stern  antagonisms  of  National 
and  State  rights,  was  nevertheless  of  great  importance,  as 
the  bold  assumption  of  the  right  of  union  for  the  common 
defence.  This,  in  the  eyes  of  English  despotism,  was  con 
spiracy  and  constructive  treason ;  but,  under  the  control 
of  God,  it  was  a  prudent  advance  in  the  career  of  republi 
can  liberty,  the  beginning  of  national  organization.  Like 
every  other  essential  right,  when  once  asserted  by  the 
American  people,  it  was  to  be  steadily  maintained  until  it 
should  be  triumphantly  vindicated  and  formally  acknowl 
edged  by  the  civilized  world. 

A  broader  representation  of  the  people  took  place  in 
New  York  in  1690.  Delegates  from  Massachusetts,  Plym 
outh,  Connecticut,  and  New  York,  met,  in  response  to  a 
call  from  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  to  agree  upon 
plans  for  the  invasion  of  Canada.  "And  it  is  worthy  of 
remark,  that  the  Massachusetts  Government,  which  made 
the  call,  was  the  government  which  sprang  up  between  the 
overthrow  of  Andros  and  the  arrival  of  the  new  charter, 
and  in  which  the  popular  element  was  more  freely  mingled ; 
arid  the  New- York  Government,  which  accepted  it,  was  the 
government  of  Leisler,  which  sprang  directly  from  an  up 
rising  of  the  people.  Thus  the  earliest  utterance  of  the 
people's  voice  was  a  call  for  union ; "  *  but  this  union  was 
for  war. 

As  we  have  before  seen,  another  and  highly  important 

*  Greene's  Historical  View  of  the  American  Revolution,  pp.  69,  70,  et  seq. 


A  DISINTHEALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE. 

congress  assembled  in  Albany  on  the  19th  of  June,  1754.  To 
the  colonies  of  New  England  and  New  York  were  now 
added  those  of  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland.  Twenty-five 
delegates,  representing  seven  colonies,  met,  "  ostensibly  to 
renew  the  treaty  with  the  six  nations,  really  to  take  counsel 
together  about  a  plan  of  union  and  confederacy." 

Benjamin  Franklin  appears  among  the  distinguished  men 
of  this  Congress.  His  calm  deliberation  and  keen  insight 
had  discovered  the  necessity  for  union,  and  a  plan  for  its 
consummation.  The  idea  of  independence  was  held  in  abey 
ance  for  the  present ;  but  the  union  of  men  and  means  for 
common  security  seemed  to  many  as  no  more  than  the  dic 
tate  of  common  prudence. 

The  extreme  difficulty  of  the  undertaking  soon  appeared; 
for  after  the  perplexing  labors  of  the  Congress  had  brought 
out  its  best  ideas  in  the  form  of  a  virtual  though  not  osten 
sible  constitution,  the  provincial  assemblies  condemned  it 
as  having  "too  much  of  the  prerogative  in  it."  England 
condemned  it  for  a  reason  exactly  opposite,  —  it  had  "  too 
much  of  the  democracy."  The  great  purpose  of  the  Con 
gress  failed  ;  but  the  moral  effect  was  of  the  highest  im 
portance.  The  facts  and  principles  brought  out  by  this 
comparison  of  views  could  never  go  out  of  existence. 
Through  their  representative  men,  they  became  the  common 
property  of  the  colonies,  and  greatly  strengthened  the  pur 
pose  to  preserve  with  inviolable  fidelity  the  liberties  of  the 
people,  while  all  just  demands  of  the  crown  were  to  be  loy 
ally  met.  The  feeling  of  the  necessity  of  unity  became 
stronger  as  the  danger  became  more  threatening.  "  War 
was  at  the  door ;  war  on  the  seaboard ;  war  all  along  their 
northern  and  their  western  frontier." 

In  1765,  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  saw 
the  stamp  act  impending,  and  resolved  to  ask  counsel  from 
the  other  colonies.  In  a  circular,  Samuel  White,  their  speaker, 
invited  their  several  assemblies  "  to  appoint  committees  to 
meet  in  the  city  of  New  York,  on  the  first  Tuesday  in  Octo- 


172  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

ber  next,  to  consult  together  on  the  present  circumstances 
of  the  colonies,  and  the  difficulties  to  which  they  are  and 
must  be  reduced  by  the  operation  of  the  acts  of  Parliament 
for  levying  duties  on  the  colonies ;  and  to  consider  of  a  gen 
eral  and  united,  dutiful,  loyal,  and  humble  representation  of 
their  condition  to  his  Majesty  and  the  Parliament ;  and  to 
implore  relief." 

Nine  colonies  were  now  represented  by  twenty-seven  dele 
gates,  who  met  in  the  city  of  New  York  on  the  7th  of  Octo 
ber,  in  obedience  to  the  call  of  Massachusetts.  "  Then  James 
Otis  first  took  John  Dickinson  by  the  hand."  "  Then  Lynch 
and  Gadsden  and  John  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina  first  sat 
on  the  same  bench  with  Thomas  McKean  and  Cassar  Rodney, 
of  the  counties  that  were  to  become  Delaware ;  and  Philip 
Livingston  of  New  York,  and  Dyer  of  Connecticut,  to  com 
pare  feelings  and  wishes,  as  ten  years  later,  when  the  horizon, 
now  so  dark,  was  already  glowing  with  the  swift  approach  of 
day,  they  were  to  meet  and  compare  them  again." :  It  was 
a  great  achievement  for  liberty  to  bring  such  men  together. 

The  result  of  this  Congress  was  a  petition  to  the  king  in 
language  profoundly  respectful,  but  firm  and  dignified;  a 
petition  to  Parliament  equally  calm,  but  with  more  freedom 
of  expression ;  and  u  a  declaration  of  rights  and  grievances  "  to 
the  people  of  England  and  America,  "  claiming  the  right  of 
taxing  themselves,  either  personally  or  by  representatives 
of  their  own  choosing,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  and  the 
right  of  petition."  t 

These  were  all  State-papers  of  very  great  merit,  showing 
that  God  had  prepared  minds  of  the  clearest  discrimination 
and  highest  culture  to  lead  the  struggle  for  American  lib 
erty.  The  Congress  of  1765  accomplished  its  mission.  It 
had  given  clear  definition  and  great  enlargement  and  assur- 
rance  to  its  statesmen,  and,  through  them,  to  the  people  gen 
erally.  It  had  also  ascertained  and  increased  the  providen 
tial  unity  and  the  true  patriotism  which  would  decide  the 

*  Greene,  p.  75.  t  Ibid.,  p.  77. 

V 


A  DISENTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  173 

contest.  There  was  henceforth  no  necessity  that  the  British 
nation  should  misunderstand  the  issues  between  them  and 
their  American  colonies.  No  right-minded  man  could  fail  to 
see  that  simple  justice  would  secure  perpetual  and  devoted 
loyalty;  persistent  oppression,  revolution. 


ALL   THESE   RIGHTS    DENIED,    BUT   NEVER    SURRENDERED. 

Let  us  examine  more  minutely  the  sharpest  points  of  this 
battle  of  mind  with  mind.  A  crisis  of  the  gravest  impor 
tance  came  on.  The  Long  Parliament  was  in  power,  and,  in 
a  famous  case,  had  assumed  "the  right  to  reverse  the  decisions 
and  control  the  government  of  Massachusetts."  This  was 
the  grand  question  of  the  age,  and  the  Puritans  in  America 
were  instantly  roused.  Neither  parliament  nor  king  should 
be  allowed  this  style  of  sovereignty.  The  commonwealth 
of  England  was  Puritan ;  but  she  must  not  usurp  authority 
over  the  Puritans  of  New  England. 

Cromwell  was  kind  and  plausible.  He  wished  them  to  sur 
render  their  charter,  and  would  give  them  another,  broader, 
better,  than  the  old.  But  these  Americans  were  shrewd  and 
far-seeing.  The  Stuarts  might  return  to  the  throne  ;  and  to 
yield  the  charter  now  would  be  to  be  without  it  then.  Policy 
in  England  had  to  grapple  with  a  statesmanship  in  the  New 
World  which  was  amazing  to  men  in  power.  "  An  order 
from  England,"  thundered  liberty  across  the  waters,  "  is  preju 
dicial  to  our  chartered  liberties,  and  to  our  well-being  in  this 
remote  part  of  the  world.  We  have  not  admitted  appeals 
to  your  authority ;  being  assured  they  cannot  stand  with  the 
liberty  and  power  granted  by  our  charter,  and  would  be 
destructive  to  all  government.  The  wisdom  and  experience 
of  that  great  council,  the  English  Parliament,  are  more  able 
to  prescribe  rules  of  government,  and  judge  causes,  than 
such  poor  rustics  as  a  wilderness  can  breed  up ;  yet  the  vast 
distance  between  England  and  these  parts  abates  the  virtue 
of  the  strongest  influences.  Your  counsels  and  your  judg- 


174  THE    GREAT   KEPUBLIC. 

merits  can  neither  be  so  well  grounded,  nor  so  seasonably 
applied,  as  might  either  be  useful  to  us,  or  safe  for  yourselves, 
in  your  discharge,  in  the  great  day  of  account.  If  any  mis 
carriage  shall  befall  us  when  we  have  the  government  in  our 
own  hands,  the  State  of  England  shall  not  answer  for  it." 

What  words  are  these  for  "  such  poor  rustics "  to  use ! 
But,  members  of  Parliament,  it  will  be  safer  for  you  to  heed 
them.  You  are  going  to  the  judgment :  do  you  hear  ? 
Yes  ;  and  we  yield.  "  We  encourage  no  appeals  from  your 
justice.  We  leave  you  with  all  the  freedom  and  latitude 
that  may,  in  any  respect,  be  duly  claimed  by  you."  Thus 
another  grand  crisis  had  passed. 

The  Stuarts  did  indeed  return,  and  with  them  their  heredi 
tary  dread  of  liberty,  and  love  of  irresponsible  power ;  and 
soon  a  formal  and  obstinate  assertion  of  legislative  suprem 
acy  over  the  colonies  commenced. 

Charles  II.  was  acknowledged  in  Massachusetts ;  but  a 
weak  and  dissolute  man  had  no  power  to  understand  the 
value  of  growing  colonies,  fostered  by  parental  care,  and 
their  loyalty  consecrated  by  freedom.  He  must  immedi 
ately  take  measures  to  make  these  ambitious,  headstrong 
Puritans  feel  the  force  of  kingly  prerogatives.  The  four 
colonies,  he  believed,  had  united  for  the  express  "  purpose 
of  throwing  off  dependence  on  England."  Royal  commis 
sioners  were  soon  on  their  way  to  bring  these  rebels  under 
due  subjection. 

The  people  took  the  alarm,  and  moved  promptly  for  the 
protection  of  their  invaluable  rights.  "  The  patent "  was 
intrusted  to  prudent  hands,  and  was  soon  safe  from  the 
clutches  of  tyranny.  An  appeal  was  made  to  God,  in  hum 
ble  fasting  and  prayer,  for  the  protection  of  liberty. 

On  the  23d  of  July,  1664,  the  fleet  arrived  in  Boston  Har 
bor,  ostensibly  to  subdue  the  Dutch,  but  really  to  sustain 
the  commissioners,  who  had  come  "with  full  authority  to 
provide  for  the  peace  of  the  country,  according  to  the  royal 
instructions  and  their  own  discretion." 


A  DISINTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  175 

In  anticipation  of  this  formidable  usurpation  of  the  crown, 
the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  had  with  great  delibera 
tion,  and  under  the  lead  of  such  men  as  Bradstreet,  Haw 
thorne,  Mather,  and  Norton,  prepared  "a  declaration  of 
natural  and  chartered  rights." 

They  are  "  to  choose  their  own  governor,  deputy-gov 
ernor,  and  representatives ;  to  admit  freemen  on  terms  to 
be  prescribed  at  their  own  pleasure ;  to  set  up  all  sorts  of 
offices,  superior  and  inferior,  and  point  out  their  places ;  to 
exercise  by  their  annually-elected  magistrates  and  deputies 
all  power  and  authority,  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial ; 
to  defend  themselves  by  force  of  arms  against  every  aggres 
sion  ;  and  to  reject,  as  an  infringement  of  their  right,  any 
parliamentary  or  royal  imposition  prejudicial  to  the  country, 
and  contrary  to  any  just  act  of  colonial  legislation." 

These  were  no  idle  words.  They  were  solemnly  uttered 
and  recorded,  never  to  be  revoked.  The  commissioners 
were  received  with  studied  coolness;  and  there  was  no  more 
certain  method  of  securing  the  contempt  and  ridicule  of  the 
people  than  to  show  them  any  attention,  or  even  to  be 
found  willingly  in  their  company ;  while  the  remonstrance  of 
the  people  to  the  king  was  in  a  style  of  stern  directness  and 
dignified  statesmanship  which  must  have  made  the  capri 
cious  despot  tremple  on  his  throne.  Read  it :  — 

"Dread  Sovereign,  —  the  first  undertakers  of  this  planta 
tion  did  obtain  a  patent,  wherein  is  granted  full  and  absolute 
power  of  governing  all  the  people  of  this  place  by  men  chosen 
from  among  themselves,  and  according  to  such  laws  as  they 
should  see  meet  to  establish.  A  royal  donation,  under  the 
great  seal,  is  the  greatest  security  that  may  be  had  in  human 
affairs.  Under  the  encouragement  and  security  of  the 
royal  charter,  this  people  did,  at  their  own  charges,  trans 
port  themselves,  their  wives  and  families,  over  the  ocean, 
purchase  the  land  of  the  natives,  and  plant  this  colony,  with 
great  labor,  hazards,  cost,  and  difficulties ;  for  a  long  time 


176  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

wrestling  with  the  wants  of  a  wilderness,  and  the  burdens  of 
a  new  plantation ;  having  also  now  about  thirty  years  en 
joyed  the  privilege  of  government  within  themselves,  as 
their  undoubted  right  in  the  sight  of  God  and  man.  To 
be  governed  by  rulers  of  our  own  choosing,  and  lawes  of 
our  own,  is  the  fundamental  privilege  of  our  patent. 

"  A  commission  under  the  great  seal,  wherein  four  persons 
(one  of  them  our  professed  enemy)  are  empowered  to  re 
ceive  and  determine  all  complaints  and  appeals  according  to 
their  discretion,  subjects  us  to  the  arbitrary  power  of  stran 
gers,  and  will  end  in  the  subversion  of  our  all. 

"  If  these  things  go  on,  your  subjects  here  will  either  be 
forced  to  seeke  new  dwellings,  or  sink  under  intolerable 
burdens.  The  vigor  of  all  new  endeuvors  will  be  enfeebled ; 
the  king  himself  will  be  a  loser  of  the  wonted  benefit  by 
customs  exported  and  imported  from  hence  into  England ; 
and  this  hopeful  plantation  will,  in  the  issue,  be  ruined. 

"  If  the  aime  shall  be  to  gratify  some  particular  gentlemen 
by  livings  and  revenues  here,  that  will  also  fail  for  the 
poverty  of  the  people.  If  all  the  charges  of  the  whole 
government  by  the  year  were  put  together,  and  then 
doubled  or  trebled,  it  would  not  be  counted  for  one  of  those 
gentlemen  a  considerable  accommodation.  To  a  coalition  in 
this  course  the  people  will  never  come ;  and  it  will  be  hard 
to  find  another  people  that  will  stand  under  any  consider 
able  burden  in  this  country,  seeing  it  is  not  a  country  where 
men  can  subsist  without  hard  labor  and  great  frugality. 

"  God  knows,  our  greatest  ambition  is  to  live  a  quiet  life 
in  a  corner  of  the  world.  We  came  not  into  this  wildernesse 
to  seek  great  things  to  ourselves ;  and,  if  any  come  after  us 
to  seeke  them  heere,  they  will  be  disappointed.  We  keep 
ourselves  within  our  line.  A  just  dependence  upon  and 
subjection  to  your  Majestie,  according  to  our  charter,  it  is 
far  from  our  hearts  to  disacknowledge.  We  would  gladly 
do  any  thing  within  our  power  to  purchase  the  continuance 
of  your  favorable  aspect ;  but  it  is  a  great  unhappiness  to 


A  DISINTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE. 

have  no  testimony  of  our  loyalty  offered  but  this, —  to  yield 
up  our  liberties,  which  are  far  dearer  to  us  than  our  lives, 
and  which  we  have,  willingly  ventured  our  lives,  and  passed 
through  many  deaths,  to  obtain. 

"  It  was  Job's  excellency,  when  he  sat  as  king  among  his 
people,  that  he  was  a  father  to  the  poor.  A  poor  people, 
destitute  of  outward  favor,  wealth,  and  power,  now  cry  unto 
their  lord  the  king.  May  your  Majesty  regard  their  cause, 
and  maintain  their  right !  it  will  stand  among  the  marks  of 
lasting  honor  to  after-generations."  * 

But  what  were  these  words  of  solemn  warning  and  en 
treaty  to  a  man  governed  by  the  most  degrading  passions, 
in  the  midst  of  sycophant  courtiers  and  flirting  courtesans  ? 
The  commissioners  must  go  on,  and  bring  under  this 
haughty,  rebellious  spirit.  "  There  is  fear,"  said  the  mon 
arch,  "  of  their  breaking  from  all  dependence  on  this  nation." 
Indeed  there  is,  your  Majesty ;  and  God  will  use  your  des 
potic  folly  to  accomplish  the  very  result  which  you  seek 
to  prevent  by  absolute  power. 

The  commissioners  at  length  determined  to  bring  on  a  crisis 
in  this  controversy.  They  appointed  a  court,  and  summoned 
the  colony  to  appear  as  defendant ;  but  the  General  Court 
of  the  colony  "  forbade  the  procedure.  The  commissioners 
refused  to  recede.  The  morning  for  the  trial  dawned  :  the 
parties  had  been  summoned ;  the  commissioners  were  pre 
paring  to  proceed  with  the  cause ;  when,  by  order  of  the 
court,  a  herald  stepped  forth,  and,  having  sounded  the  trum 
pet  -with  due  solemnity,  made  a  public  proclamation,  in  the 
name  of  the  king  and  by  authority  of  the  charter,  declaring 
to  all  the  people  of  the  colony,  that  in  observance  of  their 
duty  to  God,  to  the  king,  and  to  their  constituents,  the  Gen 
eral  Court  could  not  suffer  any  to  abet  his  Majesty's  honor 
able  commissioners  in  their  proceeding."  t 

This  was  the  first  overt  act  of  the  Revolution,  which  would 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  80,  81.  t  Idem.  ii.  85. 

23 


178  THE  GBEAT  REPUBLIC. 

require  a  hundred  years  to  render  lucid,  formidable,  and  ef 
fective.  The  king's  letter  rebuking  the  disloyalty  of  Massa 
chusetts  was  to  be  considered.  The  General  Court  was  con 
vened,  and  the  morning  was  spent  in  prayer.  Six  elders 
solemnly  appealed  to  God  for  help  in  this  great  crisis.  Sun 
dry  persons  appeared  disposed  to  yield  to  the  king,  whose  dis 
pleasure  they  greatly  feared.  "  We  must  as  well  consider  God's 
displeasure  as  the  king's,"  said  Willoughby.  "  Prerogative 
is  as  necessary  as  law,"  pleaded  the  friends  of  loyalty.  "  Pre 
rogative  is  not  above  law,"  retorted  the  inflexible  Hawthorne. 
Obedience  was  refused,  and  the  grand  issue  once  more  settled. 
Some  of  the  colonies  were  not,  for  the  present,  ready  to  acqui 
esce  in  the  resistance  of  Massachusetts.  The  people  were  in 
a  transition  state,  and  would  not  unhesitatingly  follow  their 
leaders.  Feeble  attempts  were  made  to  conciliate  the  crown  ; 
but  the  general  result  was  a  much  closer  union,  and  a  firmer 
advance  in  the  progress  of  republican  freedom. 

Fortunately  for  the  colonies,  the  French  war  with  England 
for  final  ascendency  on  this  continent  now  commenced,  and 
America  could  again  grow  by  neglect.  Commerce  greatly 
enlarged ;  and  wealth  from  Spain  and  Italy,  France  and  Hol 
land,  began  to  pour  in  upon  the  colonists.  Portsmouth  must 
have  been  very  prosperous,  as  it  could  afford  "  sixty  pounds 
a  year  to  the  college,"  and  plenty  of  "schismatics  to  the 
Church;"  while  New  Hampshire  abounded  "in  rebels  to  the 
king."  New  England  rose  in  the  elements  of  prosperity, 
until,  in  1675,  the  population  was  estimated  at  fifty-five 
thousand  people. 

But  the  grand  controversy  was  now  to  be  renewed.  Charles 
II.  had  at  length  fully  determined  upon  the  destruction  of 
the  great  charter.  "  The  colony  resolved,  if  it  must  fall,  to 
fall  with  dignity.  Religion  had  been  the  motive  of  the  set 
tlement  :  religion  was  now  its  counsellor.  The  fervors  of 
the  most  ardent  devotion  were  kindled  ;  a  more  than  usually 
solemn  form  of  religious  observance  was  adopted ;  a  synod 
of  all  the  churches  in  Massachusetts  was  convened  to  in- 


A  DISINTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  179 

quire  into  the  causes  of  the  dangers  of  New-England  liberty, 
and  the  mode  of  removing  the  evils."  * 

Messages,  remonstrances,  despotic  edicts,  prayers,  and  en 
treaties  followed  each  other.  Magistrates,  "their  brethren 
the  deputies/'  and  the  people,  deliberated  for  two  weeks 
prayerfully ;  and  the  final  decision  came  out  in  these  memora 
ble  words :  "  Ought  the  government  of  Massachusetts  submit 
to  the  pleasure  of  the  court  as  to  alteration  of  their  charter? 
Submission  would  be  an  offence  against  the  Majesty  of 
heaven.  The  religion  of  the  people  of  New  England,  and 
the  court's  pleasure,  cannot  consist  together.  By  submission, 
Massachusetts  will  gain  nothing.  The  court  design  an  essen 
tial  alteration  destructive  to  the  vitals  of  the  charter."  "We 
ought  not  to  act  contrary  to  that  way  in  which  God  hath 
owned  our  worthy  predecessors,  who  in  1638,  when  there 
was  a  quo  warranto  against  the  charter,  durst  not  submit. 
In  1664,  they  did  not  submit  to  the  commissioners.  We, 
their  successors,  should  walk  in  their  steps,  and  so  trust  in 
the  God  of  our  fathers  that  we  shall  see  his  salvation.  Sub 
mission  would  gratify  our  adversaries,  and  grieve  our  friends. 
Our  enemies  know  it  will  sound  ill  in  the  world  for  them  to 
take  away  the  liberties  of  a  poor  people  of  God  in  the  wil 
derness,  i  A  resignation  will  bring  slavery  upon  us  sooner 
than  otherwise  it  would  be,  and  will  grieve  our  friends  in 
other  colonies,  whose  eyes  are  now  upon  New  England,  ex 
pecting  that  the  people  there  will  not,  through  fear,  give  a 
pernicious  example  unto  others. 

"  Blind  obedience  to  the  pleasure  of  the  court  cannot  be 
without  great  sin,  and  incurring  the  high  displeasure  of  the 
King  of  kings.  Submission  would  be  contrary  unto  that 
which  has  been  the  unanimous  advice  of  the  ministers,  given 
after  a  solemn  day  of  prayer.  The  ministers  of  God  in  New 
England  have  more  of  the  spirit  of  John  Baptist  in  them, 
than  now,  when  a  storm  hath  overtaken  them,  to  be  reeds 
shaken  with  the  wind.  The  priests  were  to  be  the  first 
that  set  their  foot  in  the  waters,  and  there  to  stand  till  the 

*  Bancroft,  ii.  121. 


180  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

danger  be  past.  Of  all  men,  they  should  be  an  example, 
to  the  Lord's  people,  of  faith,  courage,  and  constancy.  Un 
questionably,  if  the  blessed  Cotton,  Hooker,  Davenport, 
Mather,  Shepherd,  Mitchell,  were  now  living,  they  would, 
as  is  evident  from  their  printed  books,  say, '  Do  not  sin  in 
giving  away  the  inheritance  of  your  fathers/ 

"  Nor  ought  we  submit  without  the  consent  of  the  body  of 
the  people.  But  the  freemen  and  church-members  through 
out  New  England  will  never  consent  hereunto :  therefore 
the  government  may  riot  do  it. 

"  The  civil  liberties  of  New  England  are  part  of  the  inher 
itance  of  their  fathers ;  and  shall  we  give  that  inheritance 
away  ?  Is  it  objected  that  we  shall  be  exposed  to  great  suf 
ferings  ?  Better  suffer  than  sin.  It  is  better  to  trust  the 
God  of  our  fathers  than  to  put  confidence  in  princes.  If  we 
suffer  because  we  dare  not  comply  with  the  wills  of  men 
against  the  will  of  God,  we  suffer  in  a  good  cause,  and  shall 
be  accounted  martyrs  in  the  next  generation  and  at  the 
great  day."  Sublime  words  !  No  language  can  reach  a 
higher  moral  elevation.  The  act  followed  the  words  as  the 
thunder  follows  the  lightning.  "  The  deputies  consent  not, 
but  adhere  to  their  former  bills." 

The  charter  fell;  and  there  was  left  for  the  people  no 
guaranty  of  their  rights  but  their  own  inflexible  integrity, 
and  the  sleepless  vigilance  of  omnipotent  justice. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  rising  State  of  New  York.  In 
1683,  the  people  in  lawrful  assembly  thus  define  their  inalien 
able  rights.  Let  us  read  the  whole  passage  from  which  we 
have  made  important  extracts  for  their  proper  places :  "  Su 
preme  legislative  power  shall  forever  be  and  reside  in  the 
governor,  council,  and  people  met  in  general  assembly. 
Every  freeholder  and  freeman  shall  vote  for  representation 
without  restraint.  No  freeman  shall  suffer  but  by  judgment 
of  his  peers,  and  all  trials  shall  be  by  a  jury  of  twelve  men. 
No  tax  shall  be  assessed,  on  any  pretence  whatever,  but  by 
the  consent  of  the  Assembly.  No  seaman  or  soldier  shall  be 


A  DISINTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  181 

quartered  on  the  inhabitants  against  their  will.  No  martial 
law  shall  exist.  No  person  professing  faith  in  God  by  Jesus 
Christ  shall  at  any  time  be  anyways  disquieted,  or  ques 
tioned  for  any  difference  of  opinion."  Leisler  and  Milborn, 
too  rash  in  their  assertions  of  freedom,  expired  on  the  gal 
lows;  but  even  the  royalist  assembly  which  consented  to 
their  execution,  finally  re-affirmed  the  rights  of  freemen  in 
the  strong  words  of  the  grand  old  declaration  quoted  above. 
Mark  also  the  broad-minded  statesmanship  of  the  West- 
Jersey  Quakers.  In  response  to  the  attempt  of  the  Duke 
of  York  to  "  extort  customs  of  the  ships  ascending  to  New 
Jersey,"  they  say,  "  The  customs  imposed  by  the  government 
of  New  York  are  not  a  burden  only,  but  a  wrong.  By  what 
right  are  we  thus  used  ?  The  King  of  England  cannot  take 
his  subjects'  goods  without  their  consent.  This  is  a  home- 
born  right,  declared  to  be  law  by  diverse  statutes."  They 
were  heard,  and  they  deserved  to  be. 

These  people  are  very  meek  and  harmless  apparently ;  but 
let  the  minions  of  power  tread  upon  them  here  in  America, 
and  they  will  soon  feel  the  recoil  of  independent  manhood! 
Byllinger  assumes  the  right  to  nominate  their  lieutenant- 
governor  ;  and  what  do  these  Quakers  do  ?  Why,  simply 
change  their  constitution,  bring  forward  the  free  ballot,  and 
elect  their  own  governor.  They  are  Americans,  not  serfs. 

These  may  suffice  as  specimens  of  the  conflict  between 
liberty  and  prerogative,  between  the  colonies  and  England, 
before  the  bloody  war  of  the  Revolution  commenced.  It 
was  a  contest  of  intellectual  giants  in  the  field  of  human 
rights.  The  victory  seemed  for  a  long  time  undetermined ; 
but  the  greatest  of  all  facts  in  the  political  history  of  the 
world  was,  that,  in  a  struggle  of  more  than  a  hundred  and 
fifty  years,  not  a  right  belonging  to  freemen  could  be 
wrenched  from  these  feeble  colonists  by  any  power  which 
despotism  could  command.  This  proves  incontestably  that 
God  himself  had  assumed  control  of  the  great  mind-battle 
in  progress  on  this  continent. 


182  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 


STRUGGLES    OF    RELIGIOUS   AND    CIVIL   LIBERTY    IN   AMERICA. 

We  may  now  recognize  the  fact,  that  collisions  of  mind 
were  going  on  at  the  same  time  within  the  colonies.  It 
might  not  be  expected  that  the  people  would  be  equally 
clear  in  their  apprehensions  of  personal  and  social  rights,  nor 
perfectly  harmonious  in  their  ideas  of  the  best  method  of 
promoting  them.  They  would  not  therefore  advance  simul 
taneously  toward  the  result  intended  by  Providence,  and 
which  rose  up  but  dimly  before  them.  It  would  rather  be 
highly  probable  that  there  would  be  many  and  serious  dif 
ferences  among  them,  and  that  they  would  reveal  alarming 
tendencies  to  anarchy  on  the  one  hand,  and  despotic  rule  on 
the  other ;  while  some  of  the  great  wrongs  of  their  father 
land  would  seek  to  transfer  themselves  here,  changing  only 
the  form  and  the  objects  of  oppression. 

We  have  seen  that  the  irrepressible  desire  for  "  freedom 
to  worship  God  "  was  the  grand  impulse  which  colonized  New 
England,  and  that  God  made  use  of  the  stern  conscience,  the 
experimental  piety,  and  severe  discipline,  of  Calvinistic  Puri 
tanism,  to  establish  irrevocably,  as  against  the  assumptions  of 
English  despotism,  the  right  to  worship  God  in  spirit  and  in 
truth  in  the  New  World. 

We  have  seen,  however,  that  the  Puritan  spirit  could  not, 
without  accessory  force,  carry  forward  Christian  civilization 
quite  to  the  point  of  universal  toleration. 

We  shall  now  see  that  civil  and  religious  liberty  act  vitally 
upon  each  other;  that  they  are  so  intimately  related,  that 
one  cannot  be  perfect  without  the  other.  We  shall  there 
fore  see  Puritanism  in  its  transition  state,  struggling  against 
its  own  reservations  to  realize  the  highest  idea  of  true 
liberty.  This  contest  will  reveal  the  sharpest  antagonisms, 
but  steady  advance  toward  the  goal  of  true  national  liberty 
and  unity. 

In  1641,  the  great  "  model  "  of  a  free  government  ordained 
that  "  all  the  people  of  God  who  were  orthodox  in  judg- 


A  DISINTHRALLED   NATIONAL  LIFE.  183 

ment,  and  not  scandalous  in  life,  had  full  liberty  to  gather 
themselves  into  a  church  estate,  to  exercise  all  the  ordi 
nances  of  God,  and  from  time  to  time  to  elect  and  ordain 
all  their  officers,  provided  they  be  able,  pious,  and  ortho 
dox."  The  rights  of  conscience  could  not  be  ignored  in  this 
grand  fundamental  document.  There  must  be  "  liberty,"  "  fall 
liberty ; "  but,  alas  !  it  was  only  for  the  "  orthodox."  Thus  far, 
but,  for  the  present,  no  farther. 

Five  years  passed,  and  very  clearly  two  distinct  tenden 
cies  might  be  traced  in  the  leading  New-England  colonies, 
—  a  disposition  to  an  easier  toleration  of  diverse  opinions 
amongst  Americans,  and  an  increased  strictness  of  judgment 
against  the  encroachments  of  England.  In  1646,  the  tone  is 
apologetic,  and  quite  liberal.  Jeremy  Taylor  even,  in  an 
argument  for  liberty,  had  said,  "Anabaptism  is  as  much 
to  be  rooted  out  as  any  thing  that  is  the  greatest  pest  and 
nuisance  to  the  public  interest."  The  Puritans  say  that  cer 
tain  wild  and  turbulent  spirits,  "  whose  conscience  and  reli 
gion  seemed  only  to  set  forth  themselves,  and  raise  contentions 
in  the  country,  did  provoke  us  to  provide  for  our  safety  by 
a  law  that  all  such  should  take  notice  how  unwelcome  they 
should  be  unto  us,  either  coming  or  staying.  But  for  such 
as  differ  from  us  only  in  judgment,  and  live  peaceably 
amongst  us,  —  such  have  no  cause  to  complain  ;  for  it  hath 
never  been  as  yet  put  in  execution  against  any  of  them, 
although  such  are  known  to  live  amongst  us." 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  said,  "  If  the  king,  or  any 
party  from  him,  should  attempt  any  thing  against  this  com 
monwealth,"  it  was  the  common  duty  "  to  spend  estate  and 
life  and  all,  without  scruple,  in  its  defence."  "  If  the  Par 
liament  itself  should  hereafter  be  of  a  malignant  spirit,  then, 
if  the  colony  have  strength  sufficient,  it  may  withstand  any 
authority  from  them  to  its  hurt."  This  was  the  precise  spirit 
of  the  Revolution  ;  and  the  attempt  to  conciliate  nonconform 
ist  colonies  aimed  directly  at  the  increase  of  strength  in  the 
incipient  union,  to  provide  for  contingencies  thus  distinctly 


184  THE   GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

seen  more  than  a  hundred  years  before  the  war  of  blood 
actually  began. 

Now  "  great  questions  about  the  authority  of  magistrates 
and  the  liberty  of  the  people  "  come  up.  The  "  assistants  " 
had  become  a  little  too  exacting  in  the  intervals  of  legisla 
tive  sessions.  "  You  will  not  be  obeyed,"  said  the  people  by 
the  lips  of  Hawthorne.  Parties  began  to  reveal  distinctness 
of  organization.  The  popular  party  were  jealous  of  the 
ministers;  for  they  now  favored  the  magistrates,  which  seemed 
to  them  the  party  of  order.  Eliot,  however,  the  Apostle  to 
the  Indians,  did  not  hesitate  to  show  his  dissent  from  his 
brethren,  and  very  boldly  came  forward  in  defence  of  the 
people.  He  would  have  rotation  in  office,  even  against  the 
rnild  and  philanthropic  Winthrop.  The  contests  which  fol 
lowed  revealed  "  a  presbyterial  spirit,"  of  which  thorough 
Puritanism  was  very  much  afraid.  The  voice  of  Winthrop 
was,  as  usual,  soothing  and  instructive.  "  Civil  liberty,"  he 
said,  "is  the  proper  end  and  object  of  authority;  and  we  can 
not  subsist  without  it.  It  is  a  liberty  to  that  only  which  is 
good,  just,  and  honest.  This  liberty  you  are  to  stand  for, 
with  the  hazard  not  only  of  your  goods,  but,  if  need  be,  of 
your  lives.  Whatsoever  crosseth  this  is  not  authority,  but  a 
distemper  thereof."  He  "  retained  the  affectionate  confi 
dence  of  the  colony." 

Liberty  of  conscience  now  came  again  boldly  to  the  front. 
It  was  impossible  that  it  should  be  forever  in  abeyance, 
shut  up,  as  it  had  been  in  Massachusetts,  to  the  simple  right 
to  be  Congregational  Puritans.  "  Why  have  not  we  a  right, 
in  this  great,  free  country,  to  be  Presbyterians,  Episcopalians, 
Anabaptists,  if  we  choose?"  some  courageous  people  would 
say.  And  the  courts  began  to  show  liberal  tendencies. 
Winthrop  said  the  rule  of  hospitality  required  more  mod 
eration  and  indulgence ;  but  the  Calvinists  sternly  insisted 
that  this  tendency,  if  unrestrained,  was  sure  "  to  eat  out  the 
power  of  godliness." 

In  Plymouth,  the  proposition  was  boldly  made  "  for  a  full 


A  DISINTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  185 

and  free  toleration  of  religion  to  all  men,  without  excep 
tion  against  Turk,  Jew,  Papist,  Arian,  Socinian,  Familist,  or 
any  other."  This  was  terrible  to  Winslow.  He  wrote  to 
Winthrop,  "You  would  have  admired  to  have  seen  how 
sweet  this  carrion  relished  to  the  palate  of  most  of  them." 
Delay  defeated  the  measure,  and  the  battle  moved  back  to 
Massachusetts. 

The  ministers,  in  the  mean  time,  stood  firm  against  all 
encroachments  of  liberty  from  the  mother-country.  The 
people  trusted  them.  "  It  had  been  as  unnatural  for  a  right 
New-England  man  to  live  without  an  able  ministry,  as  for 
a  smith  to  work  his  iron  without  a  fire."  "  The  union  be 
tween  the  elders  and  the  State  could  not,  therefore,  but 
become  more  intimate  than  ever ;  and  religion  was  vene 
rated  and  cherished  as  the  security  against  political  subservi 
ency."  * 

It  was  now  1651;  and  Puritan  intolerance,  severely  pressed 
by  the  advancing  liberties  of  the  age,  became  convulsive  in 
its  struggles  to  maintain  its  position.  Saltonstall  deplored 
these  severities.  If  they  had  been  liberal,  they  might  have 
been  "  the  eyes  of  God's  people  in  England."  Sir  Henry 
Vane  had  wisely  suggested  that  "  the  oppugners  of  the  con 
gregational  way  should  not,  from  its  own  principles  and 
practice,  be  taught  to  root  it  out." 

But  Dudley  said,  "  God  forbid  our  love  for  the  truth 
should  be  grown  so  cold,  that  we  should  tolerate  errors !  I  die 
no  libertine."  Cotton  was  inflexible.  "  Better  tolerate  hypo 
crites  and  tares  than  thorns  and  briers."  "Ward  responded, 
"  Polypiety  is  the  greatest  impiety  in  the  world.  To  say 
that  men  ought  to  have  liberty  of  conscience  is  impious 
ignorance."  "  Religion,"  said  Norton,  "  admits  of  no  eccen 
tric  notions." 

In  1649,  the  people  of  Massachusetts  resolved,  quite 
against  the  will  of  their  magistrates,  to  put  their  laws  into 
the  form  of  a  complete  code,  with  specified  penalties  affixed. 

*  Bancroft,  i.  443. 


186  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

A  committee  of  two  magistrates,  two  ministers  of  the  gos 
pel,  and  two  men  directly  from  the  people,  accomplished  this 
delicate  task ;  and  the  first  published  code  of  this  colony 
went  into  full  effect.  Would  it  show  a  clear  advance  in  the 
direction  of  liberty  ?  No  :  it  was  yet  too  early  for  this.  As 
might  have  been  expected,  when  these  old  representatives 
of  Puritanic  justice  put  pen  to  paper,  they  went  promptly 
back  to  what  they  deemed  first  principles,  and  adopted  the 
sternest  measures  to  check  and  utterly  put  down  the  weak 
ness  and  vice  of  toleration. 

They  had  demanded  for  themselves  simply  liberty  to  do 
right.  This  they  would  concede  to  all  others :  nothing 
more,  upon  the  peril  of  their  souls.  Hear  them :  "  Albeit 
faith  is  not  wrought  by  the  sword,  but  the  Word,  never 
theless,  seeing  that  blasphemy  of  the  true  God  cannot  be 
excused  by  any  ignorance  or  infirmity  of  human  nature, 
no  person  in  this  jurisdiction,  whether  Christian  or  Pagan, 
shall  wittingly  and  willingly  presume  to  blaspheme  his  holy 
name,  either  by  wilful  or  obstinate  denying  the  true  God,  or 
his  creation  or  government  of  the  world ;  or  shall  curse  God ; 
or  reproach  the  holy  religion  of  God,  as  if  it  were  but  a 
public  device  to  keep  ignorant  men  in  awe ;  nor  shall  utter 
any  other  eminent  kind  of  blasphemy  of  like  nature  or 
degree."  If  they  did,  the  penalty  was  death. 

Hear  them  again  ;  they  are  terribly  in  earnest :  "Although 
no  human  power  be  lord  over  the  faith  and  consciences  of 
men,  yet  because  such  as  bring  in  damnable  heresies,  tend 
ing  to  the  subversion  of  the  Christian  faith,  and  destruction 
of  the  souls  of  men,  ought  duly  to  be  restrained  from  such 
notorious  impieties,  any  Christian  within  this  jurisdiction, 
who  shall  go  about  to  subvert  or  destroy  the  Christian  faith 
and  religion  by  broaching  and  maintaining  any  damnable 
heresies,  as  denying  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  or  resurrec 
tion  of  the  body ;  or  any  sin  to  be  repented  of  in  the  regen 
erate  ;  or  any  evil  done  by  the  outward  man  to  be  accounted 
sin ;  or  denying  that  Christ  gave  himself  a  ransom  for  our 


A  DISENTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  187 

sins ;  or  shall  affirm  that  we  are  not  justified  by  his  death 
and  righteousness,  but  by  the  perfections  of  our  own  works ; 
or  shall  deny  the  morality  of  the  fourth  commandment ;  or 
shall  openly  condemn  or  oppose  the  baptizing  of  infants;  or 
shall  purposely  depart  the  congregation  at  the  administra 
tion  of  that  ordinance  ;  or  shall  deny  the  ordinance  of  magis 
tracy,  or  their  lawful  authority  to  make  war,  or  to  punish 
the  outward  breaches  of  the  first  table ;  or  shall  endeavor 
to  seduce  others  to  any  of  the  errors  and  heresies  above 
mentioned,"  —  any  such  were  liable  to  banishment. 

"Jesuits  were  forbidden  to  enter  the  colony,  and  their 
second  coming  was  punishable  with  death.  Another  law  a 
few  years  after  subjected  to  fine,  whipping,  banishment,  and 
finally  to  death,  any  who  denied  the  received  books  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament  to  be  the  infallible  word  of  God."  * 

These  were  fearful  crimes,  in  the  main  enormous  heresies, 
beyond  a  doubt  \  and  the  horror  with  which  they  were  con 
templated  shows  the  depth  and  strength  of  religious  princi 
ple  and  feeling  which  controlled  the  spirits  of  these  noble 
men.  But  assuming  that  civil  force  and  legal  penalties 
were  for  such  sinners,  and  that  only  the  good  and  the  ortho 
dox  were  entitled  to  the  blessings  of  protection  and  citizen 
ship,  they  reached  the  point  where  Puritan  logic  took  on  its 
most  subtle  and  obstinate  fallacy,  and  beyond  which  it  could 
not  pass. 

Arrests,  whipping,  imprisonment,  banishment  of  Ana 
baptists  and  Quakers  upon  pain  of  death,  would  be  possible 
for  a  while  longer. 

Keligion,  however,  was  not  to  be  a  subjugated  element  in 
New  England :  it  was  to  be  the  guide  of  civil  law  and  the 
paramount  power  of  the  land.  "  New  England,"  the  Puri 
tan  said,  "  was  a  religious  plantation,  not  a  plantation  for 
trade.  The  profession  of  the  purity  of  doctrine,  worship, 
and  devotion,  was  written  on  her  forehead."  "  We  all,"  said 
the  constitution  of  the  oldest  confederacy,  "  came  into  these 

*  Hildreth,  i.  370. 


188  THE   GREAT  KEPUBLIC. 

parts  of  America  to  enjoy  the  liberties  of  the  gospel  in 
purity  and  peace."  "  He  that  made  religion  as  twelve,  and 
the  world  as  thirteen,  had  not  the  spirit  of  a  true  New- 
England  man."  "  New  England  was  the  colony  of  con 
science."  These  transcendent  facts,  united  with  convictions 
of  exclusive  rights,  produced  intolerance,  but  with  "another 
spirit,"  under  the  conduct  of  Omniscience,  would  lead  to  the 
highest,  noblest  forms  of  organic  freedom. 

Outside  of  New  England,  religious  freedom  was  firmly  and 
steadily  advancing.  But  God  had  not  changed  the  order  of 
his  providence.  The  sun  of  American  liberty  would  rise  in 
the  east.  The  morning  star  to  the  Western  continent  sent 
forth  a  mild  and  beautiful  radiance  from  the  little  common 
wealth  of  Rhode  Island. 

We  may  now  distinctly  see  the  character  and  mission  of 
the  Puritans.  They  were  the  Protestants  of  liberty.  God 
had  given  them  that  singular  combination  of  meekness  and 
self-respect,  of  self-abnegation  and  sharply-defined  individu 
ality,  which  dashed  aside  the  minions  of  power,  while  they 
humbly  acknowledged  the  sacredness  of  the  traditional 
authority  under  which  they  suffered  all  the  horrors  of 
martyrdom.  They  were  bold,  persistent  protestants  against 
the  bitter  wrongs  inflicted  by  king,  prelates,  and  parliament, 
but  devoted  friends  of  the  crown  and  church  of  England. 
Imbued  with  the  feelings  and  purposes  of  religious,  irresisti 
ble  destiny,  they  rose  up  against  the  tyranny  which  op 
pressed  them  in  the  Old  World ;  and  they  would  resist  to 
the  death  the  same  tyranny  in  the  New.  With  respect  to 
the  Church,  they  were  not  separatists ;  with  respect  to  the 
Government,  they  were  royalists  :  but  holding  that  God  was 
above  both  Church  and  State,  and  that  nothing  belonged 
legitimately  to  the  British  Constitution  which  was  in  the 
slightest  degree  contrary  to  the  Holy  Bible,  they  appealed 
from  cruel  laws  to  the  statutes  from  Heaven,  and  from 
tyrants  to  God.  Puritanism  was  therefore  Christian  loyalty 
to  God,  and  to  British  sovereignty  subjected  to  the  divine 


A  DISINTHKALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  189 

will.  As  the  Lord's  people,  they  were  his  representatives : 
they  would  therefore  arraign  royalty  for  its  crimes,  and 
punish  heretics.  Precisely  here  Puritanism  alone  reached 
its  ultimate  power  in  behalf  of  liberty. 

ACCESSORY    FORCES. 

Let  us  now  observe  how  evidently  the  grasp  and  reach  of 
that  power  which  presided  over  the  mental  struggle  that  pre 
ceded  the  War  of  Independence  exceed  every  thing  merely 
human.  The  combinations  which  seem  to  have  most  of 
finite  man  in  them  must  be  of  materials  which  lie  im 
mediately  about  him,  or  at  least  are  easily  accessible,  and 
whose  relations  are  naturally  and  superficially  suggested. 
When,  however,  a  work  is  to  be  accomplished  which  is  too 
profound  and  vast  for  delegated  human  wisdom,  too  good 
and  important  to  be  intrusted  to  human  discretion,  you 
may  then  see  how  wide  the  circle  of  power,  how  numerous 
and  improbable,  how  distant  and  unlike  each  other,  are  the 
agencies  and  elements  which  produce  the  result  that  all 
sound  minds  must  declare  is  the  work  of  God.  In  nothing 
is  this  more  evident  than  in  the  great  combinations  now 
under  review  for  the  structure  of  the  American  Republic. 

From  Italy,  France,  Spain,  Holland,  and  England,  God 
called  up  the  men  and  movements  for  the  discovery  and 
colonization  of  the  continent.  Under  his  controlling  hand, 
the  strongest  went  down,  and  the  weakest  rose  to  power : 
the  first  became  last,  and  the  last  became  first.  From  the 
ruling  classes  in  England  he  brought  forward  "  gentlemen  " 
who  would  try  the  strength  of  aristocratic  power  for  the  for 
mation  of  States  in  the  South,  and  place  within  fair  reach  of 
liberty  the  grand  antagonist  force  with  which  it  was  to  grap 
ple  in  deadly  conflict,  and  over  which  it  must  finally  triumph. 

From  the  middle  and  laboring  classes  of  the  same  country 
he  summoned  the  mind  and  the  muscle  which  would  illus 
trate  the  force  and  sphere  of  man,  as  man,  in  conducting 


190  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  grand  movements  of  civilization  belonging  to  all  subse 
quent  ages  and  to  all  climes.  He  wrought  up  the  solid 
qualities  of  the  British  yeomanry,  by  severest  discipline,  into 
the  hardiest  and  boldest  of  pioneers.  He  imbued  them  with 
the  sternest  devotion  to  his  righteous  law,  and  thrust  them 
out  to  found,  by  the  action  of  conscience,  a  new  England  on 
the  Western  continent.  Using  one  species  of  force  as  far 
and  long  as  its  spirit  would  permit,  and  moving  liberty 
under  its  agency  as  far  forward  as  the  imperfect,  undeveloped 
personal  freedom  of  one  class  of  free  agents  would  allow,  at 
precisely  the  right  time  he  brought  forward  such  other 
forces  as  the  progress  of  his  plans  required. 

The  first  necessity  of  the  Puritans  was  help  to  release 
themselves  from  traditional  attachment  to  the  Church  of 
England  as  the  religion  of  the  realm  established  by  law. 
They  looked  upon  all  the  assumptions  and  exactions  of 
Prelacy  with  feelings  of  indescribable  horror ;  but  all  these 
they  regarded  as  perversions  of  the  true  Church  of  England  : 
while  upon  the  State  policy,  which  assumed  the  care  of  the 
Church,  and  absorbed  and  controlled  its  power  as  vital  to 
the  government,  they  looked  with  superstitious  reverence. 
"  We  separate,"  said  the  ministers,  "  not  from  the  Church  of 
England,  but  from  its  corruptions.  We  came  away  from  the 
common  prayer  and  ceremonies  in  our  native  land,  where 
we  suffered  much  for  nonconformity.  In  this  place  of  liberty 
we  can  not,  will  not,  use  them.  Their  imposition  would  be 
a  sinful  violation  of  the  worship  of  God." 

The  Separatists  in  England  had  shocked  their  ecclesiastical 
piety  by  denouncing  not  merely  the  wrongs  of  Prelacy,  but 
the  Church  of  England  itself.  They  battled  "come-outers" 
with  a  zeal  scarcely  less  furious  than  that  with  which  they 
attacked  the  persecuting  bishops  and  magistrates.  But,  in 
the  course  of  this  two-sided  conflict,  the  thought  must  have 
forced  itself  home,  that  some  day  they  might  be  compelled 
either  to  separation  or  guilty  conformity.  They  were  atr 
tempting  the  impossible. 


A  DISINTHEALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE. 

The  Pilgrims  of  Plymouth  were  in  advance  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  Puritans,  and  from  them  the  leaven  of  church  inde 
pendence  spread  through  all  the  colonies.  The  Congrega- 
tionalists  of  Salem  and  Boston  were  slowly  moving  towards 
outward  separation ;  while  in  reality  they  had  already  com 
menced  the  formation  of  a  State  church  of  their  own. 

Roger  Williams  thundered  in  their  ears  the  crimes  of  their 
ungodly  attempts  at  conformity  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  ec 
clesiastical  tyranny  on  the  other,  and  then  retired  to  the 
companionship  of  savages,  and  finally  to  Rhode  Island,  that 
he  might  be  free,  and,  in  the  hands  of  God,  become  the  found 
er  of  religious,  and  hence  of  civil,  liberty  in  America. 

Providence,  as  we  have  seen,  compelled  the  Catholics  under 
Lord  Baltimore  to  make  contribution  to  the  sum  of  forces 
gathering  to  sweep  away  the  restrictions  thrown  around 
liberty.  This  must  have  been  a  most  suggestive  and  per 
plexing  rebuke  to  intolerance  in  New  England  and  Virginia. 
Romanism  would  nevertheless  be  historically  true  to  its  fun 
damental  principles ;  while  the  expediency  of  free  worship 
would  make  a  free  and  finally  a  Protestant  State  of  Mary 
land.  Let  us  read  again  the  words  from  the  colony  of  Lord 
Baltimore,  which  laid  the  foundation  of  the  present  goodly 
structure  upon  which  we  look  with  so  much  pleasure : 
"No  person  within  this  province,  professing  to  believe  in 
Jesus  Christ,  shall  be  anyways  troubled,  molested,  or  dis 
countenanced  for  his  or  her  religion,  or  in  the  free  exercise 
thereof."  Notwithstanding  the  limitation  implied  here,  which 
might  be  used  against  infidels  and  atheists,  these  strong 
words  went  very  far  towards  the  exact  expression  of  Ameri 
can  thought. 

The  colony  founded  by  the  free  States  of  Holland  on  the 
banks  of  the  Hudson  had  brought  with  them  much  of  the 
true  spirit  of  the  Reformation.  They  had  not  proceeded  far 
in  the  growth  of  civil  institutions  before  they  thought  proper 
to  record  a  silent  but  powerful  protest  against  the  limitations 
of  religious  liberty  rising  up  from  Roman  usurpations  on  the 


192  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Continent,  repeating  themselves  in  church  prerogatives  in 
England,  and  now  so  strongly  attempted  in  America.  Let 
us  consider  the  words  included  in  the  first  great  State- 
paper  announced  by  the  freemen  of  New  York  :  "  No  per 
son  professing  faith  in  God  by  Jesus  Christ  shall  at  any  time 
be  anyways  disquieted  or  questioned  Xor  any  difference  of 
opinion."  Still  nearer  to  the  true  American  idea  than  the 
announcement  from  Maryland.  The  necessity  of  at  least  a 
profession  of  faith  in  God  by  Jesus  Christ  in  order  to  secu 
rity  was  apparently  invidious;  but  they  were  not  to  be 
"  questioned." 

Virginia,  up  to  1643,  revealed  the  spirit  of  ecclesiastical 
bigotry  and  proscription  from  the  side  of  Prelacy  as  Massa 
chusetts  had  from  Puritanism.  "  All  ministers  are  to  use  the 
Liturgy,  and  to  conform  to  the  Church  of  England  :  the  gov 
ernor  and  council  to  compel  nonconformists  ;  to  depart  the 
colony  with  all  conveniency.'  No  Popish  recusant  is  to  hold 
any  office ;  and  all  Popish  priests  are  to  be  sent  out  of  the 
colony  within  five  days  after  their  arrival.  Travelling  and 
shooting  on  the  sabbath  are  made  punishable  by  fines."  : 

It  was  not  until  1776  that  Virginia  was  emancipated  from 
the  legal  domination  of  the  Church  of  England.  "  By  the 
influx  of  Scotch-Irish  Presbyterians  and  other  dissenters, 
especially  Baptists,  into  the  upper  counties,  the  Episcopalians 
had  become  a  minority  of  the  people.  But  they  still  had  a 
majority  in  the  assembly ;  and  it  was  only  after  warm  de 
bates  that  Jefferson  and  George  Mason  procured  the  passage 
of  a  law  repealing  all  the  old  disabling  acts,  legalizing  all 
modes  of  worship,  releasing  dissenters  from  parish-rates,  and 
suspending  their  collection  until  the  next  session,  —  a  suspen 
sion  made  perpetual  in  1779,  and  the  more  readily  as  most 
of  the  clergymen  of  the  Church  of  England  were  Tories."  t 
So  far,  in  this  fundamental  particular,  was  Virginia  Ameri 
canized  ;  and  she  was  stronger  because  of  it  in  the  War  of 
Independence.  The  battle  was  not  ended,  and  we  shall  come 
to  it  again. 

*  Hiltlreth,  i.  336.  t  Ibid.,  iii.  384. 


A  DISINTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  193 

In  the  great  governmental  theory  formed  for  Carolina  in 
1670  by  Shaftesbury  and  Locke,  it  was  provided  that  none 
could  be  freemen  who  did  not  acknowledge  a  God  and  the 
obligation  of  public  worship.  The  Church  of  England  was 
to  be  supported  at  the  public  expense,  —  a  provision  inserted 
by  the  proprietaries  against  the  opinion  of  Locke,  who  wished 
to  put  all  sects  on  the  same  footing.  Any  seven  freemen, 
however,  might  form  a  church  or  religious  society,  to  be 
recognized  and  tolerated,  provided  its  members  admitted  the 
rightfulness  of  oaths,  —  a  provision  which  excluded  Quakers. 
By  another  provision,  it  was  decreed  that  "  every  freeman  of 
Carolina  shall  have  absolute  power  and  authority  over  his 
negro  slaves,  of  what  opinion  and  religion  soever." 

In  1676,  a  colony  of  dissenters  came  to  Carolina  under 
Blake,  the  brother  of  the  famous  admiral.  Twenty  years 
thereafter,  Joseph  Blake  was  appointed  governor  by  Arch- 
dale.  He  was  a  dissenter,  and  the  little  company  became 
stronger  by  an  accession  from  Massachusetts.  They  estab 
lished  Dorchester,  twenty  miles  from  Charleston  ;  and,  in 
1698,  John  Cotton,  son  of  the  "famous  Cotton,"  organized  a 
Congregational  church  in  Charleston,  which  survived  the 
War  of  the  Revolution  and  the  ecclesiastical  proscription  of 
Carolina  and- New  England. 

In  1703,  "the  Churchmen,  though  not  a  third  part  of  the 
inhabitants,  happened  to  have  a  majority  of  one  in  the  Assem 
bly  : "  and  "  an  act  was  passed  requiring  all  members  of  As 
sembly  to  take  the  sacrament  according  to  the  rites  of  the 
Church  of  England  ;  or,  if  they  thought  themselves  unquali 
fied  for  that  solemnity,  to  subscribe  a  declaration  of  their 
adhesion  to  that  church."  The  dissenters  and  Archdale  re 
monstrated  ;  but  the  proprietaries  approved,  and  the  Church 
of  England  was,  in  1705,  established  by  law. 

It  was  not  till  1784,  that,  "by  the  second  constitution  of 
South  Carolina,  the  '  Christian  Protestant  religion '  was  de 
clared  to  be  the  established  religion  of  that  State.  All  per 
sons  acknowledging  one  God,  and  a  future  state  of  rewards 


194  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

and  punishments,  were  to  be  freely  tolerated  :  if,  in  addition, 
they  held  Christianity  to  be  the  true  religion,  and  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments  to  be  inspired,  they  might  form  churches 
of  their  own,  entitled  to  be  admitted  as  a  part  of  the  Estab 
lishment."  *  Thus  much  the  dissenters  had  extracted  from 
the  prelatists  by  majorities  led  by  great  statesmen,  after  a 
long  and  desperate  struggle. 

From  the  State  of  Georgia  came  a  stronger  influence  in 
favor  of  liberty.  Light  from  the  clear  mind  of  Oglethorpe 
travelled  through  the  darkness  of  ages,  and  mingled  at 
length  with  the  brightest  revelations  from  heaven. 

About  this  period,  the  constitution  in  Massachusetts 
"  seemed  to  guarantee  the  entire  freedom  of  religious  opin 
ions,  and  the  equality  of  all  sects ;  yet  the  legislature,  being 
left  with  authority  to  compel  the  support  of  the  ministers,  and 
attendance  on  service,  acted  up  to  the  full  measure  of  their 
authority,  inflicting  heavy  penalties  for  heterodox  opinions." 
New  Hampshire  and  Connecticut  enacted  similar  laws ;  and 
we  pass  out  of  the  period  of  preparation  and  independence, 
leaving  the  Congregationalists  in  New  England  the  standing 
order,  and  their  form  of  religion  established  by  law. 

We  may  now  generalize  by  referring  to  another  distinct 
religious  movement.  George  Fox  came  forward  to  show 
the  world  "  that  the  kingdom  of  God  is  within ; "  that  tyr 
anny  is  of  a  man's  own  conceptions ;  and  that  liberty  is  of 
the  soul,  and  not  of  kings  or  nobles  or  commons ;  that  the 
grand  bane  of  life  is  pride,  and  all  artificial  distinctions  are 
of  the  Devil;  that  prince  and  subjects,  lords  and  beggars,  are 
men,  only  men,  suffering  under  a  common  bondage,  with 
one  only  hope,  and  that  must  be  revealed  by  the  voice  of 
God  in  the  soul.  For  the  rest,  kings  and  protectors  and 
presidents,  who  followed  not  the  light  within,  were  usurpers 
and  tyrants.  Men  were  free  only  as  they  were  governed  by 
God.  Conscience  was  supreme,  because  it  was  the  voice  of 
God.  Men  might  meditate,  be  still,  suffer,  die,  but  never 
obey  a  man  against  the  inward  monitor. 

*  Hildreth,  iii.  383. 


A  DISENTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  195 

There  was  room  amid  the  upheavals  of  the  age  for  such 
a  man  as  this.  How  anxiously  the  people  asked,  "  Is  this  the 
light  for  which  I  have  been  straining  my  darkened  sight  ? 
Is  it  true  that  I  can  bid  adieu  to  these  bewildering  worldly 
fictions,  renounce  and  defy  the  usurpations  of  tyrants,  and 
retire  into  myself,  and  find  rest  ?  "  They  felt  moved  to  try  it. 
In  vast  throngs  they  did;  and  presently  the  sacrifice  was 
ready :  the  victims  of  fines,  imprisonments,  banishment,  and 
torture,  were  innumerable.  And  what  lessons  of  endurance 
for  conscience'  sake  they  taught  the  age  and  the  world  ! 
How  the  moral  rose  above  the  physical  amid  the  serene 
composure  of  passive  suffering  and  tranquil  martyrdom ! 
How  mightily  the  levelling  power  of  justice  wrought  through 
*the  "  quietism "  of  conscious  right  to  dash  down  the  proud 
pretenders  to  despotic  power,  and  lift  up  the  masses  to  the 
'  dignity  of  manhood  ! 

God  would  allow  even  their  fanaticism  to  illustrate  their 
^virtues ;  their  tortures  and  dying  to  rebuke  the  madness  of 
oppression ;  and  finally  their  cruel  exile  to  bring  to  America 
the  doctrine  of  equal  rights,  and  found  States  to  illustrate 
the  principles  and  reveal  the  weaknesses  of  a  pure  democ 
racy.  He  would  permit  them  to  become  thorns  in  the  sides 
of  Puritan  and  Prelatical  bigotry  and  proscription,  until 
enough  of-  them  were  murdered,  and  the  rest  were  hurled 
away,  to  show  that  another  inspiration  was  needed  to  move 
the  world  forward  to  the  full  realization  of  the  divine  idea  of 
human  freedom.  They  laid  the  foundations  of  religious  lib 
erty  in  Pennsylvania,  North  Carolina,  New  Jersey,  and  Dela 
ware.  They  fulfilled  their  mission,  took  their  place  in  history 
as  warnings  to  tyrants,  and  against  worldly  folly  and  corrup 
tion,  and  waited  to  be  absorbed  into  the  life  of  the  nation 
they  had  so  powerfully  helped  to  form.  Christian  liberty 
must  be  aggressive  :  Friends  could  not  be  aggressive,  and 
they  could  lead  freedom  no  farther. 

Let  it  now  be  asked  whether  the  infidel,  worldly  spirit  is 
not  equal  to  this  task ;  whether  this  power  may  not  take  up 


196  THE    GEE  AT   REPUBLIC. 

liberty  where  the  chief  religious  movements  of  the  prepara 
tory  period  have  left  it,  and  complete  the  release  of  the  na 
tional  life,  and  the  thorough  Americanization  of  our  foreign 
and  home-born  population.  It  shall  have  a  fair  opportunity 
to  make  the  experiment.  God  will  allow  it  to  do  its  best, 
under  the  most  favorable  auspices,  by  the  hand  of  its  most 
brilliant  representative  man, 

From  the  same  England  whence  came  the  Prelatists,  the 
Papists,  the  Puritans,  and  the  Quakers,  later  in  the  struggle 
came  Thomas  Paine  to  sound  the  blast  of  freedom  so  loud 
and  clear,  that  the  whole  civilized  world  must  hear  it.     He 
seemed  the  appointed  leader  of  the  Eevolution.     He  was 
voice  for  the  dumb,  courage  for  the  timid,  daring  and  defi-  r. 
ance  for  the  handful  of  the   oppressed  against  the  host  of " 
their  oppressors. 

But  his  career  was  brief.  He  wrote  of  "  common  sense," 
and  "  the  rights  of  man  "  as  a  being  of  time  merely,  a  crea 
ture  of  accident.  He  abridged  the  scope  of  these  rights* 
from  the  infinite  to  the  finite,  from  the  eternal  to  the  tem 
poral,  from  the  grand  whole  of  being  to  a  miserable  frag 
ment.  He  found  himself  without  adequate  motives  and 
power.  He  was  a  man.  —  a  mere  man;  at  length,  a  very 
vile  man.  He  could  teach  the  people  to  hate ;  but  there  was 
no  organizing  power  in  hatred.  They  idolized,  and  then  de 
spised  him.  When  they  saw  that  he  would  leave  them  with 
"  no  hope,  and  without  God  in  the  world,"  they  broke  away 
from  him.  His  rage  was  terrible,  but  impotent.  lie  fled 
from  the  land  of  the  Bible  to  the  land  of  infidelity  like  a  suf 
fering  demon  seeking  an  easier  hell.  He  had  burst  upon 
the  world  a  brilliant  luminary,  and  suddenly  went  out  amid 
the  horrors  of  a  darkness  that  could  be  felt.  He  showed  how 
far  an  infidel,  worldly  spirit  could  carry  liberty,  attracted  the 
gaze  of  anxious  multitudes,  scoffed,  and  died. 

Education  must  seek  its  place  among  the  accessory  forces 
of  liberty  in  the  earlier  period  of  our  nation's  history.  A 
high  degree  of  culture  had  appeared  in  the  vigorous  intel- 


A  DISINTHKALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  197 

lects  of  the  legislators  and  ministers  of  the  colonies.  It 
would  be  difficult  to  find  more  sturdy  thinkers,  more  skilful 
dialecticians,  or  more  complete  masters  of  language,  than  the 
leading  statesmen  and  divines  of  the  age  under  review. 

But  a  new  race  was  rising  up.  Vigorous,  daring  young 
Americans  were  coming  upon  the  stage.  What  would  be  the 
direction  of  their  minds  under  the  stimulating  power  of  free 
dom  ?  It  was  plain,  they  must  be  educated  ;  but  how  and 
where  ?  True,  the  sons  of  wealth  might  be  sent  home  to 
college ;  but  this  would  tend  to  produce  a  privileged  class, 
while  the  great  mass  of  the  rising  generation  would  grow 
up  in  stubborn,  dangerous  ignorance.  America  must  have 
her  own  institutions  of  learning. 

As  early  as  1621,  the  London  Company  undertook  "to 
establish  plans  of  education  "  in  Virginia.  "  The  Bishop  of 
London  collected  and  paid  a  thousand  pounds  towards  a 
university ;  which,  like  the  several  churches  of  the  colony 
was  liberally  endowed  with  domains."  * 

Seminaries  of  learning  were  not  numerous  in  the  South ; 
but  they  were  sufficient  to  show  the  intelligent  enterprise  of 
the  great  patrons  of  learning  in  the  age  of  colonization ;  and 
coming  in  as  tributaries  to  the  culture  of  American  children 
educated  in  England,  and  the  drilling  of  here  and  there  a 
family  by  a  thoughtful,  cultivated  mother  at  home, they  helped 
to  save  the  land  from  the  crimes  and  desolations  of  general 
ignorance. 

In  New  England,  the  movement  for  general  education  was 
thoroughly  characteristic.  In  1636,  "six  years  after  the  ar 
rival  of  Winthrop,  the  General  Court  voted  a  sum  equal  to 
a  year's  rate  of  the  whole  colony  towards  the  erection  of  a 
college.  In  1638,  John  Harvard  bequeathed  to  the  college 
one-half  of  his  estate  and  all  his  library."  •)•  It  was  hence 
called  Harvard  College.  "  The  infant  institution  was  a  fa 
vorite.  Connecticut  and  Plymouth,  and  the  towns  in  the  east 
often  contributed  little  offerings  to  promote  its  success ;  the 

*  Bancroft,  i.  179.  t  Ibid.,  i.  459. 


198  THE   GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

gift  of  the  rent  of  a  ferry  was  a  proof  of  the  care  of  the 
State  ;  and  once,  at  least,  every  family  in  each  of  the  colonies 
gave  to  the  college  at  Cambridge  twelve  pence,  or  a  peck  of 
corn,  or  its  value  in  unadulterated  wampurnpeag ;  while  the 
magistrates  and  wealthier  men  were  profuse  in  their  liberal 
ity.  The  college,  in  return,  exerted  a  powerful  influence  in 
forming  the  earlier  character  of  the  country."* 

But  it  was  not  college-learning  only  that  the  liberal-minded 
Puritans  sought  to  promote.  Custom,  and  finally  law,  pro 
vided  that  "  none  of  the  brethren  shall  suffer  so  much  bar 
barism  in  their  families  as  not  to  teach  their  children  and 
apprentices  so  much  learning  as  may  enable  them  perfectly 
to  read  the  English  tongue."  * 

One  most  important  purpose  for  which  they  insisted  upon 
general  education  appears  in  their  venerable  code  in  quaint 
and  characteristic  style  :  "  It  being  one  chief  project  of  that 
old  deluder,  Sathan,  to  keep  men  from  the  knowledge  of  the 
Scriptures,  as  in  former  times  keeping  them  in  an  unknown^ 
tongue,  so  in  these  latter  times  by  persuading  men  from  the 
use  of  tongues,  so  that,  at  least,  the  true  sense  and  meaning 
of  the  original  might  be  clouded  with  false  glosses  of  saint- 
seeming  deceivers,  and  that  learning  might  not  be  buried  in 
the  graves  of  our  fathers,"  it  was  ordered  "  that  every  town- 
.ship,  after  the  Lord  hath  increased  them  to  the  number  of 
fifty  householders,  shall  appoint  one  to  teach  all  children  to 
write  and  read ;  and,  when  any  town  shall  increase  to  the 
number  of  one  hundred  families,  they  shall  set  up  a  gram 
mar-school,  the  masters  thereof  being  able  to  instruct  youth 
so  far  as  they  may  be  fitted  for  the  university."  The  colonies 
of  Connecticut,  Plymouth,  and  New  Haven,  enacted  the  same 
law.  After  some  rather  plain  promptings  from  Massachu 
setts,  "the  General  Court  of  Plymouth,"  in  1657,  required  by 
law  "  the  towns  to  tax  themselves  for  the  support  of  minis 
ters  and  grammar-schools." 

Thus  we  discover  the  foundation  of   the  New-England 

*  Bancroft,  i.  459. 


A  DISINTHEALLED   NATIONAL  LIFE. 

common-school  system,  which  has  risen  to  be  its  strength  and 
its  glory.  It  had  due  relation  to  the  grammar-school  and 
the  university ;  but  "  every  child  as  it  was  born  into  the 
world  was  lifted  from  the  earth  by  the  genius  of  the  country, 
and,  in  statutes  of  the  land,  received  as  its  birthright  a  pledge 
of  the  public  care  for  its  morals  and  its  inind."  * 

Rhode  Island  did  not  promptly  unite  with  other  New- 
England  colonies  in  this  great  movement.  The  zeal  of  Roger 
Williams  and  his  people  for  pure  religion  made  them  sus 
picious  of  too  much  of  the  human,  especially  in  religious 
education,  and  carried  them  into  the  region  of  superstition, 
leading  them  to  expect  direct  instruction  from  heaven  which 
would  supersede  the  human  and  prevent  the  peril.  Doubt 
less  the  scholarly  old  Puritans  had  some  reference  to  these 
good  people  when  they  wrote  of  "  saint-seeming  deceivers." 

Within  the  period  now  before  us,  in  1696,  Maryland  passed 
a  law  establishing  free  schools.  The  measures  adopted  for 
the  support  of  the  system  did  not,  however,  go  into  proper 
effect  until  1723.  The  arrangements  were  liberal,  and  men 
were  appointed  to  employ  "  good  schoolmasters,  members  of 
the  Church  of  England,  men  of  pious  and  exemplary  lives 
and  conversation,  and  capable  of  teaching  well  the  grammar, 
good  writing,  and  the  mathematics,  if  such  can  conveniently 
be  got." 

These  were  apparently  small  beginnings ;  but  they  were 
of  the  most  vital  importance.  They  indicate  a  vigorous  ele 
ment  of  national  strength,  to  be  developed  chiefly  in  the 
Northern  States. 

Powerful  and  perpetual,  the  mission  of  education  was 
not,  however,  alone  to  complete  the  liberation  of  mind  and 
the  constitution  of  freedom.  The  bondage  of  the  Puritan 
was  in  his  conscience,  and  this  mere  human  learning  could 
not  reach.  As  an  accessory  force,  education  had  done  its 
best,  and  could  not  emancipate  even  the  New-England  mind 
from  the  power  of  bigotry  and  public  injustice. 

*  Bancroft,  i.  458,  459. 


200  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 


A   NEW    INSPIRATION. 

Recognizing,  as  historical  fidelity  has  compelled  us  to  do, 
the  great  facts  of  the  limitation,  if  not  the  exhaustion,  of  all 
the  important  forces  which  have  passed  before  us,  it  is  time  to 
bring  prominently  forward  that  power,  which,  released  from 
outward  restrictions,  and  brought  into  thorough  legitimate 
action,  would  complete  the  liberation  of  the  American  mind, 
and,  by  vitalizing  and  organizing  liberty,  prepare  it  for  its 
mission  of  power  among  men. 

The  Bible  was  the  great  book  of  the  Puritans.  They 
received  it  as  the  revelation  of  God,  and  would  allow  no  man 
to  shut  it,  or  wrest  it  from  them.  It  was  everywhere  with 
them.  In  its  light  they  undertook  to  form  their  system  of 
government,  their  churches,  and  their  schools.  Whatever 
of  traditional  bigotry  they  had  inherited,  or  of  proscriptive 
exclusiveness  had  arisen  from  the  recoil  of  their  free  spirits 
from  the  assaults  of  persecution,  the  pure  truth  of  the  Bible 
would  work  quietly,  but  steadily  and  bravely,  against  it. 
Their  tendency  to  rigid  formalism  it  would  antagonize ;  and, 
so  far  as  the  free  consent  and  the  trusting  faith  of  individuals 
would  allow,  it  would  bring  to  their  souls  the  power  of  the 
atonement,  and  the  new  life  "  born  of  the  Spirit." 

To  a  large  extent,  this  power  from  above  pervaded  the 
masses,  and  gave  them  the  right  to  say,  "  This  is  the  victory 
that  overconieth  the  world,  even  our  faith."  Sufficient  intro 
version,  and  a  clear,  strong  development  of  this  force,  would 
have  given  them  liberty  completed :  undue  attention  to  the 
external  and  to  the  outward  battles  of  technical  Puritanism 
brought  them  to  their  limits,  and  demanded  help. 

Many  of  the  Puritans  were  Presbyterians.  They  came  in 
considerable  numbers  about  the  commencement  of  the  civil 
war  in  England,  and  at  the  period  of  the  Restoration.  The 
Dutch  who  began  the  settlement  of  New  York  were  Pres 
byterians  ;  the  Germans  who  came  into  Pennsylvania  and 
Northern  Virginia  were  generally  Presbyterians;  the  Hu- 


A  DISINTHRALLED   NATIONAL   LIFE.  201 

guenots  from  France  were  nearly  all  Calvinists  and  Presby 
terians.  All  these  had  separate  organizations  corresponding 
with  their  traditions  in  the  Old  World.  They  assumed  dif 
ferent  names  accordingly,  but  were  all  Presbyterian  in  dis 
tinction  from  Episcopal.  From  Scotland  and  Ireland  came 
multitudes  of  very  devout  but  very  rigid  Presbyterians. 
The  first  presbytery  was  organized  in  Philadelphia  in  1705. 
In  these  incipient  churches  was  much  of  the  indomitable, 
unconquerable  spirit  of  the  Scotch  Presbyterians,  but  also  the 
devout  glowing  piety  of  John  Knox  and  the  martyr-heroes 
of  the  Reformation. 

Here  we  identify  again  the  vital  power  which  liberated 
the  soul  from  the  fetters  of  sin,  and  which  bore  heavily 
against  the  bondage  of  Puritanism.  Practically  independent 
of  all  limitations,  the  great  preachers  and  noble  laymen  of 
this  church  moved  into  the  future  with  the  blast  of  freedom 
sounding  from  their  lips  ;  and  extensive  revivals,  and  the  con 
sequent  extension  of  liberty,  showed  that  from  this  great 
evangelical  communion  would  come  large  accessions  to  the 
common  vital  power  which  would  emancipate  the  nation. 

The  Episcopal  Church,  trammelled  by  State  prerogatives, 
and  fearfully  restricted  by  formalism  and  aristocratic  preten 
sions;  nevertheless  bore  in  its  bosom  much  of  the  life  of  God, 
a  part  of  which  had  come  down  from  the  days  of  Cranmer 
and  Latimer,  Burnet  and  Butler,  but  a  much  larger  propor 
tion  of  which  came  from  the  great  revival  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  Its  .extremes  would  repel  each  other;  but  the 
church  of  the  Wesleys,  of  Oglethorpe,  and  of  Bishops  White 
and  Hobart,  would  make  large  contributions  to  the  aggre 
gation  of  spiritual  power  which  would  contend  mightily  with 
the  intolerance  of  caste,  and  give  most  effective  aid  to  the 
nation  struggling  to  be  free. 

The  life  of  God  in  the  soul  of  the  devout  Quaker  wrought 
powerfully  on  the  same  side. 

The  Baptists,  in  their  fervent  piety  and  native  independ 
ence,  contained  in  large  measure  the  spirit  which  was  des- 


202  THE  GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

tined  to  achieve  completed  liberty  for  the  American  nation. 
They  were  at  first  chiefly  from  Wales,  then  from  England 
and  the  Continent ;  but,  from  whatever  country  they  came, 
they  loved  liberty.  If  there  were  tendencies  to  exclusive- 
ness  in  any  of  their  doctrines  and  their  single  mode  of  bap 
tism,  these  were  practically  overcome  by  the  deep  and  ear 
nest  spirit  of  piety,  which,  by  inevitable  laws,  connected  them 
with  the  goodly  fellowship  of  believers  everywhere,  and  with 
the  freedom-side  of  all  the  great  controversies  of  Church  and 
State. 

The  great  Roger  Williams,  though,  as  we  have  seen, 
deemed  irregular  in  his  views  and  acts  with  regard  to  the 
baptismal  succession,  was  nevertheless,  in  a  strong  sense,  a 
Baptist.  Concerning  him  and  his  brethren,  Chief  Justice 
Story  said,  "  In  the  code  of  laws  established  by  them  in 
Rhode  Island,  we  read,  for  the  first  time  since  Christianity 
ascended  the  throne  of  the  Caesars,  the  declaration  that  con 
science  should  be  free,  and  men  should  not  be  punished  for 
worshipping  God  in  the  way  they  were  persuaded  he  re 
quires." 

Let  me  now  be  distinctly  understood.  Ecclesiastical  organ 
izations  may,  in  their  peculiar  structure  and  sectarian  cast, 
be  for  or  against  the  doctrines  of  liberty  ;  but,  in  the  lib 
erty  wherewith  Christ  hath  made  them  free,  they  are  not 
sectarian,  they  are  not  exclusive.  This  we  have  identified 
in  all  as  the  common  life-force  by  which  God  intended  to 
organize,  perfect,  and  develop  civil  and  religious  freedom  on 
this  continent  for  the  world.  Its  origin  was  divine,  its  chan 
nel  the  Bible,  and  its  scope  the  world.  There  is  yet  another 
grand  historical  development  of  this  common  life-force  of  the 
Great  Republic. 

Now  let  us  look  to  England  again.  "  Man's  extremity,"  says 
Augustine,  "  is  God's  opportunity."  "  While  Seeker  was  de 
ploring  the  demoralization  of  England,  as  threatening  to 
6  become  absolutely  fatal,'  and  the  aged  Burnet  saw  '  immi 
nent  ruin  hanging  over  the  Church'  and  over  the  whole 


A  DISINTHKALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  .    2 OS 

Reformation ;  while  Watts  was  writing  that '  religion  was 
dying  in  the  world,'  and  Butler,  that '  it  had  come  to  be  taken 
for  granted  that  Christianity  was  no  longer  a  subject  of  in 
quiry,  but  at  length  was  discovered  to  be  fictitious;'  when, 
in  fine,  the  Anglican  Church  had  become  '  an  ecclesiastical 
system,  under  which  the  people  of  England  had  lapsed  into 
heathenism,  and  nonconformity  was  rapidly  in  course  to  be 
found  nowhere  but  in  books  ; '  and  meanwhile,  across  the 
Channel,  rationalistic  infidelity  was  invading  the  strongholds 
of  the  Reformation,  and  the  French  philosophers  were  spread 
ing  moral  contagion  through  Europe,  —  God  was  preparing 
the  means,  apparently  disconnected,  but  providentially  coinci 
dent,  which  were  to  resuscitate  the  '  dying '  faith,  and  intro 
duce  the  era  of  modern  evangelism  in  the  Protestant  world."* 

From  Oxford  came  an  indigent  student,  who,  by  faith  in 
Jesus,  after  lying  prostrate  on  the  ground  for  whole  days  in 
silent  or  vocal  prayer,  had  received  a  new  life  from  heaven. 

This  was  George  Whitefield,  soon  to  become  the  greatest 
preacher  of  his  age.  His  rebukes  of  sin  in  high  places  were 
too  scathing,  and  his  appeals  to  the  conscience  too  over 
whelming,  for  the  churches :  and  it  was  well ;  for  no  church 
could  hold  his  audiences.  Ten,  fifteen,  and  even  twenty 
thousand  anxious  human  beings  gathered  in  the  fields  to 
hear  from  his  lips  the  way  of  salvation  by  faith.  The  Holy 
Spirit  fired  his  great  soul  with  a  zeal  which  no  ocean  or  con 
tinent  could  limit.  Scarcely  had  the  echoes  of  his  voice  died 
away  in  England  before  it  broke  upon  the  ears  of  New  Eng 
land,  rousing  the  slumbering  "  orthodoxy  "  of  "  the  standing 
order,"  and  pouring  a  new  life-current  through  the  masses 
from  Maine  to  Georgia.  Back  and  forward  over  the  ocean 
and  the  continents  this  wonderful  man  flew  like  the  wind, 
until  it  seemed  that  he  was  the  very  angel  of  the  Apoca 
lypse,  "  having  the  everlasting  gospel  to  preach  unto  men." 

This  was  the  very  spirit  which  moved  the  great  Edwards, 
and  the  multitudes  around  him,  during  "  the  great  awaken 
ing  ; "  which  gave  such  zeal  and  holy  power  to  Payson  and 

*  Stevens's  History  of  Methodism,  i.  33. 


204  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  Tennants,  causing  thousands  to  cry  out  for  mercy,  and 
then  to  triumph  in  "  the  blood  of  the  Lamb."  These  great 
revivalists  were  of  the  school  of  Calvin  in  divinity :  and 
thus  God  brought  the  powerful  principle  of  "  soul-liberty"  to 
wrestle  with  the  assumed  limitations  of  the  will  in  the  same 
individuals ;  and  the  limitations,  however  firmly  guarded  by 
careful  logic,  opposed  no  effective  resistance  to  the  power  of 
a  free  gospel  and  a  triumphant  faith.  Whatever  might  be  the 
metaphysics  of  freedom,  and  whatever  its  relations  to  God's 
plans,  it  was  nevertheless  a  great  fact,  which  was  now  rapidly 
translating  itself  into  action,  and  opening  a  new  world  to  the 
American  mind. 

A  little  English  boy  had  been  snatched  from  the  upper 
window  of  a  house  in  flames.  His  mother  had,  with  special 
devotion  and  remarkable  grasp  of  intellect,  consecrated  him 
henceforth  to  God.  He  had  become  a  student  at  Oxford, 
and  then  an  awakened  sinner,  and  then  a  missionary  to 
Georgia,  "  to  convert  the  Indians,"  as  he  supposed,  but,  in 
God's  purposes,  to  bring  him  into  communication  with  Peter 
Bohler,  and  the  spirit  of  deep  and  living  German  piety. 
He  was  at  length  at  home  a  new  man,  and  before  the  gath 
ered  multitudes  in  groves  and  fields,  proclaiming  "  liberty  to 
the  captives,  and  the  opening  of  the  prison  to  them  that 
are  bound." 

The  whole  kingdom  was  moved.  The  Anglican  Church 
received  a  new  infusion  of  spiritual  life  ;  the  missionary  spirit 
was  roused.  Wesley  was  in  Ireland.  Many  received  the  word 
which  was  in  demonstration  of  the  "Spirit  and  of  power." 
Barbara  Heck  and  Philip  Embury  were  among  them.  They 
had  fled  from  Romish  persecutions  in  the  Palatinate  in 
Germany ;  but  God  brought  them  thence  in  time  to  receive, 
the  new  life  through  the  labors  of  this  great  evangelist. 
And  they  were  soon  in  John  Street,  New  York.  Humbly 
they  sought  to  win  the  approbation  of  Heaven,  and  the  souls 
of  men,  by  proclaiming  the  "  liberty  wherewith  Christ  had 
made  them  free."  In  October,  1766,  these  servants  of  the 


A  DISENTHRALLED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  205 

Most  High  God  founded  a  church,  which  would  send  its  life 
through  the  new  nation,  and,  in  a  century,  number  more 
than  a  million  of  souls. 

Here  was  a  form  of  the  Reformation  which  belonged  to 
the  universal  religion.  No  restrictions  of  creed  or  of  spirit 
shut  it  up  in  cloisters,  bound  it  in  conscience,  or  erected  a 
barrier  between  it  and  the  mass  of  mankind.  It  moved 
over  the  oceans,  and  out  into  the  forests  ;  proclaimed  its  glad 
tidings  in  the  West  Indies,  and  amid  the  Puritans  in  New" 
England.  At  length  there  appeared  a  man  at  its  head,  a 
grand  pioneer  bishop,  directing  its  heralds,  and  organizing 
its  bands  for  the  conquest  of  the  world.  Asbury  was  in 
his  saddle,  moving  from  city  to  city,  from  town  to  country, 
over  mountains  and  rivers,  far  out  into  the  frontier,  pro 
claiming  the  glorious  liberty  of  redemption,  and  gathering 
the  weeping  throngs  into  the  fold  of  the  Redeemer. 

Now,  precisely  here  is  the  mistake  of  historians.  .  They 
regard  religion  as  a  thing  by  itself;  the  great  revivals  under 
Whitefield  and  Edwards,  Asbury  and  Pay  son,  as  isolated 
spiritual  movements,  having  no  connection  with  the  great 
events  of  national  history :  whereas  they  constitute  the 
very  soul  of  civil  life  and  political  development. 

When  Whitefield  and  Jesse  Lee  moved  through  New  Eng 
land,  they  were  the  heralds  of  freedom.  They  bore  a  new 
revelation  to  the  Puritan  mind,  which  at  first  roused  the 
most  obstinate  resistance,  but  soon  quickened  the  inner  life, 
and  extended  it  to  the  life  of  the  State  ;  at  length  sweeping 
away  every  vestige  of  intolerance,  and  revealing  the  mar 
vellous  identity  of  the  liberty  for  which  the  Pilgrims  fled  to 
America,  which  honest  Episcopalians,  Quakers,  Baptists,  and 
Methodists  were  demanding  at  their  hands,  and  which  Christ 
came  to  proclaim  to  universal  man. 

When  Asbury  and  Coke  and  Strawbridge  opened  the 
batteries  of  freedom  in  Maryland,  they  swept  down  the  re 
strictions  which  Romanism  had  thrown  around  the  con 
science,  and  proclaimed  emancipation  from  the  fetters  of 


206  THE   GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

priest-craft.  As  they  moved  through  Virginia  and  the  Car- 
olinas,  they  sounded  the  death-knell  of  Prelatical  tyranny, 
and  thundered  in  the  ears  of  oppressors  the  crime  of 
slavery. 

"  The  fervid  spirit  of  Edwards,  seeing  with  Bossuet,  in  all 
history,  only  the  '  history  of  redemption/  dreamed,  in  his 
New-England  retirement,  of  a  millennium  which  was  to 
dawn  in  the  New  World,  and  thence  burst  upon  the  nations, 
and  irradiate  the  globe."  * 

;  Recognizing  this  spirit  of  evangelization  as  truly  abroad 
upon  its  mission  of  love  and  liberating  power,  Dr.  Baird 
says,  "  No  American  Christian  who  takes  a  comprehensive 
view  of  the  progress  of  religion  in  his  country,  and  con 
siders  how  wonderfully  the  means  and  instrumentalities  em 
ployed  are  adapted  to  the  extent  and  the  wants  of  that 
country,  can  hesitate  Tor  a  moment  to  bless  God  for  having, 
in  his  mercy,  provided  them  all.  Nor  will  he  fail  to  recog 
nize  in  the  Methodist  economy,  as  well  as  in  the  zeal,  the 
devoted  piety,  and  the  efficiency  of  its  ministry,  one  of 
the  most  powerful  elements  in  the  religious  prosperity  of  the 
United  States,  as  well  as  one  of  the  firmest  pillars  of  their 
civil  and  political  institutions."  t 

This  divine  afflatus,  limited,  as  we  have  shown,  to  no  age 
or  sect  or  clime,  was  powerful  and  evident  in  the  days  of 
which  we  write. 

Liberty  received  its  new  inspiration  from  the  baptisms 
of  love  which  came  in  the  fresh  evangelism  of  the  great 
Reformation,  and  moved  out  to  become  truly  national  in  the 
American  Republic. 

*  Stevens's  Methodist-Episcopal  Church,  i.  18. 
t  Baird's  Religion  in  America,  p.  497. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  TIME   CHOSEN  SHOWS  THE  PROVIDENTIAL  ADVENT 
OF  THE  NATIONAL  LIFE. 

"America  is  therefore  the  land  of  the  future,  where,  in  the  ages  that  lie  before  us,  the 
burden  of  the  world's  history  shall  reveal  itself.  It  is  the  land  of  desire  for  all  who  are 
weary  of  the  historical  lumber-room  of  old  Europe."  — HEGEL. 

"  Westward  the  course  of  empire  takes  its  way." —  BERKELEY. 

IT  is  to  be  observed  that  God  does  not  make  abrupt  and 
arbitrary  changes  in  the  social  state,  as  man  would  fre 
quently  prefer  to  do.  He  does  not  produce  a  tree  before 
the  seed,  the  germ,  and  the  growth;  no  more  does  he  sud 
denly  project  upon  the  world  a  completed  form  of  civil  and 
political  order.  With  much  longer  delay  than  we  can  com 
prehend,  through  the  conflicts  of  ages  he  carries  truth  on  tQ 
its  destination  in  the  future.  Sometimes  it  appears  spar 
kling  upon  the  surface  like  the  gurgling  mountain  rill,  reveal 
ing  its  fertilizing  power  by  the  freshness  of  the  verdure 
upon  its  banks ;  and  then,  plunging  from  sight  amid  arid 
sands  and  desert  wastes,  it  appears  again  with  accumulated 
power  farther  on  towards  the  great  ocean. 

Slowly,  therefore,  it  might  be  expected  the  great  prepara 
tions  for  a  new  era  of  freedom  would  move  on  under  the 
guidance  of  Providence  ;  and  in  the  fulness  of  time  the 
plans  of  God  would  be  evident  to  men.  As  numerous 
attempts  had  sufficiently  shown,  it  was  rashness  in  man  to 
precipitate  events.  The  result  could  only  be  the  exposure  of 
human  folly,  and  the  destruction  of  hopes  based  upon  mere 
finite  discretion  and  power ;  but  God  could  use  even  these 
experiments  and  calamities  to  correct  the  mistakes  of  men. 


207 


208  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 


HISTORICAL    CYCLES    MUST    PRECEDE. 

Time  must  be  allowed  for  human  depravity  to  work  out  its 
legitimate  results.  This  was  realized  in  the  antediluvian  age  ; 
and  the  desolations  of  the  Flood  were  the  appropriate  termi 
nation  of  the  first  grand  epoch  of  human  madness  and  sin. 

The  moral  and  political  force  of  learning  and  the  arts 
must  be  accurately  measured ;  and  this  occurred  in  the 
history  of  Greece,  under  the  genius  of  Aristotle,  Thernis- 
tocles,  and  Solon. 

The  irresistible  energy  of  the  sword  must  work  out  its 
results ;  and  this  was  done  in  the  life  of  Rome. 

The  competency  of  a  symbolic  religion  must  be  ascer 
tained;  and  this  had  been  seen  in  the  extraordinary  develop 
ment  of  the  Hebrew  institutes  and  people,  reaching  back  to 
the  infancy  of  the  race. 

Old  and  decaying  systems  of  human  wisdom  and  folly 
must  be  crumbled  to  atoms  to  make  way  for  the  foundations 
of  modern  civilization  ;  and  this  was  achieved  by  the  wander 
ing,  barbarous  hordes  of  Tamerlane  and  Gengis  Khan. 

The  age  of  chivalry  had  reached  its  climax  and  spent  its 
force  in  the  wild  and  fiery  crusades  to  the  Holy  Land. 

Feudal  rights  and  lordly  pretensions  had  expired  under 
the  agency  of  their  own  usurpations  and  the  rising  power  of 
the  masses. 

Spiritual  and  temporal  despotism  had  tried  their  strength, 
separately  and  combined,  in  grappling  with  the  inherent 
rights  of  man ;  and  all  questions  of  human  progress  had  been 
answered  by  the  aggrandizement  of  the  sovereign  alone. 

Compromise  between  the  most  concentrated  individualism 
and  the  rising  power  of  the  people  had  done  its  best,  and 
rapidly  completed  its  circle  back  to  the  unmitigated  tyranny 
in  which  it  had  its  origin. 

Then  the  time  had  come  for  projecting  upon  the  plane  of 
human  vision  the  grand  experiment  of  government  by  the 
people.  Had  it  been  earlier,  its  appeal  to  enlightened  reason 
would  have  been  far  less  conclusive  and  powerful. 


PROVIDENTIAL  ADVENT  OF  THE  NATIONAL  LIFE.         20& 
DESPOTIC    GOVERNMENTS    AND    IMPERISHABLE   IDEAS. 

The  patriarchal  principle  arises  naturally  out  of  the  con 
stitution  of  the  human  mind  and  the  existence  of  family. 
It  was  adapted  to  a  perfect,  moral  condition.  Had  this  con 
tinued,  it  would  undoubtedly  have  remained,  as  it  was,  at 
first,  God's  mode  of  conducting  a  universal  theocracy.  This 
primitive,  simple,  and  charming  method  of  order  gave  place 
to  monarchy,  which,  under  the  power  of  extending  depravity, 
became  the  vilest  usurpation. 

But  it  was  still  a  favorite  method,  and  must  be  tried  over 
and  over  again.  Its  natural  development  in  one  form,  it  was 
assumed,  could  not  be  accepted  as  demonstration  of  its 
inadequacy  in  another.  Its  growth  and  extension  gave  it 
power  to  command  respect,  and  win  the  confidence  of  vast 
generations  of  men ;  while  its  violent  abuses,  its  revolutions 
and  decay,  it  was  presumed,  were  attributable  to  accidental 
defects  in  men,  or  obtrusive  modifying  circumstances  over 
which  it  would  be  possible  for  superior  wisdom  to  exert 
adequate  control. 

Time  was  necessary  to  allow  it  to  prove  historically  its 
inadequacy  to  solve  the  great  political  problems  ever  return 
ing  to  perplex  the  thoughtful  and  the  wise.  It  must  fail,  in 
the  hands  of  numberless  dynasties,  in  all  its  endless  variety 
of  forms,  with  every  conceivable  advantage,  in  order  to 
loosen  its  hold  upon  the  confidence  of  men.  Its  popular 
power  must  be  virtually  destroyed  to  make  way  for  the  true 
principle  of  civil  order,  upon  a  scale  sufficiently  large  to 
insure  its  success. 

To  understand  this  historical  teaching,  it  must  be  remem 
bered  that  ideas  are  imperishable.  Individuals  and  nations 
pass  away;  but  their  acts  remain.  In  numberless  forms,  their 
acquisitions  of  experience  and  philosophy  diffuse  themselves 
through  the  social  fabric,  and  descend  with  their  precise  and 
legitimate  power  amid  the  antagonisms  of  the  future. 

This  result  does  not  depend  upon  historical  organizations. 


27 


210  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

It  requires  no  authorized  supervision  of  facts  or  principles 
to  preserve  them.  It  is  in  their  nature  to  perpetuate  them 
selves.  New  generations,  as  they  arise,  do  not  determine  the 
influences  which  shall  surround  them,  nor  the  point  in 
civilization  at  which  they  will  commence  their  own  experi 
ments  :  they  are  themselves,  in  soul,  body,  and  spirit,  the 
product  and  embodiment  of  the.  past.  To  this  constitu 
tional  provision  may  be  added  the  influence  of  recorded  and 
contemporaneous  history. 

It  is  thus  that  we  account  for  the  traditional  and  philo 
sophical  forces  which  operate  upon  the  social  order  from  the 
vast  cycles  of  the  past,  amid  the  dissolutions  of  time  and 
the  decay  of  nations ;  and  thus  that  we  explain  the  tedious 
but  ultimately  effectual  lessons  of  wisdom  which  the  world 
learns  from  the  records  of  folly. 

We  may  therefore  understand  that  time  had  been  allowed 
for  the  school  of  ages,  and  a  notable  preparation  for  the  in 
troduction  of  a  new  social  order  was  evolved  from  the  chaos 
of  anarchy  and  despotism. 

Indications  of  the  grand  fundamental  fact,  that  the  power 
of  government  resides  in  the  people,  accordingly  appeared  in 
the  history  of  Providence  and  the  developments  of  empirical 
systems ;  but  the  great  decisive  movement  of  freedom  must 
bide  its  time.  The  impression  of  its  necessity  must  be 
profound  and  pervading  before  its  advent  into  the  scenes  of 
battle  through  which  it  must  pass  :  and  just  time  enough  for 
this  had  elapsed,  when  it  appeared  to  assert  its  right  to  do 
minion  over  the  destinies  of  men  ;  not  immediate,  universal 
dominion,  —  certainly  not  in  its  outward  forms ;  for  we  are 
not  of  the  number  who  believe  that  formal  republicanism 
has  any  natural  or  divine  right  to  take  forcible  possession  of 
the  world.  And  yet  we  believe  fully  that  its  mission  is  uni 
versal.  It  is  to  be  the  visible  or  invisible  animus  which  shall 
inhabit  the  body  politic  of  all  the  peoples  under  the  sun ; 
and,  for  precisely  the  reason  that  its  advance  to  rank  and 
power  must  be  gradual,  it  must  for  ages  co-exist  with  other 
and  antagonist  forms. 


PROVIDENTIAL  ADVENT  OF  THE  NATIONAL  LIFE.         211 


THE   GRAND    CRISIS   OF   HISTORY. 

But  as  the  reality  of  government  by  the  people  could  not 
have  earlier  moved  up  to  its  central  position  among  the 
powers  of  the  earth,  so  neither  could  it  have  been  longer 
delayed  without  an  entire  change  in  the  fundamental  laws 
of  human  progress  and  incalculable  harm  to  the  race.  When 
the  combinations  began  to  appear  for  the  organization  of  the 
American  Republic,  there  was  nothing  for  dissatisfied  intellect 
to  take  hold  of.  All  other  forms  had  been  tried,  and  proved 
wholly  unsatisfactory.  Without  something  clearly  in  ad 
vance  of  former  experiments,  the  action  of  liberty  must 
have  recoiled  upon  itself;  and  erratic  and  irrepressible  vio 
lence  must  have  crushed  the  hopes  and  changed  the  destinies 
of  millions. 

God,  who  had  guided  the  elements  and  superintended  the 
preparations  of  more  than  five  thousand  years,  knew  well  the 
grand  crisis  in  which  the  hopes  of  longing,  restless  minds 
must  pass  over  to  another  and  more  enduring  reliance. 

Besides,  for  the  great  mission  of  a  model  Republic,  there 
was  none  too  much  time.  How  much  time  in  the  great 
cycles  of  the  world's  future  remained,  certainly  none  but 
Omniscience  could  tell.  We  are  not,  however,  of  the  number 
convinced  by  the  hypothesis,  that  we  are  now  in  the  middle 
period  of  the  world's  history.  The  rising,  towering  grandeur 
of  moral  ideas  and  events  indicates  to  us  rather  the  strong 
probability  that  the  world  has  not  yet  passed  its  vigorous 
youth ;  and  precisely  this  is  what  we  mean  by  the  position, 
that,  for  the  mission  of  the  great  model  Republic,  there  was 
none  too  much  time.  During  its  infancy,  not  half  its  power 
to  bless  mankind  could  appear.  Immense  as  are  its  advan 
tages  during  the  development  of  its  minority,  its  grand 
providential  task  must  be  accomplished  after  it  reaches  its 
majority. 

Not  the  lofty  purposes  of  government  merely,  but  the  ris 
ing  power  of  every  other  force  upon  which  the  destiny  of 


212-  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  race  depends,  indicates  a  vast  sweep  of  redeeming  agen 
cies  in  the  world's  future  for  the  realization  of  the  divine 
idea  in  the  creation  and  the  atonement. 

It  was  evident  that  some  great  crisis  in  history  was  at 
hand.  Men  were  in  death-struggles  as  the  representatives 
of  the  dying  past  and  the  oncoming  future.  There  was  yet 
vitality  enough  in  tyranny  to  make  a  formidable  effort  to 
tighten  its  grasp  of  power  in  England  and  in  America. 

It  was  confident  of  success.  It  had  yet  at  command  a 
vast  enginery  of  torture  and  coercion.  It  could  avail  itself 
of  ecclesiastical  pains  and  penalties.  It  had  all  the  advan 
tage  of  an  ancient  aristocracy  and  a  splendid  hereditary 
nobility.  Its  attractions  included  all  the  pomp  and  circum 
stance  of  a  State-religion,  and  the  gorgeous  splendor  of 
courts  and  courtiers,  decorations  and  crowns.  The  enormous 
wealth  of  ages  had  accumulated  in  the  coffers  of  the  govern 
ing  classes.  Learning  and  the  arts  gathered  around  the  seat 
of  despotic  power.  A  defiant  military  spirit  had  emerged 
from  wars  with  Continental  armies.  A  new  energy  had  ap 
peared  upon  the  sea.  The  "  invincible  Armada  "  had  been 
scattered  to  the  winds,  and  England  was  rising  to  greatness 
as  a  maritime  power.  Men  of  rare  gifts  had  risen  up  to 
execute  the  commands  of  royalty,  while  defeated  liberty 
was  branded  with  the  crime  of  regicide. 

All  this  appeared,  to  bring  up  to  their  highest  point  of  in 
solence  the  usurpations  which  insulted  and  defied  the  yearn 
ings  of  the  people  for  freedom.  Human  nature  could  endure 
the  suspense  no  longer.  The  grand  crisis  had  come. 

The  life  of  a  new  nation  had  been  long  waiting  for  its  in 
carnation.  The  birth-throes  of  a  century  announced  its 
advent.  God  revealed  his  attendant  guardian-power,  and 
exalted  the  new-born  prince,  through  its  baptisms  of  blood, 
to  a  dominion  before  unknown  in  the  history  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER    III. 

WAR  INDICATES  AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE. 

'*  For  they  got  not  the  land  in  possession  by  their  own  sword,  neither  did  their  own 
arm  save  them  ;  but  Thy  right  hand,  and  Thine  arm,  and  the  light  of  Thy  countenance, 
because  Thou  hadst  a  favor  unto  them."  — Ps.  xliv. 

IF  the  encroachments  of  power  were  to  be  resisted,  who 
were  to  do  it  ?  There  was  no  king  and  council  or  parlia 
ment  to  declare  war ;  to  say,  "  Thus  far  shalt  thou  come,  and 
no  farther."  The  people  had  already  said  and  done  enough 
to  show  that  they  felt  themselves  to  be  in  possession  of  rights 
which  no  power  on  earth  might  defy  with  impunity.  They 
began  to  feel  and  act  like  freemen ;  like  a  nation  having  at 
least  the  right  and  the  duty  of  self-defence.  Precisely  what 
it  meant  they  seem  not  to  have  inquired  ;  but  individuals, 
towns,  colonies,  felt  the  throbbings  of  a  new  life.  Why  should 
they  all  feel  so  much  alike  ?  Why  should  it  be  just  as  im 
possible  to  enforce  stamp-duties  in  one  portion  of  America 
as  in  another  ?  Why  should  the  attempt  to  land  cargoes  of 
tea,  the  test  of  the  great  question  of  taxation  without  repre 
sentation,  produce  the  same  uprising  of  the  people,  and  call 
out  the  imperious  "  No  "  in  Boston  and  New  York  and  Balti 
more  and  Charleston  ?  Evidently  there  was  a  strange  unity 
manifesting  itself  under  the  action  of  Providence.  They 
were  a  people,  a  power  on  earth  ;  and  an  assault  upon  the 
lives  of  a  small  number,  any  number,  would  show  that  it 
was  upon  all,  and  that  the  life  of  a  new  nation  was  here  to 
thrill  the  souls  of  the  people  from  Maine  to  Georgia. 

Neither  king  nor  parliament  knew  what  had  occurred  in 
America.     They  thought  they  were  dealing  with  a  few  proud 

213 


214  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

colonists  who  had  been  spoiled  by  indulgence.  They  had 
no  idea  of  the  advent  of  this  new  national  life.  They  had, 
however,  only  to  try  a  simple  experiment,  and  they  would 
find  it. 

The  people  of  Boston,  in  the  matter  of  the  tea,  had  been 
decidedly  riotous,  and  must  be  punished  ;  otherwise  their 
example  would  be  contagious.  They  would  simply  close  up 
the  harbor,  and  remove  the  seat  of  government  to  Salem. 

The  famous  "  Boston  Port  Bill  "  was  designed  for  this  pur 
pose;  but,  in  the  hands  of  Providence,  it  served  simply  to  show 
that  the  right  to  resist  arbitrary  government  was  in  the  peo 
ple.  An  invisible  power  had  made  them  one.  The  colonies 
of  Rhode  Is.land,  promptly  assembling,  assured  Massachusetts 
of  hearty  sympathy,  and  made  the  first  suggestion  of  a  Con 
tinental  Congress.  Connecticut,  in  legislature  assembled, 
took  similar  action.  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Maryland 
uttered  their  notes  of  indignation,  and  made  the  cause  of 
Boston  their  own.  The  House  of  Burgesses  in  Virginia  ap 
pointed  the  first  day  of  June,  1774,  when  the  oppressive 
bill  was  to  go  into  operation,  "  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer." 
They  were  promptly  dissolved  by  their  royalist  governor, 
Dunmore :  but  they  as  promptly  re-assembled,  and  declared 
that  "  an  attack  upon  one  colony  was  an  attack  upon  all ; 
threatening  ruin  to  the  rights  of  all,  unless  repelled  by  the 
united  wisdom  of  the  whole." 

Gage  was  in  Boston,  and  his  ships  and  materials  of  war 
were  in  the  harbor.  He  came  out  with  full  powers,  as  com- 
mander-in-chief  and  governor,  "  for  better  regulating  the 
government  of  Massachusetts  Bay."  The  acts  of  despotic 
power  were  commenced.  Boston  was  no  longer  a  capital 
city.  The  British  authorities  removed  to  Salem. 

Resistance  was  everywhere ;  but  who  should  direct  it  ?  The 
people  could  not  act  in  mass.  They  must  avail  themselves 
of  the  representative  principle  already  asserted  and  firmly 
established  here.  Who  should  take  the  lead  ?  The  brave 
little  State  of  Rhode  Island,  where  the  heroic  Williams  had 


AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  215 

reared  aloft  the  standard  of  unrestricted  liberty,  had  made 
the  first  suggestion ;  and  it  was  fitting  that  she  should  lead 
the  van.  Two  days  in  advance  of  Massachusetts,  she  ap 
pointed  the  first  delegates  to  the  first  American  Congress. 

Other  colonies,  North  and  South,  rapidly  followed ;  and  on 
the  fifth  day  of  September,  1774,  the  national  life  showed 
itself  represented  and  embodied  in  a  Congress  of  fifty-three 
delegates  assembled  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  from  Rhode 
Island,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New  Hampshire,  New 
York,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Virginia,  Mary 
land,  North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina,  — twelve  States  just 
coming  into  form  as  distinct  but  mutually  dependent  civil 
governments.  Georgia,  at  present  restrained  by  power,  was 
not  yet  in  Congress  ;  but  her  people  wrould  soon  triumph,  and 
her  representatives  would  show  that  she  also  belonged  to  the 
new  nation.  The  war-power  of  the  "  Union "  was  now  a 
visible  reality.  A  rich,  haughty,  and  populous  kingdom 
might  despise  it,  but  not  with  impunity.  God  had  called 
together  this  Congress,  and  he  was  in  it. 

The  war  must  now  begin  ;  and  England  would  slowly 
come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  fact,  that,  when  she  fired 
upon  a  company  of  "  disloyal  people,"  she  had  killed  Ameri 
can  citizens. 

LEXINGTON    AND    BUNKER    HILL. 

A  common  feeling  of  danger  had  produced  the  beginnings 
of  military  organization  amongst  the  colonists.  A  small 
amount  of  military  stores  had  been  collected  at  Concord, 
some  twenty  miles  from  Boston.  Gates  ordered  the  destruc 
tion  of  these  military  stores.  He  had  four  thousand  men 
under  his  command,  and  with  these  he  determined  to  end 
this  rebellion.  On  the  19th  of  April,  1775,  a  detachment  of 
eight  hundred  men,  sent  out  to  strike  a  decisive  blow,  met 
at  Lexington,  six  miles  from  Concord,  about  one  hundred 
"  minute-men  "  of  the  colony  with  arms  in  their  hands,  who 
were  peremptorily  ordered  to  "  lay  down  their  arms,  and  dis- 


21j6  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

perse."  It  was  very  strange  that  they  did  not  do  it.  They 
stood  up,  and  received  the  fire  of  his  Majesty's  well-dressed 
troops.  Eight  fell  dead,  the  first  "martyrs  of  the  Revolu 
tion."  The  survivors  retired  to  join  other  "  minute-men " 
on  the  hill ;  and  the  next  fire  was  returned.  The  "  regulars  " 
fled  in  their  turn;  and  soon  the  whole  British  column  was  in 
rapid  retreat,  with  minute-men  swarming  on  their  front  flank 
and  rear;  and  the  whole  detachment  would  have  been  cap 
tured  but  for  the  arrival  of  re-enforcements  under  Lord  Percy. 
With  the  utmost  caution,  the  British  forces  made  their  way 
to  Bunker  Hill,  with  a  loss  of  three  hundred  men  killed  and 
wounded.  The  American  loss  was  about  eighty-five.  The 
startling  news  flew  over  New  England,  and  Boston  was  soon 
in  a  state  of  siege.  When  the  British  forces  found  protection 
under  the  guns  of  the  fleet,  they  felt  relieved.  They  were 
no  cowards ;  but  they  now  knew  that  the  colonists  would 
fight,  and  that  to  conquer  the  rebellion  was  no  child's  play. 

The  patriotism  of  the  provincials  was  roused.  Assurances 
of  support  came  to  Massachusetts  from  New  Hampshire 
to  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas ;  and  men,  with  such  arms  as 
they  could  get,  gathered  to  the  camp  of  freedom  outside 
of  Boston.  In  the  mean  time,  the  Green-Mountain  Boys 
rallied  under  stern  old  Ethan  Allen,  who  on  the  10th  of  May 
appeared  suddenly  in  the  midst  of  the  fort  at  Ticonderoga, 
and  demanded  its  surrender  "in  the  name  of  the  great  Jeho 
vah  and  the  Continental  Congress," —  an  authority  which  the 
British  commander  did  not  choose  to  resist. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  seventeenth  day  of  June,  1775,  twelve 
hundred  men  under  Col.  Prescott,  with  a  few  from  New 
Hampshire  under  Stark,  having  six  pieces  of  artillery  behind 
a  redoubt  hastily  thrown  up,  waited  the  attack  of  three  thou 
sand  British  regulars,  commanded  by  Gens.  Howe  and  Pigot, 
and  covered  by  destructive  batteries  in  Boston  and  a  terrific 
fire  from  war-vessels  in  the  harbor.  But  these  volunteers 
do  not  flee.  How  strangely  cool  they  are  !  From  hills  and 
roofs  and  steeples,  and  from  worlds  invisible,  eyes  look  down 


AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  217 

upon  the  scene,  while  the  most  intense  anxiety  pervades  the 
spectators.  On  move  the  powerful  assailants  until  within  a 
hundred  yards  of  this  handful  of  freemen,  when  suddenly 
a  sheet  of  flame  rises  up  from  behind  the  redoubt :  volley 
after  volley  rolls  from  the  little  band  of  heroes ;  and  sud 
denly  the  regulars  break  and  flee.  A  fire  so  steady,  and  an 
aim  so  deadly,  no  troops  could  endure.  From  this  moment, 
provincial  volunteers  rose  to  the  rank  of  a  respectable  and 
dreaded  enemy.  Again  the  British  forces  were  led  up  to 
the  attack,  and  again  they  recoiled  from  the  terrific  fire 
of  the  Americans.  Not  until  the  third  desperate  assault,  and 
the  ammunition  of  the  colonists  was  exhausted,  did  they  retire 
to  take  up  another  position,  and  form  the  nucleus  of  the 
Continental  Army  under  command  of  the  newly-appointed 
commander-in-chief,  the  immortal  Washington. 

For  nearly  a  hundred  years,  the  battles  of  Lexington  and 
Bunker  Hill  have  been  under  review.  They  have  taken 
their  position  as  great  historical  events.  They  revealed  the 
resolute  purpose  of  right  to  stand  up  firmly  against  might 
They  settled  the  question  of  resistance  to  despotic  force  by 
the  force  of  liberty.  They  showed  that  numbers,  backed 
by  enormous  power,  could  neither  overawe  nor  conquer  a 
handful  of  men  sustained  by  the  arm  of  God.  The  great 
disproportion  between  these  human  forces  in  battle  seemed 
as  if  intended  to  render  illustrious  the  divine  power  which 
controlled  the  conflict. 

SARATOGA    AND    BENNINGTON. 

In  the  spring  of  1777,  combinations  were  formed  in  Cana 
da  for  the  invasion  of  the  United  States.  A  brilliant  army 
of  eight  thousand  men,  "  besides  a  large  number  of  Canadian 
boatmen,  laborers,  and  skirmishers,"  all  under  command  of 
Gen.  Burgoyne,  advanced  by  the  way  of  Lake  Champlain. 
We  held  the  Fort  of  Ticonderoga  under  St.  Clair ;  but  the 
British,  dragging  their  cannon  to  the  top  of  a  high  hill  south 
and  west  from  the  fort,  compelled  its  evacuation.  Our  forces 


28 


218  THE   GEEAT    REPUBLIC. 

retired  southward.  The  baggage  and  stores  were  taken  to 
Skenesborough  (now  Whitehall)  by  water,  while  the  principal 
army  moved  by  land  east  of  the  lake.  Disaster  attended 
the  retreat.  Burgoyne  pushed  on  with  such  energy  as  to  cap 
ture  all  the  stores  despatched  to  Skenesborough ;  and  twelve 
hundred  men  stopping  at  Hubberton  were  attacked  by  the 
British  under  Fraser  and  Reidesell,  and  completely  routed. 
Some  fled  disgracefully,  others  made  a  stout  resistance ;  but 
the  triumph  of  the  enemy  was  complete.  Some  two  hun 
dred  were  taken  prisoners ;  and  the  fugitives  gathered  by  St. 
Clair  united  with  his  main  command,  which,  after  seven  days 
of  toil  and  suffering,  joined  Schuyler  on  the  Hudson. 

Burgoyne,  in  the  mean  time,  slowly  struggled  through  the 
forest,  and  the  obstructions  which  had  been  thrown  in  his 
way  by  the  Americans,  and  soon  appeared  on  the  Hudson 
with  all  the  spirit  of  a  conqueror.  He  had  thus  far  swept 
every  thing  before  him,  and  had  reached  his  first  great  ob 
jective  point  with  the  loss  of  only  two  hundred  men.  He 
felt  himself  sufficiently  at  leisure  to  bring  up  his  stores,  and 
re-adjust  his  command,  before  driving  the  rebel  Americans 
into  the  clutches  of  Clinton,  who,  according  to  the  plan  of  the 
campaign,  was  advancing  from  New  York,  capturing  our  posts 
on  the  Hudson,  expecting  to  meet  Burgoyne  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Albany. 

He  now  issued  a  new  proclamation,  calling  for  ten  depu 
ties  from  each  township  to  assemble  at  Castleton,  to  organize 
under  Gov.  Skene  a  loyal  government  over  a  conquered 
country.  He  expected  the  prompt  submission  of  "  the  Green- 
Mountain  Boys,"  just  now  smarting  under  the  act  of  Congress 
refusing  to  acknowledge  their  State  independence ;  but  he 
was  deceived.  The  patriotism  of  Vermont  was  too  profound 
and  pervading  to  be  destroyed  by  trials,  however  severe  or 
unjust  they  might  be. 

Burgoyne  determined  to  make  the  campaign  comprehen 
sive  and  decisive.  He  therefore  sent  out  "  Col.  St.  Leger 
with  two  hundred  regulars,  Sir  John  Johnson's  Royal  Greens, 


AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  219 

some  Canadian  Rangers,  and  a  body  of  Indians  under  Brant, 
to  harass  the  New- York  frontier  from  the  west."  *  Rallying 
his  neighbors  to  repel  this  assault,  the  gallant  Herkimer  fell, 
mortally  wounded.  St.  Leger  laid  siege  to  Fort  Schuyler, 
our  most  western  post,  near  the  head  of  the  Mohawk,  com 
manded  by  Gansevoort  and  Willett.  A  sally  under  Willett 
repelled  the  enemy;  but  four  hundred  brave  Americans  fell  in 
the  conflict,  or  under  the  merciless  strokes  of  savages  after 
they  were  prisoners  of  war. 

Another  collateral  plan  of  the  campaign  developed  itself 
on  the  east  of  the  Hudson.  Burgoyne  sent  out  Col.  Baum, 
with  a  strong  detachment  of  Germans,  English  Canadians, 
and  Indians,  as  far  as  Bennington,  "  to  try  the  affections  of 
the  country,  to  mount  ReideselFs  Dragoons,  to  complete  Pe- 
ters's  corps  of  loyalists,  and  to  obtain  a  larger  supply  of  cat 
tle,  horses,  and  carriages,"  all  of  which  seemed  quite  prac 
ticable  and  judicious ;  but  the  brave  Stark,  at  the  head  of  the 
New-Hampshire  volunteers,  was  there,  and,  pointing  his  fin 
ger  toward  the  British,  said,  "  There  they  are !  We  beat 
to-day,  or  Molly  Stark's  a  widow  ! "  Baum,  seeing  the  danger 
began  to  intrench,  and  sent  in  haste  to  Burgoyne  for  re- 
enforcements.  But  the  impetuous  Stark  led  up  his  volunteers 
in  four  columns  in  front  and  rear;  and,  after  a  hot  engage 
ment  of  two  hours,  the  works  of  the  enemy  were  carried. 
There  was  a  fearful  slaughter  among  the  Germans,  and  many 
of  the  survivors  were  taken  prisoners. 

Burgoyne  came  up  to  re-enforce  the  British ;  but,  as  Provi 
dence  ordered,  at  the  same  time  Warner  appeared  on  the 
field  with  his  regiment  from  Manchester,  and  the  battle  raged 
till  dark,  when  victory  turned  on  the  side  of  liberty.  The 
Americans  had  slain  two  hundred  of  their  foes;  taken  "near 
six  hundred  prisoners,  a  thousand  stand  of  arms,  as  many 
swords,  and  four  pieces  of  artillery  ; "  having  only  fourteen 
killed,  and  forty-two  wounded."  The  victory  was  complete, 
and  "  Molly  Stark  "  was  not  "  a  widow."  The  failure  of  these 

*  Hildreth,  iii.  201. 


220  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

two  incidental  movements  of  the  campaign  had  seriously 
changed  the  aspect  of  affairs  before  the  great  conflict  came 
on.  The  work  had  been  so  hot,  that  Burgoyne  found  his 
Indian  and  Canadian  allies  unreliable.  They  scattered  to 
the  winds.  In  the  mean  time,  the  courage  of  the  Americans 
rose  to  the  highest  pitch.  Volunteers  poured  in  from  all  di 
rections.  Col.  Brown  with  a  party  of  Lincoln's  militia  had 
dashed  into  the  British  fort  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  George, 
taken  three  hundred  prisoners,  and  a  fleet  of  vessels  and 
bateaux,  thus  destroying  the  communications  of  Burgoyne 
with  his  base  of  supplies. 

Gates,  by  order  of  Congress,  had  superseded  Schuy- 
ler ;  and  on  the  19th  of  September,  1777,  the  Americans  with 
six  thousand  men  confronted  the  British  with  about  nine 
thousand  on  Behmus  Heights.  As  the  enemy  came  up 
on  the  left,  the  impetuous  Morgan  fell  upon  him  with  such 
fury  as  to  break  his  ranks ;  and  his  men  became  temporarily 
confused.  But  heroes  from  New  Hampshire  under  Cilley, 
Scammell,  and  Hale,  and  from  New  York  under  Van  Court- 
landt  and  Henry  Livingston,  and  two  regiments  from  Con 
necticut,  moved  up  to  the  conflict.  It  was  three  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon,  and  the  battle  raged  till  dark.  The  British 
and  Germans  fought  with  desperate  valor.  The  contested 
field  was  won  and  lost  again  and  again.  The  Americans 
rushed  upon  the  cannon  of  the  enemy,  and  captured  them 
several  times ;  but  they  were  as  often  recaptured.  The  Brit 
ish  left,  re-enforced  by  the  Germans,  advanced  with  intre 
pidity  ;  but  they  were  confronted  by  Learned  with  four 
regiments  from  Massachusetts  and  one  from  New  York. 
More  than  five  hundred  British,  and  nearly  three  hundred 
Americans,  had  fallen,  when  night  arrested  the  carnage. 

The  news  electrified  the  American  people.  They  rushed 
to  arms,  and  swarmed  to  the  scene  of  conflict.  The  situation 
of  Burgoyne  had  become  critical.  He  would,  however,  in 
the  midst  of  his  perils,  show  the  bravery  and  skill  of  a  good 
commander.  Early  the  next  morning,  he  sent  out  a  recon- 


AN  HEKOIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  221 

noitring  party  of  fifteen  hundred  choice  men  ;  but  they  were 
promptly  and  furiously  assailed  by  Poor's  New-Hampshire 
brigade.  The  gallant  but  perfidious  Arnold,  superseded  for 
his  insubordination  the  day  before,  fired  by  the  sound  of 
battle,  appeared  on  the  field,  dashing  from  rank  to  rank  on 
his  powerful  charger,  throwing  new  courage  into  the  bosoms 
of  the  patriot  volunteers.  The  enemy's  right  fell  back  to  pre 
vent  being  cut  off  from  the  main  army,  and  his  left  staggered 
and  broke.  The  gallant  Fraser  fell,  mortally  wounded.  Ar 
nold  forced  an  entrance  within  the  enemy's  works ;  his  horse 
was  killed  under  him;  he  was  wounded,  and  his  column 
hurled  back.  Col.  Brook,  with  Jackson's  Massachusetts  regi 
ment,  assailed  a  German  brigade,  overwhelmed  them,  and 
captured  their  camp-equipage  and  artillery.  Again  and  again 
the  British  rallied,  and  charged  upon  these  brave  men  ;  but 
they  were  invulnerable.  Night  again  came  on,  and  the  bleed 
ing  heroes  slept  upon  the  field.  Burgoyne,  under  cover  of 
darkness,  skilfully  changed  his  position,  and,  at  dawn  of  the 
third  day,  appeared  in  battle  array.  But  the  great  victory 
was  already  won.  We  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  brave  Lin 
coln,  falling,  dangerously  wounded,  in  a  skirmish ;  the  burial 
of  the  heroic  Fraser  on  the  hill ;  the  angelic  tenderness  of 
the  Baroness  de  Reidesell  amid  the  wounded  of  our  foes, 
with  her  children  nestling  by  her  side ;  the  burning  build 
ings  of  Gen.  Schuyler ;  and  then  of  the  desperate  retreat 
of  the  enemy  six  miles  to  Saratoga,  amid  drenching  rains, 
frightful  mud,  and  tangled  forests.  But  it  is  of  no  avail. 
The  proud  Burgoyne  surrenders  five  thousand  six  hundred 
and  forty-two  veteran  soldiers  to  the  victorious  Gates,  leav 
ing  near  four  thousand  dead  and  wounded  on  the  fields  of 
slaughter. 

Let  us  pause  to  reflect.  The  British  army,  composed 
chiefly  of  regulars,  brave,  and  ably  commanded,  outnumbered 
the  American  raw  recruits  by  nearly  one-third.  Congress 
had  ventured  the  dangerous  experiment  of  changing  com 
manders  on  the  eve  of  a  great  battle.  Schuyler,  who,  as 


222  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

results  showed,  deserved  only  the  gratitude  of  his  country, 
had  fallen  under  the  injustice  of  rivalry  and  suspicion ;  and 
Gates,  in  no  way  his  superior  in  command,  unknown  to  many 
of  the  noble  men  who  were  to  fight  and  conquer  or  die  for 
their  country,  out  of  sight  and  danger  during  the  slaughter 
of  his  troops ;  the  ammunition  short,  and  the  commissariat 
in  a  revolution  from  a  change  of  its  head ;  Arnold,  the  best 
fighting  general  on  the  field,  in  disgrace ;  and  the  heroes  of 
Bennington  claiming  and  taking  their  discharge  from  the 
expiration  of  time,  —  amid  all  these  adverse  facts,  what  was 
the  natural  result  to  be  expected  ?  Surely  nothing  less  than 
the  utter  defeat  of  the  army  of  liberty.  But  the  crisis  of  the 
war  had  come,  and  God  was  the  commander  of  the  American 
forces  that  day.  The  proud  army  of  invasion  from  the  North 
was  destroyed,  and  the  heroes  of  liberty  moved  on  to  their 
future  conflicts,  with  a  fresh  inspiration  from  heaven. 

TRENTON    AND    PRINCETON. 

The  distinguished  military  abilities  of  Washington  began 
to  appear  as  well  in  his  retreats  as  his  advances.  In  Europe, 
his  masterly  skill  in  tactics  was  at  length  eulogized  as  indi 
cating  the  highest  rank  among  the  great  commanders  of 
modern  .times.  Few  generals,  it  was  believed,  could  have 
kept  so  small  an  army  together,  for  so  long  a  time,  in  the 
presence  of  so  formidable  a  foe.  Few  could  have  saved  his 
men  as  he  did  when  he  lost  New  York,  and  his  forts,  and 
munitions  of  war,  on  the  heights  above  the  city,  and  espe 
cially  when  he  lost  New  Jersey.  The  haughty  tone  and  pat 
ronizing  airs  of  the  British  commander  in  his  famous  procla 
mation  showed  that  he  believed,  and  with  good  reason,  that 
the  war  was  virtually  ended. 

When  the  Howes  thought  it  safe  to  go  into  winter-quar 
ters,  and  finish  their  task  at  their  ease  in  the  spring;  just  as 
the  effects  of  their  proclamation  as  king's  commissioners  be 
gan  to  appear  in  the  abandonment  of  the  American  cause  by 


AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  223 

Tucker,  president  of  the  New- Jersey  convention  that  formed 
the  State  constitution ;  by  Allen  and  Galloway,  members  of 
Congress  from  Pennsylvania ;  and  as  McKean  and  Eawley 
had  been  recalled  by  the  convention  of  Delaware  for  giving 
her  votes  in  favor  of  independence,  —  while  treachery  was  in 
the  air  he  breathed,  and  every  support  of  freedom  seemed 
shaking  to  its  fall,  Washington  was  busy  re-organizing  his 
army.  Not  a  word  to  Congress,  or  in  councils  of  war,  about 
surrendering  his  suffering  men,  or  making  terms  with  the 
enemy,  but  the  most  powerful  and  dignified  appeals  to  Con 
gress  and  the  people  to  give  him  soldiers,  —  not  militia  who 
so  frequently  fled  at  the  first  fire,  and  communicated  panic  to 
the  continentals ;  not  a  mass  of  temporary  men  whose  term  of 
service  would  expire,  and  leave  him  without  fighting-men  on 
the  eve  of  a  battle.  He  insisted  upon  having  national  troops, 
who,  despite  all  the  prejudice  against  a  standing  army, 
were  to  serve  during  the  war ;  and,  by  the  moral  power  which 
true  greatness  alone  can  inspire,  he  had  finally  brought  up 
his  forces  to  seven  thousand  men. 

Before  the  sixty  days  had  expired,  during  which  the 
British  general  had  graciously  permitted  rebel  Americans  to 
return  to  their  allegiance  and  accept  his  Majesty's  pardon,  and 
just  before  the  terms  of  service  for  many  of  his  troops  had 
expired,  Washington  determined  to  attack  his  antagonist 
amid  the  holiday  festivities  of  his  soldiers.  Fifteen  hundred 
Hessians  were  at  Trenton.  On  the  evening  of  Christmas,  he 
crossed  the  Delaware,  about  nine  miles  above  Trenton, 
with  two  thousand  five  hundred  men  and  six  pieces  of  artil 
lery.  He  had  ordered  Cadwallader  to  cross  with  two  corps 
of  militia  in  front  of  Trenton  and  below  at  the  same  time  ; 
but  floating  ice  prevented.  It  required  the  whole  night  and 
the  most  resolute  efforts  for  Washington  to  cross  with  his 
men.  Near  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  commenced  his 
march  on  Trenton,  amid  a  violent  snow-storm,  in  two  col 
umns,  led  by  Greene  and  Sullivan,  with  Stark's  regiment  of 
New-Hampsliire  troops  in  advance.  They  reached  the  lies- 


224  THE   GEE  AT   REPUBLIC. 

sians  at  eight,  A.M.,  and  found  them  sleeping  after  their 
Christmas  debauch.  They  were  completely  surprised.  Their 
commander  fell,  mortally  wounded,  while  attempting  to  form 
his  men.  Resistance  was  vain.  The  light  horse  and  a  small 
number  of  infantry  escaped  to  Bordentown  ;  but  the  expe 
dition  was  completely  successful.  Washington  recrossed  the 
Delaware  with  a  thousand  prisoners  and  six  cannon,  leaving 
his  proud  enemy  to  wonder  how  a  dying  antagonist  could 
strike  a  blow  so  sudden  and  decisive.  While  the  Hessian 
prisoners  were  parading  through  the  streets  of  Philadelphia, 
the  British  were  prudently  withdrawing  from  Trenton  to 
Princeton. 

Cornwallis,  detained  by  Howe  from  his  intended  voyage 
to  England  on  account  of  the  astonishing  activity  of  the 
Americans  and  the  capture  of  the  Hessians,  assumed  the 
command.  The  great  Fabian  general  would  show  that  he 
could  assume  the  offensive  whenever  it  was  prudent  to  do  so. 
Cornwallis  moved  his  army  immediately  for  an  attack  on 
Washington  at  Trenton.  He  encamped  for  the  night ;  and 
Washington,  sustained  in  his  own  judgment  by  a  council  of 
war,  resolved  neither  to  wait  for  an  attack,  nor  to  cross  the 
Delaware  in  face  of  his  enemy.  He  quietly  sent  away  his 
baggage,  kindled  blazing  camp-fires,  left  a  detachment  at 
work  throwing  up  intrenchments  in  hearing  of  the  enemy, 
and  at  midnight  suddenly  moved  on  Princeton  in  the  rear  of 
Cornwallis.  Three  regiments  had  been  left  there,  two  of 
which  were  on  the  march  for  Trenton.  The  first  regiment 
met  was  attacked  by  Mercer  and  his  militia.  He  fell,  mor 
tally  wounded  ;  and  the  regiment,  getting  away,  moved  on 
toward  Trenton.  The  second  regiment  made  a  stout  resistr 
ance,  but  broke  and  fled.  The  regiment  in  town  threw 
themselves  into  the  college ;  but  the  cannon  of  Washington 
soon  compelled  them  to  surrender. 

Cornwallis,  who  had  anticipated  an  easy  victory  over  the 
feeble  Americans  early  in  the  morning,  was  astounded  by  the 
roar  of  cannon  in  his  rear,  and  immediately  comprehended 


AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  225 

the  designs  of  Washington.  The  British  were  just  begin 
ning  to  appreciate  the  profound  military  genius  with  which 
they  had  to  contend.  It  was  a  startling  fact,  that  they  had 
an  antagonist  whom  it  was  of  no  use  to  defeat ;  who  was  just 
as  much  alive  after  he  had  been  crushed,  and  driven  from 
New  York  and  New  Jersey,  as  before  ;  and  whose  plans  of  de 
fence  or  attack  could  never  be  known  except  by  the  roar 
of  his  cannon  and  the  charges  of  his  brave  army.  Corn- 
wallis,  of  course,  started  in  hot  haste  for  New  Brunswick,  to 
save  his  military  stores.  Washington  knew  his  business  too 
well  to  run  any  further  risks  ;  and,  just  as  Cornwallis  thought 
he  was  about  to  reach  him,  he  quietly  passed  away  with  his 
three  hundred  Princeton  prisoners  to  Morristown. 

Though  he  was  reduced  to  the  greatest  straits  by  the 
retiring  of  soldiers  whose  term  of  office  expired,  and  found 
his  men  miserably  provisioned  and  clothed,  and  his  skeleton 
regiments  constituting  but  an  apology  for  an  army,  yet  the 
moral  effects  of  his  late  movements  were  most  salutary. 
Courage  came  again  to  the  American  heart ;  and  the  fame 
of  Washington,  after  nearly  three  years  of  consummate  gen 
eralship,  began  to  reach  the  ears  and  understandings  of 
warriors  and  princes  abroad. 

WAR   ON   THE   SEA. 

Our  first  warlike  movement  on  the  water  was  in  1613, 
when  Capt.  Argall  went  from  Virginia  with  eleven  small 
vessels,  fourteen  guns  in  all,  to  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  to 
capture  the  French  port  of  St.  Sauveur.  It  was  an  easy  task, 
as  the  French  were  entirely  without  artillery. 

Capt.  Argall,  on  his  way  back,  dashed  into  the  harbor 
of  New  York,  frightened  the  Dutch  terribly,  and  took  pos 
session  of  New  York;  leaving  them,  however,  as  entirely 
Dutch  as  before.  They  kept  the  government  in  the  hands 
of  their  own  nation  for  some  fifty  years  thereafter. 

The  first  American  decked  vessel  was  built  in  New  York 

29 


226  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

by  Skipper  Adraen  Block  in  1614.  New  England  built  her 
first  vessel  of  any  size  at  or  near  Boston,  in  1633.  Capt. 
Gallop's  naval  engagement  with  the  Narragansett  Indians 
for  the  rescue  of  Capt.  Oldham's  pinnace,  which  had  been 
seized  and  the  captain  murdered,  was  our  first  fight  on  the 
water;  and  it  was  brave  and  victorious. 

About  1666,  the  career  of  the  buccaneers  commenced,  and 
the  daring  exploits  of  the  famous  Capt.  Kidd  followed. 
There  is,  however,  more  of  romance  than  history  in  the 
frightful  tales  told  of  him  to  excite  our  childish  fears. 

The  capture  of  Port  Royal  in  Acadia  (now  Annapolis, 
Md.)  in  1710,  and  the  failure  of  the  attempt  upon  the 
French  possessions  on  the  St.  Lawrence  in  1711,  are  the 
next  important  events  of  our  naval  history. 

The  whale-fisheries  then  became  the  naval  school  for 
American  seamen. 

War  with  Spain  was  declared  in  1739,  and  native  Ameri 
cans  began  to  exercise  their  skill  in  naval  warfare.  In  1714, 
a  large  number  of  the  transports  sent  against  Cuba  were 
built  by  the  colonists. 

The  year  1744  found  the  English  at  war  with  France. 
This  furnished  the  American  colonists  their  first  opportunity 
to  undertake  by  sea  and  land  an  enterprise  of  importance. 
Without  aid  from  England,  the  commander  of  our  little  co 
lonial  marine,  Capt.  Edward  Tyng  of  Massachusetts,  with 
twelve  small  vessels  besides  the  transports,  sailed  for  Louis- 
burg,  an  important  port  commanding  the  entrance  of  the 
St.  Lawrence.  The  co-operating  land-forces,  4,070  strong, 
all  from  New  England,  were  commanded  by  Col.  William 
Pepperell  of  Maine.  Commodore  Warren  of  the  British 
navy  arrived,  with  a  part  of  the  southern  squadron  from  the 
West  Indies,  in  time  to  take  command.  After  forty-seven 
days'  vigorous  siege,  and  a  severe  cannonade,  Louisburg  sur- 
rended.  The  peace  of  Aix  la  Chapelle  arrested  for  the  time 
being  the  opening  career  of  American  bravery  ori  the  sea. 

It  was  1748.     The  American  colonies  had  now  been  little 


AN  HEBOIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  227 

more  than  a  century  struggling  upward,  and  they  numbered 
something  over  a  million  of  souls.  The  growth  of  naviga 
tion  had  been  very  rapid.  That  year  five  hundred  vessels 
sailed  from  Boston,  and  four  hundred  and  thirty  entered 
her  port ;  while  the  shipping  from  and  to  Portsmouth,  N.H., 
New  York,  Philadelphia,  Newport,  R.I.,  and  Perth  Amboy, 
N.  J.,  was  quite  extensive. 

Peace  was  of  short  duration.  The  two  nations  could  not 
live  together  on  this  continent.  "The  old  French  war" 
was  opened  on  the  17th  of  May,  1756  ;  which,  though  it 
furnished  little  opportunity  for  naval  enterprise,  ended  in  the 
complete  destruction  of  French  power  in  America.  This 
result,  so  largely  due  to  the  energy  of  the  Earl  of  Chatham, 
harmonized  with  the  evident  purposes  of  Providence,  and 
left  the  colonies,  with  the  military  discipline  they  had  re 
ceived,  free  to  go  on  in  the  accumulation  of  power  for  the 
great  struggle  which  was  rapidly  approaching.  Peace  was 
declared  Feb.  10,  1763;  and  France  ceased  the  struggle 
for  territory  here,  holding  nothing  above  Louisiana.  The 
colonies  were  then  to  prepare  for  the  great  conflict  with  the 
mother-country,  now  just  at  hand. 

The,  first  overt  act  of  hostility  between  the  colonies  and 
England  was  the  famous  chase  between  the  Providence 
packet  "  Hannah  "  and  the  British  schooner  "  Gasp6."  How 
characteristic  for  the  Yankee  craft  to  lead  "The  Gaspe,"  which 
she  could  not  fight,  on  to  a  bar  where  she  must  remain 
until  a  company  on  shore  was  extemporized  to  attack  and 
destroy  her  during  the  night!  On  "The  Gaspe*"  was  shed 
the  first  blood  of  the  Revolution.  This  daring  adventure  pro 
duced  great  indignation  in  England.  Bat  neither  a  thousand 
pounds  sterling  for  the  arrest  of  the  leader  from  Providence, 
nor  five  hundred  pounds  to  any  informer,  nor  the  commis 
sion  of  inquiry  under  the  great  seal  of  England,  sitting  for 
five  months,  could  secure  the  least  information  for  the  crown. 
England  did  not  comprehend  this  mysterious  event ;  America 
did  not.  It  was  little  Rhode  Island  opening  the  War  of  In- 


228  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

dependence.    This  was  in  1772 :  the  battle  of  Lexington  was, 
as  we  have  seen,  in  1775. 

The  first  engagement  on  the  water,  after  the  opening  of 
the  war,  was  between  a  lumber-sloop  of  Machias,  Me.,  and 
"  The  Margaretta."  Capt.  Moore  had  not  heard  of  the  war ; 
but  the  news  had  reached  the  Maine  lumbermen,  and  they 
promptly  resolved  upon  the  capture  of  "The  Margaretta."  It 
was  Sunday,  and  the  captain  and  his  men,  seeing  danger, 
escaped  from  the  church  through  the  window.  He  moved 
his  vessel,  as  he  thought,  to  a  place  of  safety,  but  was  fired 
upon,  and  summoned  to  surrender,  from  a  high  bluff!  He 
moved  farther,  and  would  have  run  away,  rather  than  fight ; 
but  the  ugly-looking  Yankee  craft  came  down  upon  him 
suddenly  and  roughly.  "The  Margaretta"  was  boarded,  her 
commander  shot  down;  and,  after  the  fall  of  twenty  men  on 
both  sides,  the  British  vessel  was  surrendered.  Though  su 
perior  in  numbers  and  armament,  she  could  by  no  means 
resist  the  dreadful  energy  with  which  she  was  assailed.  The 
volunteer  crew  of  the  lumber-sloop  sailed  without  a  com 
mander,  but  made  one  on  the  way  to  the  battle.  Jeremiah 
O'Brien  has  the  historic  honor  of  conducting  the  forces  of 
this  Lexington  of  the  seas. 

We  shall  now  see  the  slow  growth  of  the  naval  power  of 
the  Kepublic.  The  persistent  idea  in  America  that  this  was 
a  temporary  struggle  for  certain  rights  under  the  crown, 
and  not  a  war  between  equals,  rendered  the  action  of  the 
colonies  slow,  and  their  preparations  inadequate,  both  on 
the  land  and  on  the  sea.  The  Americans  were  looking 
anxiously  to  the  ocean :  but  it  was  not  till  the  13th  of  Oc 
tober,  1775,  that  Congress  passed  a  law  initiating  the  or 
ganization  of  naval  arrangements ;  and  not  till  the  10th  of 
November  of  the  same  year  that  Massachusetts  u  established 
courts  of  admiralty,  and  enacted  laws  for  the  encouragement 
of  nautical  enterprises."  * 

On  the  13th  of  December  following,  Congress  ordered 

*  Cooper's  Naval  History  of  the  United  States,  p.  37. 


AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  229 

* 

thirteen  ships  of  war  built;  and  on  the  22d  of  December, 
1775,  Eseck  Hopkins  was  appointed  commander-in-chief. 
Thus  began  the  navy  of  the  United  States. 

Commodore  Hopkins  soon  made  a  dash  at  New  Provi 
dence,  where  his  marines  behaved  with  the  steadiness  and 
gallantry  which  have  ever  since  characterized  the  men  of 
our  navy  when  brought  into  action  on  land  or  on  the  sea. 
About  a  hundred  cannon,  a  large  quantity  of  other  mili 
tary  stores,  and  the  governor,  were  the  trophies  of  his  vic 
tory. 

The  first  considerable  naval  engagement  under  orders  of 
Congress  was  on  the  6th  of  April,  1776.  Commodore  Hop 
kins,  with  a  part  of  his  squadron,  fell  in  with  "  The  Glasgow," 
a  large  ship  of  twenty  guns.  "The  Cabot"  boldly  attacked 
the  stranger,  delivering  her  broadside  skilfully;  but  her  metal 
was  too  light  for  important  effect.  She  dexterously  moved 
away  from  her  enemy;  and  "The  Alfred"  came  up  hand 
somely  into  her  place,  and  delivered  her  fire.  "  The  Andrea 
Doria "  came  into  action,  and  did  her  best ;  while  "  The 
Providence  "  moved  under  the  stern  of  "  The  Glasgow,"  and 
blazed  away  in  vigorous  style. 

Capt.  Howe,  soon  perceiving  that  he  was  in  danger  if 
he  continued  the  fight,  shook  off  his  spunky  little  assailants ; 
and  "  The  Glasgow,"  by  dexterous  sailing,'  escaped  after  con 
siderable  damage. 

This  affair,  which  at  first  was  taken  for  an  important  vic 
tory,  produced,  when  the  true  history  came  to  be  known, 
extreme  mortification  among  the  American  people,  and  cost 
the  commodore  and  several  of  his  commanders  the  loss  of 
position. 

By  way  of  compensation  for  the  escape  of  "  The  Glasgow," 
our  spirited  little  "  Lexington,"  Capt.  Barry,  fell  in  with  the 
armed  tender  "  Edward,"  and  in  a  brave  fight  of  an  hour  cut 
her  nearly  to  pieces,  and  captured  her. 

The  famous  Capt.  Paul  Jones  now  comes  in  sight.  In  com 
mand  of  "The  Providence,"  he  mistook  an  English  fast-sail- 


230  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

ing  war-frigate  for  a  large  merchantman.  Finding  his  mistake, 
he  tacked  ship ;  and  "  The  Providence  "  "  showed  her  heels." 
The  chase  continued  for  four  hours ;  and  the  stranger  gained 
so  rapidly  as  to  get  within  musket-shot ;  when,  to  the  aston 
ishment  of  the  British  commander,  just  as  he  was  sure  of 
his  prize,  she  edged  away,  tacked,  filled  all  her  sails,  and  bore 
directly  down  on  her  antagonist.  Passing  within  pistol-shot, 
she  sailed  away  before  the  wind ;  and,  before  the  commander 
of  "  The  Salisbury  "  had  fairly  recovered  from  his  surprise, 
"  The  Providence  "  was  out  of  reach. 

"The  Providence"  was  a  lively  little  craft.  She  led  off 
"  The  Milford,"  thirty-two  guns,  for  hours,  just  keeping  out 
of  reach  of  harm ;  while  "  The  Milford  "  kept  up  a  roaring 
fire  for  the  whole  time,  without  giving  "  The  Providence  " 
a  single  shot.  She  glided  about  like  the  spirit  of  the  sea, 
gathering  up  her  prizes  as  if  by  magic. 

Independence  was  now  declared,  and  we  had  war  in  ear 
nest,  on  the  ocean  as  well  as  on  the  land. 

"The  Andrea  Doria,"  Capt.  Biddle,  even  outdid  "The 
Providence  "  in  the  number  of  her  exploits  and  captures. 

In  the  mean  time,  Boston  had  been  evacuated ;  but,  as  no 
notice  of  the  fact  could  reach  the  British  ships  at  sea,  some 
thirty  sail  fell  into  our  hands. 

The  Connecticut  brig  "Defence"  leaving  Plymouth  on 
the  17th  of  June,  1776,  Capt.  Harding  soon  heard  the  noise 
of  an  engagement.  Crowding  sail  for  the  scene,  he  came 
up  with  four  light  American  schooners,  which  had  been  en 
gaged  with  two  British  transports,  using  metal  too  heavy 
for  them. 

Capt.  Harding  made  his  arrangements  for  battle,  and 
moving  boldly  in  between  the  transports,  "  within  pistol- 
shot,"  called  out  to  the  enemy  to  "  strike."  "  Ay,  ay,  I'll 
strike ! "  responded  a  voice  from  the  largest  vessel ;  and  a  ter 
rific  broadside  instantly  followed.  The  action  was  very  severe? 
and  lasted  for  an  hour,  when  both  British  transports  struck, 
and  "  The  Defence  "  led  away  her  prizes,  containing  nearly 


AX  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  231 

two  hundred  British  soldiers,  with  Lieut.-Col  Campbell,  com 
mander  of  the  regiment.  She  had  eight  men  wounded ; 
while  the  transports,  besides  many  wounded,  lost  eighteen 
killed,  including  Major  Menzies,  who  gave  the  defiant  an 
swer  to  the  challenge  of  Capt.  Harding.  The  next  morning, 
"  The  Defence,"  notwithstanding  she  had  suffered  a  good  deal 
aloft,  made  sail,  and,  discovering  a  stranger,  overhauled  and 
captured  her.  She  proved  to  be  another  transport  with  more 
than  a  hundred  British  soldiers ;  and  these,  with  those  taken 
by  "  The  Doria,"  raised  the  number  of  prisoners  from  one  of 
the  best  corps  of  the  British  army  to  about  five  hundred 
men. 

We  now  see  the  brave  Capt.  Wickes  with  his  extempo 
rized  squadron  sailing  entirely  around  Ireland,  and  sweep 
ing  the  seas  of  every  craft  not  too  heavy  for  him  to  engage ; 
and  then  mournfully  watch  the  gallant  little  "  Lexington,"  as, 
at  the  close  of  a  second  hotly-contested  engagement,  she 
strikes  her  flag  to  the  English  "  Alert ; "  and  then  see  "  The 
Reprisal,"  foundering  upon  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  and 
the  gallant  Wickes,  with  every  man  on  board  but  the  cook, 
perishing  in  the  water. 

Presently  Capt.  Gustavus  Conyngham  appears  amid  the 
strife^  He  is  in  "  The  Surprise ;  "  and  on  the  7th  of  March, 
1777,  he  dashes  up  to  the  Harwich  packet  "Prince  of  Orange," 
and  captures  her  so  suddenly,  that  he  walks  quietly  down  into 
her  cabin,  and  salutes  her  commander  and  his  passengers  at 
breakfast.  The  captain,  by  this  little  transaction,  became 
involved  in  a  French  intrigue,  and  was  imprisoned,  his  cut 
ter  seized,  and  his  prizes  were  released.  English  confidence 
in  France  was  thus,  for  the  time  being,  restored ;  and,  with 
perfect  assurance,  vessels  were  sent  to  Dunkirk  to  convey 
Capt.  Conyngham  and  his  men  to  England  to  be  "  tried  as 
pirates." 

American  enterprise  had,  however,  forestalled  this  action. 
Another  cutter  was  promptly  purchased  at  Dunkirk.  Capt. 
Conyngham  and  his  people  were  ingeniously  released ;  and, 


232  THE   GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

on  the  18th  of  July,  they  were  out  on  the  water  in  "  The 
Revenge/'  a  name  terribly  prophetic.  She  took  prizes  every 
day,  many  of  which  were  soon  placed  to  our  credit  on  our 
account  with  Spain.  Having  suffered  from  a  gale,  artfully 
disguised,  she  slipped  into  an  English  port,  and  refitted,  took 
in  supplies  in  Ireland,  made  a  cruise  of  unprecedented  suc 
cess  among  the  English  shipping,  refitted  in  Ferrol,  and 
sailed  for  home. 

These  daring  movements  in  British  waters  made  a  sensa 
tion.  Mr.  Deane,  writing  to  Robert  Morris,  says  that  the 
cruise  of  Capt.  Wickes  "  effectually  alarmed  England,  pre 
vented  the  great  fair  at  Chester,  occasioned  insurance  to 
rise,  and  even  deterred  the  English  merchants  from  ship 
ping  goods  in  English  bottoms  at  any  rate ;  so  that,  in  a 
few  weeks,  forty  sail  of  French  ships  were  loaded  in  the 
Thames  with  freight,  —  an  instance  never  before  known." 
In  the  same  letter,  with  regard  to  the  exploits  of  CoriyDg- 
ham,  he  says,  "  In  a  word,  Conyngham,  by  his  first  and 
second  bold  expeditions,  is  become  the  terror  of  all  the 
eastern  coast  of  England  and  Scotland,  and  is  more  dreaded 
than  Thurot  was  in  the  late  war." 

Glancing  back  a  little,  we  find  Capt.  Mugford  in  "  The 
Franklin  "  capturing  "  The  Hope,"  with  "  fifteen  hundred  bar 
rels  of  powder  and  a  large  quantity  of  intrenching  tools,  gun- 
carriages,  and  other  stores,"  and  taking  his  valuable  prize 
into  Boston  "  in  sight  of  the  British  squadron."  Then  Capt. 
Robinson,  in  "  The  Sachem,"  fell  in  "  with  an  English  letter  of 
marque,  a  Jamaica-man,  and  captured  her  after  a  sharp  ac 
tion  ; "  and,  as  a  reward  for  his  bravery,  he  was  made  com 
mander  of  the  fine  historic  vessel  "  The  Andrea  Doria."  She 
was  a  mischievous  craft,  and  was  so  well  known  to  the  Brit 
ish  navy,  that  "  The  Racehorse,"  twelve  guns,  Lieut.  Jones, 
was  sent  out  expressly  to  capture  her.  Off  Porto  Rico,  Capt. 
Robinson  saw  the  stranger  bearing  down  upon  him,  and 
had  hardly  time  to  prepare  for  action  before  he  received  her 
broadside.  A  very  sharp  contest  of  nearly  t\vo  hours  fol- 


AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  233 

lowed,  when  the  Englishman  found  herself  fearfully  crippled, 
her  commander  and  a  large  number  of  her  men  being  slain ; 
and  she  struck  her  colors  to  "  The  Andrea  Doria."  Capt. 
Robinson  came  safely  and  proudly  into  Philadelphia,  leading 
as  a  prize  "  The  Racehorse,"  sent  defiantly  out  to  capture 
him.  The  British  could  never  have  the  satisfaction  of  mak 
ing  "  good  and  lawful  prize  "  of  "  The  Andrea  Doria."  She 
had  done  her  work,  and  was  burnt  by  American  orders, 
"when  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Mifflin  gave  the  British  the 
command  of  the  Delaware,"  into  which  they  went,  to  be 
driven  out  after  a  terrible  contest  with  galleys  claiming 
those  waters  as  their  home. 

We  have  now  followed  the  young  and  rising  American 
navy  far  enough  to  see,  that,  in  the  hands  of  Providence,  our 
experimental  people  found  themselves  as  much  at  home  in 
war  on  the  sea  as  on  the  land ;  that  the  American  marines 
were  a  powerful  arm  of  the  Revolutionary  service  ;  and  that 
the  proud  reliance  of  England  on  her  naval  strength  was 
utterly  vain  against  a  power  that  could  simultaneously  create 
a  navy,  and  command  victories  on  an  element  for  which  the 
feeble  colonists  were  supposed  to  be  wholly  unprepared. 
Here,  on  the  sea  as  on  the  land,  we  see  that  "  the  race  is 
not  to  the  swift,  nor  the  battle  to  the  strong ; "  but  "  God  is 
the  Judge.  He  putteth  down  one,  and  setteth  up  another." 

Let  us  now  turn  again  to  the  land. 


CORNWALLIS    AND    YORKTOWN. 

Early  in  April,  1780,  Lord  Cornwallis  appeared  in  com 
mand  of  the  British  army  in  the  South.  He  was  a  fearless 
commander,  and  evidently  indulged  a  feeling  of  contempt 
for  American  rebels.  He  sought  for  our  little  suffering  army 
with  the  eagerness  of  a  conqueror.  He  met  them  under 
command  of  Gates,  near  Camden,  S.C.,  attacked  them  with 
impetuosity,  and  swept  them  from  the  field.  Gates  and 
Caswell  were  borne  away  by  the  flying  volunteers ;  and 


234  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

De  Kalb,  who  stood  firmly  with  his  small  band  of  continen 
tals,  fell,  mortally  wounded.  His  men,  taken  in  flank, 
broke,  and  fled  for  their  lives.  The  army  of  Freedom  left 
nine  hundred  dead  on  the  field,  and  as  many  prisoners  in 
the  hands  of  the  British.  The  track  of  their  retreat,  strewn 
with  arms,  knapsacks,  and  broken  wagons,  indicated  a  crush 
ing  defeat.  Some  three  or  four  days  after,  Gates,  the  hero 
of  Saratoga,  found  himself  eighty  miles  from  the  scene  of 
his  disaster,  at  Charlotte,  N.C.,  with  only  two  hundred  men. 
Would  not  this  end  the  war  in  the  South  ? 

In  the  mean  time,  the  daring  Sumter  had  dashed  into  a 
convoy  on  its  way  to  Cornwallis  from  the  South,  and  cap 
tured  it  with  two  hundred  prisoners ;  but  Tarleton,  a  foe  by 
whom  he  was  well  matched,  moving  with  great  celerity, 
rushed  into  his  camp  while  his  tired  men  in  fancied  security 
sought  rest  and  refreshment,  recaptured  the  British  stores, 
released  their  prisoners,  killed  a  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and 
took  three  hundred  prisoners.  The  news  of  this  disaster 
met  Gates  at  Charlotte.  What  now  was  to  prevent  the 
abandonment  of  the  struggle  in  complete  despair?  There 
was  no  American  army  worth  the  name  in  either  of  the 
Carolinas.  Gates,  stripped  of  his  laurels,  and  fleeing  from 
the  foe  he  dared  not  meet,  was,  by  order  of  Congress  and 
appointment  of  Washington,  superseded  by  Greene. 

Cornwallis  renewed  his  supplies,  and,  as  a  warning  to 
others,  hung  a  few  Americans  who  had  before,  in  their  ex 
tremity,  accepted  British  protection ;  then  moved  on  with 
the  spirit  of  a  conqueror. 

Marion,  the  bold  partisan  leader,  came  out  from  the  swamps 
of  the  Pedee,  and,  dashing  about  amongst  the  Tories  of  the 
North-west  district,  made  them  very  uncomfortable. 

Sumter,  though  vanquished,  was  not  yet  dead.  Gathering 
his  scattered  forces  around  him,  and  uniting  them  with  a  few 
from  over  the  mountains,  he  soon  showed  that  an  heroic  life 
survived  the  calamities  of  defeat. 

Cornwallis  moved  on  North  to  find  a  foe  if  he  could,  and 


AN  HEEOIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  235 

complete  his  campaign  by  a  triumphant  march  through  the 
conquered  territory.  He  did  not  know  the  American  peo 
ple,  nor  the  power  which  guided  their  strange  career. 

Irregular  multitudes  of  "  insurgents "  appeared  before 
Augusta ;  but,  upon  the  approach  of  the  British  forces,  they 
suddenly  disappeared.  Ferguson  was  sent  out  to  intercept 
them.  Moving  close  along  the  base  of  the  mountains,  he 
was  to  destroy,  capture,  or  disperse  whatever  "  rebels  "  he 
might  find.  But,  to  his  astonishment,  he  was  suddenly  con 
fronted  by  two  thousand  mounted  rough  backwoodsmen, 
commanded  by  Shelby  and  Sevier,  future  governors  of  Ken 
tucky  and  Tennessee.  He  saw  his  danger,  and  made  haste 
to  retreat.  Very  despicable  foes  they  were  ;  but  a  thousand 
of  them  were  after  him  with  their  fleetest  horses  and  best 
rifles.  It  was  a  mad  break-neck  race  of  thirty-six  hours; 
and  the  British  commander  was  at  length  brought  to  bay 
at  King's  Mountain.  Ferguson  was  amazed.  Enemies 
seemed  to  spring  from  the  ground  to  stare  at  him  with  fiery 
eyes,  and  gnash  their  teeth  in  defiance  of  his  proud  superi 
ority.  He  threw  up  hasty  defences,  and  fought  bravely. 
Volley  after  volley  rolled  out  from  his  veterans,  and  charge 
after  charge  of  the  British  bayonets  drove  the  cold  steel  into 
the  bosoms  of  these  struggling  freemen ;  but  their  trusty 
rifles  flashed  with  unerring  aim,  and  they  returned  every 
charge  with  desperate  valor,  rushing  into  the  arms  of  death 
to  save  their  bleeding  country.  Such  terrific  onsets  no  foe 
could  resist.  Ferguson  fell,  and  the  victory  was  gained. 
Eight  hundred  men  surrendered  to  the  survivors  of  the  thou 
sand  from  the  mountains.  These  backwoodsmen  were  not 
very  refined  in  the  art  of  war.  Caring  little  for  forms,  they 
hung  ten  of  the  most  odious  of  their  prisoners ;  and,  dashing 
again  into  the  forests,  they  disappeared  as  suddenly  as  they 
carne. 

Cornwallis  now  thought  it  time  to  be  more  prudent,  and 
commenced  a  retrograde  movement.  The  wild,  furious  men 
who  had  annihilated  Ferguson's  command  began  to  appear 


236  THE  GKEAT  REPUBLIC. 

formidable.  Eetiring  to  Winnsborough,  S.C.,  he  waited  for 
the  arrival  of  re-enforcements.  Three  thousand  under  Les 
lie  were  on  their  way  from  New  York ;  but,  hearing  of 
Ferguson's  disaster  and  the  retreat  of  Cornwallis,  they  re- 
embarked  for  Charleston. 

Marion  again  came  out  of  his  swamp,  and  threatened  the 
communication  of  the  British  with  Charleston.  The  vigi 
lant  Tarleton  drove  him  back.  Suinter  appeared  suddenly 
in  the  field,  and,  this  time,  was  more  than  a  match  for  his  old 
adversary  Tarleton.  The  British  attacked  furiously,  and  were 
bravely  repulsed ;  but  Sumter  fell,  dangerously  wounded, 
and  his  men  dispersed. 

Greene  now  commenced  in  good  earnest  the  re-organization 
of  the  army  in  the  South.  "  He  found  the  troops  without 
pay,  and  their  clothing  in  tatters.  There  was  hardly  a  dol 
lar  in  the  military  chest.  Subsistence  was  obtained  entirely 
by  military  impressment."*  A  few  drafted  men  came  from 
North  Carolina.  Morgan  with  his  Maryland  regiment,  and 
"  Washington's  dragoons  of  Lee's  corps,"  appeared  across 
Broad  River  on  the  left  and  rear  of  the  enemy ;  "  while  the 
main  body  encamped  on  the  Pedee  to  cover  the  fertile  dis 
trict  to  the  northward,  and  to  threaten  the  British  communi 
cation  with  Charleston."! 

A  new  enemy  now  appeared  in  the  field.  The  perfidious 
Arnold,  anxious  to  show  his  gratitude  to  the  British  for  his 
fifty  thousand  dollars,  the  reward  of  his  treachery,  and  for 
his  promotion  to  the  rank  of  brigadier,  sent  out  an  "  Address 
to  the  Inhabitants  of  America,"  and  a  "  Proclamation  to  the 
Officers  and  Soldiers  of  the  Continental  Army,"  hoping  to  ex 
cuse  his  treason,  and  seduce  honest  patriots  from  their  loyalty 
to  freedom.  In  this  he  signally  failed.  The  American  sol 
diers  scorned  him  and  his  proclamation.  He  was  in  the  field 
with  sixteen  hundred  men,  chiefly  Tories,  on  his  way  from 
New  York  to  join  Cornwallis. 

Washington  had  been  obliged  to  contend  with  the  spirit 

*  Hildreth,  iii.  328.  t  Ibid.,  p.  29. 


AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  237 

of  revolt  in  the  New-Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  lines:  but 
firm  patriotism,  and  the  spirit  of  conciliation,  triumphed  over 
these  formidable  trials  also ;  and  the  army  of  Liberty,  which 
had  so  recently  seemed  to  be  utterly  annihilated,  now  gath 
ered  about  the  proud  British  commander  in  formidable 
numbers. 

The  gallant  Baron  Steuben  brought  together  a  small  force 
in  Virginia,  and  watched  Arnold,  who,  with  the  ferocity  of  a 
savage,  was  burning  and  destroying  the  country  he  had 
deserted.  Fearing  to  be  taken  prisoner,  as  well  he  might, 
he  hastily  retreated  to  Portsmouth  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
French  fleet,  which  threatened  his  communications.  In  the 
mean  time,  a  brief  naval  engagement  sent  the  worsted  French 
fleet  back  to  Newport. 

Lafayette,  on  his  way  to  join  the  army  of  the  South, 
hearing  of  this,  the  fourth  failure  of  the  navy  from  France, 
halted  his  command  at  Annapolis  "  in  a  great  state  of  desti 
tution,  without  shoes,  hats,  or  tents." 

Now  the  plot  thickens.  Tarleton  is  sent  out  to  attack 
Morgan,  whose  hope  of  safety  was  in  crossing  the  Broad 
River  before  Tarleton  reached  him,  or  running  the  risk  of 
a  battle.  He  preferred  the  latter,  and  at  "  the  Cowpens " 
waited  the  coming-up  of  the  enemy.  The  attack  was  furi 
ous  and  terrible.  Morgan  seemed  to  retreat,  and  the  Brit 
ish  rushed  on  in  pursuit,  when  the  continentals  turned  sud 
denly  upon  their  pursuers,  and  poured  into  their  ranks  a 
fire  so  deadly,  that  they  recoiled  and  broke.  The  flying  mi 
litia  wheeled,  charged  upon  the  British  cavalry,  and  routed 
them;  and  the  brave  Tarleton's  command  scattered  and  fled, 
leaving  more  than  six  hundred  dead  and  wounded  on  the 
field,  with  all  their  baggage  and  artillery  in  the  hands  of  the 
foe  they  had  so  recently  despised. 

Cornwallis  had  moved  up  rapidly  to  rescue  his  favorite 
commander ;  but  he  was  too  late.  He  could  only  receive 
him  and  his  few  remaining  horsemen  as  fugitives  from  the 
field  of  destruction.  Leslie  came  up  with  his  two  thousand 


238  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

men  from  New  York,  and  Cornwallis  resolved  upon  the  bold 
est  measures  to  retrieve  his  losses  in  the  two  great  defeats 
under  Ferguson  and  Tarleton.  He  burned  all  his  stores  and 
superfluous  baggage,  and,  "  converting  his  whole  army  into  a 
light-infantry  corps,"  dashed  on  to  destroy  Morgan's  force 
before  he  could  cross  the  Catawba.  But  this  enterprising 
commander  was  thoroughly  alive  to  his  danger,  and  pushed 
forward  with  such  rapidity  as  to  gain  the  opposite  bank, 
with  all  his  men  and  stores,  two  hours  before  the  British  van 
reached  the  river;  and  God  sent  the  waters,  which  produced 
a  sudden  rise  in  the  Catawba,  and  rendered  it  impossible  for 
Cornwallis  to  follow. 

Hearing  of  the  American  victory  at  "the  Cowpens," 
Greene  had  strained  every  nerve  to  form  a  junction  with  Mor 
gan,  which  he  accomplished  on  the  21st  of  June.  Assuming 
the  command  of  Morgan's  men,  and  calling  out  the  militia 
to  guard  the  fords,  he  hoped  to  hold  Cornwallis  until  the 
main  body  of  his  army  came  up.  But  one  detachment  of 
the  British  dashed  aside  the  militia  under  Gen.  Davidson, 
and  secured  the  ford.  The  energetic  Tarleton  overwhelmed 
another  small  body  of  militia,  and  the  forces  of  Cornwallis 
crossed  the  river. 

Greene  now  pushed  on  for  the  Yadkin ;  but  the  race  was 
so  close,  that  Cornwallis  captured  several  of  his  wagons. 
At  Guilford  Court-house,  Greene  met  his  main  army,  now 
numbering  two  thousand  three  hundred  men;  and,  by  the 
celerity  of  his  movements,  he  gained  another  advantage  over 
his  wily  antagonist,  crossing  with  his  men  over  into  Virginia, 
where  Cornwallis  did  not  attempt  to  pursue  him.  Newbern, 
whither  the  North-Carolina  authorities  had  fled  at  the  ap 
proach  of  the  British,  was  attacked,  and  destroyed  with  all 
its  stores,  by  a  British  force  from  Wilmington;  and  the  people 
of  the  State  were  again  called  upon  to  make  their  submis 
sion,  and  the  well-disposed  to  join  the  British  army.  There 
were  numerous  Tories  in  those  parts;  but  they  were  begin 
ning  to  doubt  the  safety  of  open  disloyalty  to  their  country. 


AN  HEEOIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  239 

Fearless  partisan  troops  dashed  in  wildly  among  them,  and 
taught  them  caution;  and  severe  exemplary  punishment 
very  frequently  fell  upon  those  who  were  caught  in  the 
act  of  rebellion.  Greene  showed  himself  an  adept  in  tactics. 
He  was  not  strong  enough  to  risk  a  battle ;  but  he  worried  his 
antagonist  by  his  sudden  movements,  and  held  the  Tories 
in  check  by  seeming  almost  ubiquitous.  His  suffering  sol 
diers  were  full  of  patriotic  energy ;  and,  though  they  could 
frequently  be  tracked  to  the  place  of  their  uncertain  repose 
by  the  blood  from  their  bare  feet,  they  were  ready  for  an 
other  rapid  inarch,  or  skirmish  with  the  British,  or  to  dash 
into  a  neighborhood  of  Tories  at  any  moment  of  the  day 
or  night. 

Fresh  troops  came  up  from  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  North 
Carolina ;  and  now,  numbering  about  four  thousand  five  hun 
dred  men,  Greene  determined  to  risk  a  general  engagement. 
Cornwallis,  reduced  to  less  than  half  this  number,  thought  it 
safe  to  rely  upon  superior  valor  and  discipline,  and  accepted 
the  challenge.  On  the  15th  of  March,  1781,  the  battle  near 
Guilford  Court-house  was  fought.  The  struggle  was  severe. 
The  victory  wavered  between  the  contending  armies.  The 
British  finally  gained  the  field,  but  with  the  loss  of  five  hun 
dred  men,  and  were  so  crippled,  that  they  did  not  dare  to 
attempt  pursuit ;  while  the  Americans  lost  four  hundred,  and 
effected  an  orderly  retreat :  but  a  large  part  of  the  militia 
disbanded,  and  rendered  the  campaign  again  critical. 

Cornwallis  found  himself  driven  to  act  on  the  defensive. 
His  army,  bleeding  and  nearly  starved,  commenced  a  re 
treat  on  Wilmington,  N.C. ;  and  Greene  boldly  marched  into 
South  Carolina,  and  ordered  Lee  to  unite  with  Marion,  and 
attack  Rawdon's  communications  with  Charleston.  Corn 
wallis  had  failed  to  penetrate  the  designs  of  his  antagonist 
until  it  was  too  late  to  prevent  them ;  and  he  imitated  them 
by  pushing  boldly  into  Virginia  to  join  the  forces  under 
Arnold  and  Phillips. 

Rawdon,  by  a  circuit  through  the  edge  of  a  swamp,  gained 


240  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  rear  of  Greene's  army ;  but  the  American  commander 
formed  his  men,  and  faced  him  so  quickly  as  to  defeat  the 
intended  surprise.  The  British  line  was  now  furiously  as 
saulted  in  front  and  on  both  flanks,  while  Washington's  horse 
fell  upon  their  rear.  Lord  Rawdon  ordered  up  his  reserves ; 
and  the  veteran  Maryland  regiment,  under  Granby,  gave 
way  before  the  British  bayonet.  Confusion,  and  a  retreat 
of  Greene's  troops  over  the  hill,  followed ;  but  the  American 
cavalry  rushed  into  the  British  lines,  held  them  in  check, 
and  brought  away  the  cannon  the  infantry  had  left.  Greene 
went  into  camp  twelve  miles  from  the  battle-ground  for 
temporary  rest. 

In  the  mean  time,  Lee  and  Marion  had  attacked  and  taken 
Fort  Watson,  between  Camden  and  Charleston ;  and  the  re 
leased  patriots  between  the  Pedee  and  the  Santee  flew  to 
arms.  Rawdon,  alarmed  for  his  communications,  abandoned 
Camden,  and  "  retreated  to  Monk's  Corner."  The  Ameri 
cans  took  Fort  Motte,  Orangeburg,  Fort  Granby,  and  Au 
gusta.  Uniting  his  forces  with  Lee.  an  attack  was  made 
upon  the  main  stronghold  of  the  British  at  "  Ninety-six ; " 
but  Rawdon  approaching,  re-enforced  by  three  regiments 
from  Ireland,  Greene  retired  ;  and  swamps  fifteen  rrfiles  broad, 
and  a  circuit  of  seventy  miles,  the  only  practicable  route, 
separated  the  hostile  armies. 

Greene  had  now  relieved  a  large  part  of  South-  Carolina, 
and  shut  up  the  British  to  a  small  territory  between  the 
Santee  and  the  Lower  Savannah.  A  season  of  comparative 
quiet  followed,  neither  party  being  prepared  to  commence 
aggressive  movements. 

In  April,  1781,  Lafayette  appears  in  command  of  a  small 
New-England  force  to  observe  Phillips  and  Cornwallis  in 
Virginia,  just  in  time  to  save  Richmond  from  the  clutches  of 
Phillips,  who  hastened  to  unite  his  forces  with  those  of  Corn 
wallis  to  aid  in  the  vain  attempt  to  prevent  the  junction 
of  Lafayette  and  Wagner. 

Count   de   Grasse   approaching   the  Chesapeake  with    a 


AN  HEEOIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  241 

powerful  French  fleet,  and  the  British  commander  fearing, 
with  reason,  an  attack  of  the  allied  armies  and  the  French 
just  arrived  from  Newport,  orders  were  sent  to  Cornwallis 
to  take  up,  for  the  present,  some  strong  position  in  Virginia. 
But  Washington  and  Rochambeau  determined  to  leave  New 
York  undisturbed,  and  make  a  vigorous  effort  against  Corn 
wallis.  Lafayette  was  therefore  ordered  to  cut  off  his  retreat 
into  North  Carolina. 

Greene  was  now  again  in  the  field.  Uniting  his  continen 
tals  to  Pickens's  militia  and  Marion's  dashing  corps,  he  moved 
towards  the  enemy,  now  commanded  by  Col.  Stuart.  The 
bloody  battle  of  Eutaw  Springs  followed.  Both  armies  fought 
with  the  bravery  and  skill  of  veterans.  The  Americans, 
after  a  fierce  conflict,  broke  the  English  left,  and  seemed  upon 
the  verge  of  a  great  triumph,  when  a  body  of  British  threw 
themselves  into  a  stone  house ;  and,  while  Greene's  men 
were  attempting  in  vain  to  dislodge  them,  Stuart's  veterans 
repulsed  a  cavalry  attack,  and  gained  the  rear  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  and  compelled  them  to  retreat.  The  army  of  Congress 
numbered  a  few  more  than  two  thousand,  and  the  British  a 
few  less.  Of  this  small  force,  the  British  lost  some  seven 
hundred  men,  and  the  Americans  nearly  as  many. 

The  victory  of  this  fiercely-contested  field  was  claimed  by 
both  parties ;  but  all  the  fruits  of  victory  were  with  the 
Americans.  The  British  retreated  to  Monk's  Corner ;  and, 
being  shut  up  between  the  Cooper  and  Ashley,  they  had  no 
power  to  extricate  themselves. 

The  sufferings  of  Greene's  soldiers  were  dreadful.  They 
were  barefoot,  and  almost  destitute  of  clothing.  They  must 
go  back  to  the  Santee  Hills  to  rest. 

At  length,  the  long-expected  French  fleet  appeared  in 
American  waters.  Count  de  Grasse,  after  a  cautious  defen 
sive  engagement  with  a  portion  of  the  English  fleet,  safely 
conducting  a  large  number  of  merchantmen  into  a  place 
of  safety,  and  convoying  another  large  fleet  so  far  towards 
France  as  to  be  out  of  danger,  by  skilful  manoeuvring 


31 


242  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

entered  the  Chesapeake  about  the  last  of  August.  The  Brit 
ish  Admiral  Graves,  now  commanding  the  combined  British 
fleet,  arriving  off  the  mouth  of  the  bay  on  the  5th  of  Sep 
tember,  was  greatly  astonished  to  find  De  Grasse  securely 
inside  with  twenty-four  ships  of  the  line.  After  four  most 
distressing  failures,  the  French  fleet  now  became  able  to  ren 
der  most  effective  service.  The  count,  put  into  immediate 
communication  with  Lafayette,  sent  ships  to  block  up  James 
and  York  Rivers,  and  thus  prevented  the  retreat  of  Corn- 
wallis,  who  intrenched  himself  strongly  at  Yorktown.  Send 
ing  three  thousand  French  troops  to  re-enforce  Lafayette, 
De  Grasse  at  once  ordered  his  fleet  to  sea.  Avoiding  a  gen 
eral  engagement,  he  succeeded  in  covering  the  French  fleet 
from  Newport  under  Du  Barras,  who  availed  himself  of  a 
favorable  moment  to  slip  into  the  bay  with  his  invaluable 
cargo  of  military  stores  and  heavy  guns  for  the  siege  of 
Yorktown.  Arrangements  for  the  contemplated  attack  on 
Cornwallis  were  promptly  consummated  by  Washington,  De 
Grasse,  and  Rochambeau.  The  French  and  American  forces 
were  brought  down  the  Chesapeake  in  transports,  and  were 
soon  united  under  Lafayette  at  Williamsburg.  Gov.  Nel 
son  came  up  with  three  thousand  five  hundred  Virginia 
militia,  and  the  whole  besieging  army  rose  to  sixteen 
thousand  men.  The  British  forces,  about  eight  thousand 
strong,  with  the  advantage  of  their  strong  defences,  firmly 
but  anxiously  waited  the  attack.  Two  advance  redoubts 
were  stormed,  one  by  the  French,  the  other  by  the  Americans 
under  Alexander  Hamilton,  whose  thirst  for  military  glory 
had  thrown  him  into  the  lines.  These  rival  forces  rushed 
to  their  objects  with  the  greatest  daring.  Both  were  irresisti 
ble,  and  these  "  redoubts  were  included  in  the  second  par 
allel."  The  works  about  Yorktown  began  to  crumble  under 
the  guns  of  the  assailing  forces.  A  brave  sally  was  attempted, 
and  failed.  "  As  a  last  resort,  Cornwallis  thought  of  passing 
his  army  across  to  Gloucester,  forcing  a  passage  through  the 
troops  on  that  side,  and  making  a  push  for  New  York ;  but 


AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  243 

a  violent  storm  drove  his  boats  down  the  river,  and  even 
that  desperate  scheme  had  to  be  abandoned."  *  The  long- 
dreaded  end  had  come  at  length.  For  more  than  fourteen 
months,  this  brave  commander  had  struggled  against  destiny 
with  incredible  energy.  He  entered  the  field  with  the  air 
of  a  conqueror.  He  fought  pitched  battles ;  he  marched  and 
suffered,  advanced  and  retreated ;  blew  up  his  stores ;  dashed 
into  the  ranks  of  his  enemies,  and  scattered  them  to  the 
winds ;  received  coolly  the  most  astounding  defeats  of  his 
auxiliary  expeditions ;  and,  when  at  length  brought  to  bay, 
he  planned  his  defences  skilfully,  and  made  the  best  of  his 
failing  munitions  of  war.  But  he  saw  at  length  that  it  was 
all  in  vain ;  and,  like  a  true  soldier,  he  resolved  to  spare  the 
further  effusion  of  blood,  and  surrendered  his  forces,  now  sev 
en  thousand  in  number,  to  Washington,  as  prisoners  of  war. 

This  grand  event  in  the  South  had  at  length  answered  to 
the  capture  of  Burgoyne  in  the  North,  and  the  War  of 
American  Independence  was  virtually  ended. 

THE   HEROISM    OF  THE   NATIONAL   LIFE. 

The  bravery  of  war  is  not  of  itself  true  heroism.  It 
appears  on  both  sides ;  is  no  certain  evidence  of  the  right,  or 
guaranty  of  victory ;  and  may  be  evinced,  in  a  high  degree, 
by  heaven-daring  offenders  against  the  claims  of  God  and 
the  rights  of  man. 

Nor  would  the  reckless  courage  of  individuals,  or  of  com 
panies  of  American  volunteers,  in  separate  and  unorganized 
warfare,  give  hope  of  success  against  the  sturdy,  well-planned 
measures  of  a  powerful  nation  for  a  period  of  eight  long 
bloody  years.  But  the  following  great  facts  appear  appro 
priately  to  conclude  this  chapter. 

The  resistance  of  force  by  arms  came  after  a  war  of  prin 
ciples  had  been  going  on  for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years. 
The  rights  .of  freemen  had  been  searched  out  and  defined 

*  Hildreth,  iii.  369. 


244  THE  GEEAT  REPUBLIC. 

with  the  vigor  of  the  keenest  logic  and  the  clearness  of 
light.  The  usurpations  of  despotism  had  exhausted  argu 
ment,  prerogative,  and  administrative  ability ;  and  at  length 
had  drawn  the  sword  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  subjugating 
or  destroying  the  colonists,  who  could  not  be  overawed. 

When  this  crisis  came  on,  individual  patriots  found  whole 
communities  with  them :  the  menaced  colonies  found  all 
other  colonies  promptly  arranged  by  their  side.  When 
the  necessity  for  State  action  arose,  inchoate  but  real 
States  appeared  with  the  habits  of  independent  legislation 
already  formed,  and  under  the  direction  of  a  statesmanship 
of  which  any  people  might  be  proud.  When  the  peril  of 
irregular,  unorganized  warfare  was  seen,  a  living  nation 
appeared  clothed  with  representative  powers  to  consolidate 
the  belligerent  forces,  and  exalt  the  struggle  to  national  dig 
nity.  This  was  the  mysterious  common  life  of  a  growing 
people.  Few  could  comprehend  its  character,  or  explain  its 
origin.  It  was  not  anticipated ;  it  was  hardly  invoked ;  it 
was  certainly  not  well  understood.  And  yet  it  was  here, 
throbbing  in  the  bosoms  of  three  millions  of  people,  and 
organizing  the  scattered  elements  of  a  nation  into  the 
power  of  a  formidable  unity,  without  uttering  a  word  in 
regard  to  its  predestined  independence. 

If  any  man  had  asked  the  wisest  American,  "  What  is  the 
character  of  this  life  ? "  he  would  probably  have  answered, 
"  Feeble,  uncertain,  very  humble,  and  limited  in  its  aim." 
If  the  same  question  had  been  put  to  an  English  absolutist, 
he  would  have  said,  "There  is  nothing  of  it:  a  few  brief 
ebullitions  of  passion,  and  it  is  gone."  But  a  profounder 
insight  into  the  philosophy  of  history  and  the  plans  of  God 
would  have  revealed  the  life  of  a  new  and  powerful  nation 
throbbing  with  energy,  and  instinct  with  a  heroism  which 
would  measure  its  power,  not  by  the  numbers  of  its  men, 
but  by  the  divine  justice  of  its  cause.  This  is  true  heroism. 
Hence,  when  the  British  Government  coolly  calculated  the 
force  and  expense  of  overwhelming  this  rebellion,  the  Ameri- 


AN  HEROIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  245 

can  Congress  and  people  made  no  dependence  upon  the 
probability  of  matching  them  by  similar  strength.  They 
only  knew  that  their  country  was  to  be  invaded  by  formi 
dable  armies,  sustained  by  enormous  power  at  home,  and 
that  they  were  to  resist  by  such  means  as  they  had,  and  to 
be  identified  with  liberty,  whether  in  honor  or  disgrace ; 
simply  believing,  that,  with  a  just  God  on  their  side,  they 
ought  to  triumph :  they  surely  would  triumph. 

Thus  all  human  calculation  of  chances  must  be  thrown  to 
the  winds.  For  instance,  raw  recruits  cannot  fight  veterans ; 
citizen  commanders  cannot  match  scientific  experienced 
generals;  soldiers  well  dressed,  well  armed,  well  fed,  and 
promptly  paid,  must  conquer  the  hungry,  barefoot,  and 
uncompensated ;  superior  numbers,  with  inexhaustible  re 
cruits,  must  subdue  small  numbers ;  successive  defeats  must 
finally  annihilate  a  few  poor  and  ill-provisioned  men.  These 
and  a  multitude  of  other  military  aphorisms,  true  beyond  a 
doubt  in  a  comparison  of  merely  human  forces,  were  all 
utterly  at  fault  in  a  war  of  tyranny  with  God  and  liberty ; 
and  the  rapidly-accumulating  consciousness  of  this  super 
human  power  supplied  and  revealed  the  heroism  of  the 
national  life. 


CHAPTER    IV. 
PATRIOTISM  DEMONSTRATES  A  SUSTAINED  NATIONAL  LIFE. 

"  In  short,  it  was  ultimately  owing  to  this  influence  of  the  God  of  heaven  that  the 
thoughts,  the  views,  the  purposes,  the  speeches,  the  writings,  and  the  whole  conduct,  of 
those  who  were  engaged  in  this  great  affair,  were  so  overruled  as  to  bring  into  effect  the 
desired  happy  event."  —  CHAUNCY. 

LOVE  of  country  is  God's  provision  for  promoting  the  sta 
bility  and  regular  development  of  civil  institutions.  The 
wandering  tribes  of  barbarism  make  no  progress  in  agricul 
ture,  in  the  arts  or  sciences.  Scythians,  Indians,  Gypsies, 
know  little  of  the  blessings  of  home  ;  and  their  unnumbered 
generations  live  and  die  without  the  advantages  of  civiliza 
tion.  They  have  shown,  it  is  true,  enough  of  preference  for 
one  land  over  another  to  indicate  the  presence  of  the  ori 
ginal  tendency,  but  so  little  as  to  deprive  them  of  its 
intended  practical  results,  and  show,  that,  in  the  long  ages, 
violence  has  been  done  to  one  of  the  best  provisions  of  the 
creation. 

Patriotism,  or  love  of  country,  is  perfectly  consistent  with 
philanthropy,  or  love  of  the  human  race.  As  the  best  possi 
ble  good  to  man,  as  man,  is  found  in  the  highest  development 
of  domestic  and  home  institutions,  so,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
strongest,  purest  love  of  our  own  country  implies  the  truest 
devotion  to  the  wants  and  rights  of  universal  man.  There 
is,  therefore,  never  any  conflict  between  real  patriotism  and 
true  philanthropy.  In  a  low  state  of  cultivation,  the  love 
of  country  may  degenerate  into  degrading  selfishness,  and 
give  to  war  all  the  horrors  of  barbarism ;  but  Christian  re 
finement  extends  all  patriotism  into  the  sphere  of  true 
justice  and  general  benevolence. 


246 


A  SUSTAINED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  247 


PATRIOTISM,    BRITISH,    AND    THEN   AMERICAN. 

The  love  of  country  which  our  ancestors  brought  to 
America  was  essentially  British.  Of  their  devotion  to  the 
fatherland  they  gave  the  strongest  possible  evidence.  They 
were  British  by  birth  and  education;  British  of  choice. 
They  believed  heartily  that  England  was  the  grandest, 
noblest  part  of  earth  ;  that  her  wealth,  learning,  heroism, 
and  antiquity  made  her  the  centre  of  the  globe,  and  the 
grand  type  of  civilization.  They  fully  believed  in  an  heredi 
tary  monarchy,  and  considered  devoted  loyalty  to  the  crown 
the  soul  of  honor.  The  upheavals  of  the  Protectorate 
were  exceptional.  After  the  surges  of  passion  subsided,  they 
longed  for  a  king.  Cromwell  would  have  been  immensely 
more  popular  if  he  had  been  a  sovereign  in  form,  as  he  was 
in  fact.  With  this  love  of  monarchy  was  incorporated  a 
strong  love  of  liberty,  which  is  as  truly  and  essentially  Eng 
lish  as  her  patriotism.  When,  therefore,  these  American 
forefathers  endured  for  long  years  the  oppression  of  a  tyranny 
which  was  directly  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  Magna  Charta 
and  the  British  Constitution,  they  gave  a  very  strong  evi 
dence  of  devoted  patriotism.  They  intended  to  give  one 
more,  yet  stronger.  To  flee  across  the  ocean,  subdue  the 
forest  and  the  savages,  and  yet  claim  only  the  rights  be 
longing  to  British  subjects,  and,  with  loyal  devotion,  hand 
over  all  their  acquisitions  of  empire  to  their  sovereign,  was 
this  additional  evidence  of  patriotic  devotion  to  England, 
to  which  they  were  pledged  in  heart  and  soul.  But,  in 
course  of  time,  it  fully  appeared  that  neither  the  folly  of 
man  nor  the  wisdom  of  God  would  allow  it.  They  were 
slowly  taught  that  this  was  their  country  ;  and,  almost  im 
perceptibly,  their  patriotism  passed  over  from  the  country 
of  their  birth  to  the  country  of  their  adoption. 

And  a  new  race  of  native  Americans  had  risen  up  here, 
who  knew  no  other  country  but  this.  They  loved  its  "bil 
lowy  heights "  and  delightful  vales,  its  wild  forests  and  its 


248  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

growing  towns,  its  mighty  rivers  and  inland  seas ;  they 
loved  its  rocks  and  snow-capped  mountains,  its  genial  skies 
and  balmy  air,  and  especially  its  broad  impress  of  free 
dom,  and  stamp  of  the  Infinite  everywhere ;  and  grew  great 
in  muscle,  mind,  and  heart,  as  they  felt  the  power  of  this 
great  country  in  their  aspirations  and  plans. 

The  transition  made  included  a  revolution  in  opinions  as 
well  as  in  interest.  This,  Americans  began  to  feel,  is  our 
country.  We  found  it  here  waiting  for  us.  God  gave  it  to 
our  fathers  and  to  us ;  and  it  belongs  to  us,  and  surely  not  to 
those  who  denied  us  the  rights  of  British  subjects  at  home 
and  in  America.  Thus  patriotism  here  became  strongly 
identified  with  love  of  liberty.  Slowly  the  minds  of  the 
people  awoke  to  the  dangers  arising  from  caste  in  society 
and  the  exclusive  privileges  of  the  governing  classes ;  and, 
just  in  proportion  as  freedom  in  this  great  country  became 
real,  Americans  increased  in  patriotic  devotion. 

The  attachment,  at  first  naturally  fixed  on  the  physical 
beauty  and  greatness  of  the  country,  passed  over  to  its 
growing  institutions.  Americans  began  to  love  the  freedom 
of  thought  and  speech,  of  the  ballot  and  the  press,  which  had 
grown  up  here,  they  hardly  knew  how.  They  loved  the 
birthplace  of  their  children  and  the  graves  of  their  fathers, 
but  vastly  more  their  rising  free  schools  and  their  "freedom 
to  worship  God ; "  and,  if  they  did  acknowledge  a  foreign 
sovereign,  they  gloried  in  the  right  of  electing  their  own 
legislators,  and  judging  for  themselves  when  the  adminis 
tration  of  law  was  just  and  when  it  was  oppressive.  This 
seemed  a  country  made  for  all  these  things ;  and  they  loved 
it.  American  patriotism  was,  therefore,  eminently  rational. 
It  was  not  merely  of  the  senses,  nor  was  it  merely  tradi 
tional  and  hereditary.  It  was  discriminating,  and  hence 
inspiring  as  a  new  revelation.  Its  thinking,  its  impulses, 
and  its  possibilities,  were  new.  No  such  grasp,  such  ele 
vation  of  patriotism,  it  may  be  safely  affirmed,  had  ever 
before  been  known  in  history. 


A  SUSTAINED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  249 

Let  it  now  be  asked,"  Will  this  national  life  be  sustained?" 
The  answer  to  this  question  must  be  comprehensive  and 
far-reaching.  It  is  to  be  found,  not  in  one  period  merely, 
but  in  the  whole  history  and  profoundest  philosophy  of  the 
Republic.  We  shall  reach  the  great  fact  upon  which  it 
depends,  and  state  it  more  formally,  hereafter ;  but  we  begin 
the  answer  here. 

As  the  life  of  a  new  nation  has  gradually  rolled  up  be 
fore  us,  we  have  marked  its  beauty  and  its  vigor :  but  we 
have  been  compelled  instinctively  to  fear  that  it  would  be 
overwhelmed ;  that  its  antagonisms  would  be  too  strong 
for  its  intrinsic  power.  It  was  very  vigorous  during  the 
mental  conflicts  which  preceded  the  war.  Would  it  endure 
the  ordeal  of  blood  ?  The  answer  is  in  part  before  us. 
The  representative  battle-scenes  of  the  Revolution  have  re 
vealed  a  heroism  which  could  resist  the  firmest  onsets  of 
power,  and  finally  wear  out  the  resolution  of  despotism. 
But  why  did  it  ?  Whence  this  heroism  in  battle,  this  pa 
tience  in  unparalleled  suffering  ? 

Precisely  here  the  deep  and  pervading  patriotism  of  the 
American  people  presents  itself.  Love  of  country  was  at 
first  individual.  Each  man,  woman,  and  child  was  conscious 
of  its  presence  and  growing  power.  The  single  citizen 
would  have  asserted  it  in  some  form  if  he  had  known  he 
was  alone,  if  no  other  American  cared  for  his  country.  It 
was,  however,  most  agreeable  to  find  his  neighbors  possessed 
of  the  same  feeling ;  and  when  the  dark  hour  came  on,  which 
made  each  man  a  hero,  and  every  volunteer  feel  as  if  he 
could  fight  the  British  nation  alone,  what  thrills  of  joy 
flashed  through  the  hearts  of  the  country  as  it  began  to 
appear  that  patriotism  was  the  absorbing  sentiment  of  the 
whole  people  !  At  length,  it  was  evident  that  American  pa 
triotism  was  organic  ;  that  it  was  not  now  the  love  of  Eng 
land,  but  first  and  everywhere  the  love  of  America  and  her 
incipient  institutions  of  liberty.  It  was  not  the  love  of  a 
British  colony,  of  a  dependency  upon  a  foreign  power,  but 


250  THE   GtlEAT  REPUBLIC. 

of  the  new  empire  of  freedom  rapidly  rising  up  under  the 
guiding  influence  of  a  comprehensive  Providence.  It  was 
the  patriotism  of  a  new  Christian  nation :  it  must,  therefore, 
be  a  strong  defence  of  the  national  life. 

PATRIOTISM    IN    OFFICE. 

We  have  seen  the  discriminating  and  energized  character 
of  American  patriotism  among  the  people :  let  us  now  in 
quire  what  were  its  manifestations  when  exalted  to  rank  and 
power.  The  great  leaders  of  resistance  to  oppression  rise 
up  before  us  as  men  of  giant  intellects  and  astonishing  wis 
dom.  Their  statesmanship  was  bewildering  to  the  represen 
tatives  of  despotism,  who  began  by  despising  them.  Their 
State-papers  and  forensic  discussions  are  to-day  the  admira 
tion  of  the  world ;  but  their  love  of  country  rises  high 
above  all  other  qualities  of  greatness,  and  must  stand  fore 
most  in  the  explanation  of  success. 

It  must  be  remembered,  that,  if  the  Americans  failed  to 
vindicate  their  rights,  every  member  of  the  Continental 
Congress  would  be  found  guilty  of  treason.  When  these 
great  men  calmly  took  their  seats  to  organize  resistance  to 
the  British  army,  each  one  of  them  knew  that  he  put  his  life 
in  jeopardy;  that  failure  in  the  contest  would  require  the 
sacrifice  of  responsible  leaders  in  what  must  be  regarded  as 
a  grand  conspiracy  against  the  British  crown.  Diplomatic 
agents,  and  officers  of  state,  would  be  involved  in  the  general 
ruin.  And  yet  what  manly  firmness,  what  self-abandonment, 
do  these  representative  men  reveal !  Their  country  rose 
above  all  selfish  considerations ;  and  for  eight  long  years 
they  stood  in  the  breach,  to  rise  or  fall  with  the  rights  of 
freemen. 

True,  all  were  not  reliable.  Men  who  at  first  promised 
well  showed  weakness  of  rnind  and  nerve  when  the  grand 
crisis  came  on.  The  numbers  of  men  who  were  at  their 
posts  in  the  periods  of  extreme  peril  sometimes  seemed 


A  SUSTAINED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  251 

exceedingly  small ;  but  this  made  no  difference  with  Wash 
ington,  Jefferson,  and  Adams,  with  Franklin,  Livingston,  and 
Witherspoon.  When  the  immortal  Patrick  Henry  cried, 
u  Give  me  liberty,  or  give  me  death,"  he  uttered  the  sublime 
sentiment  of  these  great  statesmen  and  their  compatriots  in 
rank,  as  well  as  of  the  American  people  generally. 

Treason  to  liberty  tested  the  strength  of  this  patriotic 
devotion.  Poverty  and  suffering  made  the  blaze  burn  all 
the  more  brightly.  The  blandishments  of  baffled  power 
had  no  influence  against  its  calm  assertion  and  unflinching 
vindication.  History  is  slowly  bringing  to  light  the  wisdom 
of  Providence  in  the  elevated  Christian  leadership  of  the 
American  struggle  for  liberty. 

In  the  army,  the  dreadful  sufferings  of  the  rank  and  file 
were  shared  by  their  officers.  Men  whose  exalted  position 
would  have  entitled  them  to  comforts,  if  not  luxuries,  en 
dured  long  and  weary  marches,  slept  on  the  ground,  ate  their 
half-rations,  or  suffered  with  hunger,  all  with  uncomplain 
ing  dignity.  To  save  their  country,  no  sacrifice  was  too 
great,  no  suffering  too  hard  to  endure. 

Washington,  the  grand  type  of  American  patriotism,  was 
not  merely  a  cool  and  skilful  commander,  was  not  merely 
willing  to  risk  his  life  as  the  most  distinguished  chief  of 
what  England  regarded  a  treasonable  revolt  from  the  authori 
ty  of  the  crown ;  but  he  was  "  the  father  of  his  country." 
He  came  forward  at  the  call  of  Congress,  when  there  was  no 
army  to  command,  no  treasury  whence  to  draw  the  support 
of  an  army  if  he  should  be  able  to  organize  one ;  when  the 
art  of  war  and  the  ability  to  command  must  be  learned  and 
acquired.  He  took  the  position  of  commander-in-chief,  and 
held  it  through  the  war,  refusing  all  pay,  standing  firm  amid 
jealousy,  slander,  and  treason ;  and,  when  all  earthly  hope 
seemed  to  be  dying  around  him,  he  was  found  on  his  knees, 
calmly  lifting  up  his  tearful  eyes  to  heaven,  praying  to  God 
to  save  his  bleeding  country.  This  was  patriotism:  this 
was  the  embodiment,  in  a  single  man,  of  the  feeling  and 
determination  and  hope  of  the  American  nation. 


252  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

THE   TRUE   INSPIRATION    OF   AMERICAN   PATRIOTISM. 

To  understand  the  strength  and  patient  endurance  of  this 
love  of  country,  we  must  refer  to  the  evidence,  already  de 
veloped,  of  a  divine  plan  to  constitute  an  empire  of  freedom 
on  the  Western  continent ;  we  must  recall  the  deep  religious 
devotion  of  our  chivalrous  and  Puritan  sires ;  we  must  ap 
preciate  the  moulding  power  of  reverence  for  God,  and  con 
secration  to  his  holy  service  and  worship ;  and,  finally,  the 
new,  divine  inspiration  of  ideas  and  principles.  These  great 
facts  were  everywhere  present  as  the  struggle  came  on  ;  and 
they  imparted  an  exaltation  to  the  patriotism  of  the  Revo 
lution  which  atheism  could  never  give,  nor  infidelity  com 
prehend.  Controlling  public  acts  recognized  it ;  deep  humil 
iation  and  fervent  prayer  revealed  the  dependence  of  the 
nation  upon  it,  and  the  faith  which  inspired  the  masses  of 
the  people  with  unconquerable  energy. 

On  the  6th  of  July,  1775,  the  Continental  Congress 
concluded  a  public  manifesto  in  the  following  memorable 
words  :  — 

"  With  an  humble  confidence  in  the  mercy  of  the  supreme 
and  impartial  Judge  and  Ruler  of  the  universe,  we  most 
devoutly  implore  his  divine  goodness  to  protect  us  happily 
through  this  great  conflict;  to  dispose  our  adversaries  to 
reconciliation  upon  reasonable  terms,  and  thereby  relieve 
the  empire  from  the  calamities  of  civil  war." 

The  twentieth  day  of  the  same  month  was,  by  order  of 
Congress,  observed  as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and 
prayer,  in  view  of  "  the  present  critical,  alarming,  and  ca 
lamitous  state  of  the  colonies."  Let  us  now  see  how  this 
proclamation  was  received  by  the  immortal  Washington  and 
the  brave  army  under  his  command.  In  the  American  ar 
chives,  vol.  ii.,  page  1708,  we  find  the  following  order  :  — 

"HEADQUARTERS,    CAMBRIDGE,  July  16,  1775. 

"The  Continental  Congress  earnestly  recommend  that 
Thursday  next,  the  20th  hist,  be  observed  by  the  inhabitants 


A  SUSTAINED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  253 

of  all  the  English  colonies  upon  this  continent  as  a  day  of 
public  humiliation,  fasting,  and  prayer,  that  they  may  with 
united  hearts  and  voice  unfeignedly  confess  their  sins  before 
God,  and  supplicate  the  all-wise  and  merciful  Disposer  of 
events.  The  general  orders  that  day  to  be  religiously  ob 
served  by  the  forces  under  his  command  exactly  in  manner 
directed  by  the  proclamation  of  the  Continental  Congress. 
It  is  therefore  strictly  enjoined  on  all  officers  and  soldiers 
(not  upon  duty)  to  attend  divine  service  at  the  accustomed 
places  of  worship,  as  well  in  the  lines  as  the  encampments 
and  quarters;  and  it  is  expected  that  all  those  who  go  to 
worship  do  take  their  arms,  ammunition,  and  accoutrements, 
and  are  prepared  for  immediate  action  if  called  upon.  If,  in 
the  judgment  of  the  officers,  the  work  should  appear  to  be 
in  such  a  state  of  forwardness  as  the  utmost  security  of  the 
camp  requires,  they  will  command  their  men  to  abstain  from 
all  labor  upon  that  solemn  day." 

Solemn  day,  verily.  A  struggling  nation,  with  their  little 
army  of  heroes  mangled  and  bleeding,  under  authority  of 
Congress  and  their  glorious  military  chief,  all  prostrate  before 
God,  confessing  their  sins,  and  imploring  help ;  they  who 
feared  not  the  face  of  clay,  who  could  bare  their  bosoms  to 
the  storm  of  war,  and  would  bow  to  no  tyrant  upon  the  face 
of  the  earth,  all  humbly  and  reverently  kneeling  before  the 
great  Jehovah,  —  this  was  the  heroism  of  the  Revolution, 
the  patriotism  which  demonstrates  a  sustained  national  life. 


CHAPTER    V. 

THE  DECLARATION  ASSERTS  AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL 

LIFE. 

"  You  will  think  me  transported  with  enthusiasm  ;  but  I  am  not.  I  am  well  aware  of 
the  toil  and  blood  and  treasure  that  it  will  cost  us  to  maintain  the  declaration ;  yet,  through 
all  the  gloom,  I  can  see  that  the  end  is  more  than  worth  all  the  means,  and  that  posterity 
will  triumph  in  that  day's  transaction."  —  JOHN  ADAMS. 

"  Jefferson  poured  the  soul  of  the  continent  into  the  monumental  act  of  Independ 
ence."— PRESIDENT  STILES. 

WRITTEN  words  must  represent  facts  or  principles,  or  they 
are  powerless.  Many  declarations  of  independence  have 
been  promulgated  with  great  rhetorical  display ;  but  they 
have  perished  with  the  subsidence  of  passion  and  the  men 
who  gave  them  origin. 

In  like  manner,  a  premature  announcement  of  American 
independence  would  have  brought  only  disgrace  upon  her 
suffering  people,  and  ruin  to  her  cause.  The  declaration 
could  only  be  potential  when  sustained  by  great  underlying 
realities.  It  was  because  the  people  of  these  colonies  had 
sufficient  reasons  for  separation  from  Great  Britain ;  because 
Providence  had  allowed  the  institutions  of  tyranny  to  exert 
their  legitimate  influence  on  minds  formed  for  a  higher, 
nobler  life ;  because,  amid  the  mind-battles  of  more  than  a 
century,  the  shackles  of  the  soul  had  been  so  far  shaken  off, 
that  a  real  independence  was  felt  and  lived  everywhere  from 
Maine  to  Georgia,  from  the  Atlantic  sea-board  to  the  Alle- 
ghanies ;  because  God  had  led  the  people  to  real  self-protec 
tion,  and  to  all  the  high  functions  of  government,  —  that  it 
was  safe  and  right  to  make  the  declaration.  Said  Samuel 
Adams,  "  Is  not  America  already  independent  ?  Why  not, 
then,  declare  it?" 


254 


©It  I  AT  STATE! 


CHAPTER    V. 

tfEjfr.OTCLARA-  SEirTS   AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL 

LIFE. 

i,  rtnfliu-iaK'n  •  Vint  T  a.m  not     T  am  wf-11  "uv 
<;  You  *ih  thiiik  me  transported  vnt! 

the  toil  and  blood  and  treasure  that  it  will  coil  us  tn  AutiM«ra.& 
all.  the  gloom.  I  can  see  that  the  wd  w  raor«  t 
will  triumph  hi  thai  day's  t\a»wf-'>v*  ' 

«'"T  «• 

ence.""P? 

WBITTEN  word*  m««t  Kpnwut  facts  or  principles,  or  tUoy 
are  powerless.  Many  declarations  of  independence  have 
been  promulgated  vith  great  ,  M^xl  topla;.  'hey 

-1     .. 


can 
tier 
, 

.  ^•r^'sa-i  underlying 
..;   colonies  had 

i*a$#  for  **-^  *•*•  Britain ;  because 

',"  tyranny  to  e 
uocl  .for  a  higher, 

nobler  life  ;  mt&W*t  amio  UH* 

century,  the-  «h«, Jtie*  of  the  * ,U  "  ^*en  off, 

that  a  real.  MejeuMuj*  feU  •«  vwhcre  from 

Maine  to  Georgia,  from  ike  Atla,  vd  to  the  Allc- 

ghanie.;  1  >od  hi,  real  self-pi 

tion,  and  to  all  the  high  f,  rmnent,- 

•  right  to  make  the  declaration. 

lerica  already  independent  ?    V 


AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL  LIFE.  255 


WISE   DELIBERATION   AND    DIPLOMACY. 

Pausing  a  little  upon  the  eve  of  this  great  event,  we  may 
behold  the  strength,  the  firmness,  the  self-control,  of  great 
minds.  It  is  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  Jane,  1775;  and  the 
Provincial  Congress  of  New  York,  addressing  Washington, 
"  from  whose  abilities  and  virtue  they  were  taught  to  expect 
peace,"  "  declare  an  accommodation  with  the  mother-coun 
try  to  be  the  fondest  wish  of  each  American  soul,  in  the  full 
est  assurance,  that,  upon  such  an  accommodation,  he  would 
cheerfully  resign  his  trust,  and  become  once  more  a  citizen." 
"  'When  we  assumed  the  soldier,  we  did  not  lay  aside  the  citi 
zen/  announced  Washington  for  himself  and  his  colleagues ; 
but,  having  once  drawn  the  sword,  he  postponed  the  thought 
of  private  life  to  the  e  establishment  of  American  liberty  on 
the  most  firm  and  solid  foundation.'  "  * 

The  Assembly  of  the  future  Empire  State  proposed  a  plan 
of  adjustment  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain.  It 
insisted  on  every  right,  with  regard  to  legislation,  taxation, 
and  religion,  heretofore  demanded,  excepting  the  regulation 
of  trade.  This  it  conceded  to  the  home  government ;  pro 
posing  also,  upon  proper  conditions,  to  help  in  the  general 
defence.  Then  they  instructed  their  delegates  in  the  Conti 
nental  Congress  to  "  use  every  effort  for  compromising  this 
unhappy  quarrel ;  so  that,  if  our  well-meant  endeavors  shall 
fail  of  effect,  we  may  stand  irreproachable  by  our  own  con 
sciences  in  the  last  solemn  appeal  to  the  God  of  battles." 

The  other  colonies  met  the  stern  issues  of  that  great 
epoch  in  history  in  a  similar  spirit,  though  not  all  with  the 
same  caution.  It  has  been  suggested  that  New  England  and 
the  South  had  less  to  dread  from  the  British  fleet  and  from 
the  war  than  the  commercial  state  and  city  of  New  York ; 
and  that  this,  in  part,  explains  the  difference  in  demonstra 
tive  independence.  This  difference  would,  however,  soon 
disappear ;  and  John  Adams  and  John  Jay  would  take  their 

*  Bancroft,  viii.  34. 


256  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

places  side  by  side  in  the  great  struggle  which  had  not  yet 
reached  its  crisis. 

In  the  mean  time,  as  danger  increased,  Congress  became 
more  explicit.  Read  these  clear,  strong  words :  "  Why  should 
we  enumerate  our  injuries  in  detail?  By  one  statute,  it  is 
declared  that  Parliament  can  of  right  make  laws  to  bind  us 
in  all  cases  whatever.  What  is  to  defend  us  against  so  un 
limited  a  power  ?  Not  a  single  man  of  those  who  assume  it 
is  chosen  by  us,  and  an  American  revenue  would  lighten  their 
own  burdens  in  proportion  as  they  increase  ours."  "  These 
colonies  now  feel  the  complicated  calamities  of  fire,  sword, 
and  famine.  We  are  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  choosing 
an  unconditional  submission  to  irated  ministers,  or  resistance 
by  force.  The  latter  is  our  choice.  We  have  counted  the 
cost  of  this  contest,  and  find  nothing  so  dreadful  as  volun 
tary  slavery.  Our  cause  is  just,  our  union  is  perfect,  our  in 
ternal  resources  are  great ;  and,  if  necessary,  foreign  assist 
ance  is  undoubtedly  attainable.  Before  God  and  the  world 
we  declare,  that  the  arms  'we  have  been  compelled  by 
our  enemies  to  assume  we  will  employ  for  the  preservation 
of  our  liberties,  being  with  one  mind  resolved  to  die  free 
men  rather  than  live  slaves.  We  have  not  raised  armies 
with  designs  of  separating  from  Great  Britain,  and  establish 
ing  independent  States :  necessity  has  not  yet  driven  us 
into  that  desperate  measure.  We  exhibit  to  mankind  the 
spectacle  of  a  people  attacked  by  unprovoked  enemies,  with 
out  any  imputation  or  even  suspicion  of  offence.  In  our  own 
native  land,  in  defence  of  the  freedom  that  is  our  birth 
right,  for  the  protection  of  our  property  against  violence 
actually  offered,  we  have  taken  up  arms.  We  shall  lay  them 
down  when  hostilities  shall  cease  on  the  part  of  the  aggres 
sors,  and  all  danger  of  their  being  renewed  shall  be  removed ; 
and  not  before." 

John  Adams  would  have  followed  this  firm  announcement 
by  an  immediate  declaration  of  independence.  Franklin 
revealed  his  opinion  by  writing  to  Strahan,  through  whom 


AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL  LIFE.  257 

he  had  heretofore  communicated  with  Lord  North,  the  fol 
lowing  burning  words :  "  You  are  a  member  of  Parliament, 
and  one  of  that  majority  which  has  doomed  my  country  to 
destruction.  You  have  begun  to  burn  our  towns,  and  mur 
der  our  people.  Look  upon  your  hands :  they  are  stained 
with  the  blood  of  your  relations!  You  and  I  were  long 
friends  :  you  are  now  my  enemy,  and  I  am  yours."  But  he 
did  not  resist  the  opinion  of  the  considerate  Jay,  and  another 
appeal  was  made  to  the  king.  It  was  written  by  Dickinson 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  contained  these  words :  "  We  beseech 
your  Majesty  to  direct  some  mode  by  which  the  united 
applications. of  your  faithful  colonists  to  the  throne,  in  pur 
suance  of  their  common  councils,  may  be  improved  into  a 
happy  and  permanent  reconciliation;  and  that,  in  the  mean 
time,  measures  may  be  taken  for  preventing  the  further 
destruction  of  the  lives  of  your  Majesty's  subjects;  and  that 
such  statutes  as  more  immediately  distress  any  of  your 
Majesty's  colonies  may  be  repealed."  Surely  this  was  suffi 
ciently  humble  and  deferential.  But  the  people  of  England 
must  not  interpret  the  petition  for  justice  as  the  language 
of  craven  submission.  The  American  people  would  do 
nothing  now  as  colonies.  They  were  a  nation ;  and  their 
Congress  alone  could  negotiate  terms  of  peace.  Their 
address  to  the  British  nation  was  calm  and  unanswerable. 
Their  thanks  to  the  officers  of  the  city  of  London,  who 
opposed  a  manly  resistance  to  the  despotic  measures  of  the 
crown  and  parliament,  were  expressed  in  language  most 
dignified  and  sincere.  The  American  Congress  would  not 
be  misunderstood ;  and  thus  they  write :  "  North  America 
wishes  most  ardently  for  a  lasting  connection  with  Great 
Britain  on  terms  of  just  and  equal  liberty  ;  less  than  which, 
generous  minds  will  not  offer,  nor  brave  and  free  ones 
receive." 

Evidently  it  was  no  part  of  the  scheme  of  our  fathers  to 
erect  an  independent  government  in  the  Western  hemi 
sphere.  They  were  subjects  of  the  British  crown  ;  and  so 


258  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

intended,  with  unaffected  loyalty,  to  remain.  But  that  Prov 
idence  which  had  guided  them  through  all  their  wonderful 
career  unfolded  to  them  their  high  destination  gradually. 
Dependence  upon  a  foreign  government  was  evidently 
incompatible  with  the  divine  plans  of  a  model  government 
for  the  instruction  of  the  race.  God  would  conduct  the 
people  of  the  new  nation  through  such  discipline  and  suffer 
ings  as  would  lead  them  to  a  clear  understanding  of  his  pur 
poses,  and  secure  them  from  the  fatal  error  into  which 
such  pliable,  brilliant  men  as  Dickinson  would  lead  them. 
It  required  yet  a  full  year  of  stern,  cruel,  bloody  war,  to 
bring  the  masses  up  to  the  position  occupied  by  their  daring 
leaders,  and  produce  the  Declaration. 

Washington  reached  the  camp  around  Boston.  He  re 
ceived  the  enthusiastic  congratulations  of  officers  and  civil 
ians  with  true  diffidence  and  noble  dignity.  "  Now  be  strong 
and  very  courageous,". said  Trumbull,  governor  of  Connecti 
cut.  "  May  the  God  of  the  armies  of  Israel  give  you  wisdom 
and  fortitude,  cover  your  head  in  the  day  of  battle  and 
danger,  and  convince  our  enemies  that  all  their  attempts  to 
deprive  these  colonies  of  their  rights  and  liberties  are  vain ! " 
Washington  replies,  with  the  calmness  of  a  great  Christian 
statesman  and  warrior,  "  The  cause  of  our  common  country 
calls  us  both  to  an  active  and  dangerous  duty  :  Divine  Provi 
dence,  which  wisely  orders  the  affairs  of  men,  will  enable  us 
to  discharge  it  with  fidelity  and  success." 

In  the  mean  time,  Richard  Penn  made  all  possible  haste  to 
cross  the  water,  and  lay  the  humble  petition,  drawn  up  by 
Dickinson,  at  the  foot  of  the  throne ;  but  George  the  Third 
would  not  see  him.  "  The  king  and  his  cabinet,"  said  Suf 
folk,  "  are  determined  to  listen  to  nothing  from  the  illegal 
Congress,  to  treat  with  the  colonies  only  one  by  one,  and  in 
no  event  to  recognize  them  in  any  form  of  association."  By 
every  act,  and  in  the  most  vehement  language,  the  king 
"showed  his  determination  to  prosecute  his  measures,  and 
force  the  deluded  Americans  into  submission."  At  length. 


AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL  LIFE.  259 

his  insulting  proclamation,  which  followed,  but  did  not  deign 
to  be  an  answer  to,  the  humble  petition  borne  by  Penn, 
reached  the  colonies.  Thoughtful  men  said,  "  While  Ameri 
ca  is  still  on  her  knees,  the  king  aims  a  dagger  at  her  heart." 
Woman  felt  her  indignation  roused.  The  wife  of  John  Adams 
wrote  to  her  husband,  when  her  house  was  a  hospital,  "  This 
intelligence  will  make  a  plain  path  for  you,  though  a  dan 
gerous  one.  I  could  not  join  to-day  in  the  petitions  of  our 
worthy  pastor  for  a  reconciliation  between  our  no  longer 
parent  State,  but  tyrant  State,  and  these  colonies.  Let  us 
separate :  they  are  unworthy  to  be  our  brethren.  Let  us  re 
nounce  them ;  and  instead  of  supplications,  as  formerly,  for 
their  prosperity  and  happiness,  let  us  beseech  the  Almighty 
to  blast  their  counsels,  and  bring  to  nought  all  their  devices." 
James  Warren  wrote  to  Samuel  Adams  in  Congress,  "  The 
king's  silly  proclamation  will  put  an  end  to  petitioning. 
Movements  worthy  of  your  august  body  are  expected, — 
a  declaration  of  independence,  and  treaties  with  foreign 
powers." 

Congress  felt  that  the  hour  of  final  separation  was  at 
hand,  and  advised  New  Hampshire  and  South  Carolina  to 
set  up  State  governments,  independent  of  Great  Britain, 
"  during  the  continuance  of  the  present  dispute." 

Pennsylvania,  under  the  lead  of  Dickinson,  while  the  great 
Franklin  stood  up  alone  for  the  rights  of  America,  said  to 
her  delegates  in  Congress,  "  We  strictly  enjoin  you,  that  you, 
in  behalf  of  this  colony,  dissent  from  and  utterly  reject  any 
propositions,  should  such  be  made,  that  may  cause  or  lead 
to  a  separation  from  our  mother-country,  or  a  change  of  the 
form  of  this  government."  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  New 
Jersey,  seemed  to  be  swayed  by  the  powerful  influence  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  reached  similar  results.  Under  these  cir 
cumstances,  Congress  could  not  enact  its  own  views.  They 
must  wait  for  the  people,  the  only  real  source  of  power 
here:  but  they  appointed  Harrison,  Franklin,  Johnson, 
Dickinson,  and  Jay  a  secret  "  committee  for  the  sole  purpose 


260  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

of  corresponding  with  friends  in  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and 
other  parts  of  the  world;"  and  funds  were  appropriated 
"  for  the  payment  of  such  agents  as  they  might  send  on  this 
service."  Jefferson  said,  "  There  is  not  in  the  British  Em 
pire  a  man  who  more  cordially  loves  a  union  with  Great 
Britain  than  I  do ;  but,  by  the  God  that  made  me,  I  will 
cease  to  exist  before  I  yield  to  a  connection  on  such  terms 
as  the  British  Parliament  propose  :  and  in  this  I  speak  the 
sentiments  of  America." 

Thomas  Paine,  before  he  became  a  blasphemous  infidel, 
among  other  words  which  rang  through  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  said,  "  Every  thing  that  is  right  or  natural  pleads  for 
separation.  Even  the  distance  at  which  the  Almighty  hath 
placed  England  and  America  is  a  strong  and  natural  proof 
that  the  authority  of  the  one  over  the  other  was  never  the 
design  of  Heaven.  It  is  not  in  the  power  of  Britain  or  of 
Europe  to  conquer  America,  if  she  does  not  conquer  herself 
by  delay  and  timidity." 

The  sixth  day  of  April,  1776,  witnessed  the  close  of  the 
colonial  system,  and  the  first  formal  act  of  independence. 
The  ports  of  the  Old  Thirteen  were,  by  act  of  Congress, 
opened  to  all  the  world  "not  subject  to  the  King  of  Great 
Britain." 

In  May  following,  Congress  adopted,  against  all  tempo 
rizers,  a  proposition  made  by  John  Adams,  that  "  each  one 
of  the  united  colonies,  where  no  government  sufficient  to 
the  exigencies  of  their  affairs  had  as  yet  been  established, 
should  adopt  such  government  as  would,  in  the  opinion  of 
the  representatives  of  the  people,  best  conduce  to  the  hap 
piness  and  safety  of  their  constituents  in  particular,  and  of 
America  in  general."  "A  committee,  consisting  of  John 
Adams,  Edward  Rutledge,  and  Richard  Henry  Lee,  was  then 
appointed  to  draught  a  preamble  to  the  resolution.  In 
this  we  discover  the  bold  and  determined  spirit  of  John 
Adams,  who  held  Lee  firmly  by  his  side.  The  preamble 
declared  it  to  be  "  absolutely  irreconcilable  with  reason  and 


AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL  LIFE.  261 

good  conscience  for  the  people  of  these  colonies  now  to 
take  the  oaths  and  affirmations  necessary  for  the  support  of 
any  government  under  the  crown  of  Great  Britain;  and 
that  it  was  necessary  that  the  exercise  of  every  kind  of 
authority  under  the  crown  should  be  totally  suppressed, 
and  all  the  powers  of  government  exerted  under  the 
authority  of  the  colonies,  for  the  preservation  of  their 
peace,  and  their  defence  against  their  enemies." 

This  was  really  the  whole  question  of  independence,  and 
it  called  out  a  most  vigorous  debate.  Some  men  of  true 
patriotism  indorsed  it  in  principle  and  fact,  but  deemed  it 
premature ;  others  denounced  it,  as  leading  to  immediate 
anarchy  and  ruin ;  but  the  majority  rose  to  the  greatness  of 
the  occasion,  and  adopted  it.  "  The  Gordian  knot  is  cut," 
said  John  Adams,  as  he  thought  seriously  and  profoundly 
upon  the  great  issues  pending  upon  that  action,  and  the 
highly  responsible  part  he  had  taken  in  securing  it. 

In  the  mean  time,  Virginia  was  preparing  to  advance  to 
the  front  in  the  leadership  of  this  grand  movement.  One 
hundred  and  thirty  of  her  most  distinguished  men  were 
chosen  by  the  people  to  assemble  in  convention,  and  take 
the  charge  of  their  provincial  and  civil  rights  in  this  impor 
tant  crisis.  On  the  fifteenth  day  of  May,  1776,  resolutions 
reported  by  Archibald  Carey  were  adopted  unanimously 
(one  hundred  and  twelve  delegates  being  present),  in  which 
the  State  of  Virginia  decreed  "  that  their  delegates  in  Con 
gress  be  instructed  to  propose  to  that  body  to  declare  the 
united  colonies  free  and  independent  States,  absolved  from 
all  allegiance  or  dependence  upon  the  crown  or  parliament 
of  Great  Britain ;  and  that  they  give  the  assent  of  this  col 
ony  to  such  declaration,  and  to  measures  for  forming  for 
eign  alliances  and  a  confederation  of  the  colonies:  provided 
that  the  power  of  forming  government  for,  and  the  regula 
tion  of  the  internal  concerns  of,  each  colony,  be  left  to  the 
respective  colonial  legislatures." 

Her  famous  Declaration  of  Rights,  reported  from  a  com- 


262  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

mittee  of  thirty-two  illustrious  men,  including  such  names 
as  Carey,  Henry,  Blair,  Kandolph,  Madison,  and  Mason,  was 
soon  adopted ;  and  "  Virginia  presented  herself  at  the  bar 
of  the  world,  and  gave  the  name  and  fame  of  her  sons  as 
hostages  that  her  public  life  should  show  a  likeness  to  the 
highest  ideas  of  right  and  equal  freedom  among  men."  * 

It  was  the  will  of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  that  this 
colonial  legislature,  whose  functions  had  expired  by  the  act 
of  the  Revolution,  and  whose  instructions,  under  the  influ 
ence  of  the  proprietary  and  the  lead  of  Dickinson,  had  for 
bidden  her  delegates  to  vote  for  the  declaration  of  independ 
ence,  should  be  superseded  by  their  own  representatives. 
This  great  change  was  announced  by  a  gathering  of  more 
than  four  thousand  people,  under  the  lead  of  John  Bayard 
and  Daniel  Roberdeau ;  and  the  convention  and  representa 
tives  in  Congress  came  forward  to  place  this  great  common 
wealth  in  harmony  with  her  sister  States  and  the  spirit  of 
the  age. 

Finally,  the  maturer  judgment  of  the  nation  was  calmly 
expressed  by  her  greatest  representative  citizen,  the  illus 
trious  Washington,  in  these  few  calm,  decisive  words  :  "  A 
reconciliation  with  Great  Britain  is  impracticable,  and 
would  be  in  the  highest  degree  detrimental  to  the  true 
interest  of  America.  When  I  first  took  the  command  of  the 
army,  I  abhorred  the  idea  of  independence ;  but  I  arn  now 
fully  convinced  that  nothing  else  will  save  us." 

On  the  seventh  day  of  June,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  in  the 
name  of  Virginia,  offered  in  Congress  the  decisive  resolu 
tion,  "  That  these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to 
be,  free  and  independent  States;  that  they  are  absolved 
from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown ;  and  that  a  plan  of 
confederation  be  prepared,  and  transmitted  to  the  respective 
colonies  for  their  consideration  and  approbation." 

After  careful  thought,  the  final  action  on  this  momentous 
question  was  postponed  until  the  second  day  of  July.  In 

*  Bancroft,  viii.  383. 


AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL  LIFE.  263 

the  interval,  great  events  had  occurred.  Our  struggling 
army  had  been  driven  from  Canada ;  Howe,  with  forty-five 
ships  "  laden  with  troops,"  had  approached  the  coast ;  the 
whole  British  fleet,  with  a  strong  land-force,  had  been  gal 
lantly  defeated  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston  by  a  small  force 
under  command  of  the  brave  Moultrie,  in  spite  of  the  incom- 
petency  and  vacillation,  not  to  say  treachery,  of  his  supe 
rior  officer,  Gen.  Lee;  and  the  delegates  in  Congress  of 
twelve  of  the  old  thirteen  States  appeared  in  their  seats, 
with  instructions  fresh  from  the  people,  to  declare  the  sepa 
ration  of  these  colonies  from  the  British  crown.  And  on  this 
memorable  day  the  representatives  of  these  twelve  colonies, 
without  a  dissenting  vote,  did  resolve,  "  That  these  United 
Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent 
States ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the 
British  crown;  and  that  all  political  connection  between 
them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be, 
totally  dissolved." 

"At  the  end  of  this  great  day,"  says  Bancroft,  "the  mind 
of  John  Adams  heaved  like  the  ocean  after  a  storm."  "  The 
greatest  question,"  he  wrote,  "  was  decided,  which  was  ever 
debated  in  America ;  and  a  greater,  perhaps,  never  was  nor 
will  be  decided  among  men.  When  I  look  back  to  1761,  and 
run  through  the  series  of  political  events,  the  chain  of 
causes  and  effects,  I  am  surprised  at  the  suddenness  as  well 
as  greatness  of  this  revolution.  Britain  has  been  filled  with 
folly,  and  America  with  wisdom." 

Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Franklin,  Sherman,  and  Kobert  R. 
Livingston,  had  been  appointed  to  prepare  a  Declaration  in 
accordance  with  the  resolution'  of  independence  offered  by 
Lee,  seconded  by  John  Adams,  and  adopted,  with  an  appro 
priate  addition,  on  the  second  day  of  July.  They  brought 
forward  their  report.  Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  honored 
writer  of  this  immortal  document,  which,  with  but  one  im 
portant  amendment,  was  adopted,  as  he  wrote  it,  by  the 
representatives  of  twelve  States  without  a  dissenting  vote. 


264  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

The  delegates  from  New  York  still  waited  for  instructions, 
soon  to  come  from  a  convention  of  the  people;  but  her 
master-minds,  with  Jay  at  their  head,  most  heartily  con 
curred  in  the  great  act,  to  which,  as  soon  as  permitted,  they 
put  their  names.  Let  us  now  read  and  carefully  ponder  this 
Magna  Charta  of  American  liberty. 

THE   DECLARATION. 

"  When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  neces 
sary  for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have 
connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume  among  the 
powers  of  the  earth  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which 
the  laws  of  Nature  and  of  Nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent 
respect  for  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires  that  they  should 
declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

"  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident, —  that  all  men  are 
created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  inalienable  rights ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  that,  to  secure  these  rights, 
governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed ;  that,  when 
ever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these 
ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and 
to  institute  a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such 
principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them 
shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness. 
Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate  that  governments  long  estab 
lished  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  transient  causes ; 
and,  accordingly,  all  experience  hath  shown  that  mankind  are 
more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferabie,  than  to 
right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are 
accustomed.  But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpa 
tions,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design 
to  reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it 
is  their  duty,  to  throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide 


AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL  LIFE.  265 

new  guards  for  their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the 
patient  sufferance  of  these  colonies,  and  such  is  now  the 
necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter  their  former  system 
of  government.  The  history  of  the  present  King  of  Great 
Britain  is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and  usurpations,  all 
having,  in  direct  object,  the  establishment  of  an  absolute 
tyranny  over  these  States.  To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  sub 
mitted  to  a  candid  world  :  — 

"  He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome, 
and  necessary  for  the  public  good. 

"  He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  imme 
diate  and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their 
operation  till  his  assent  should  be  obtained  ;  and,  when  so 
suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

"  He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommodation 
of  large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relin 
quish  the  right  of  representation  in  the  legislature,  —  a  right 
inestimable  to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

"He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  un 
usual,  uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository  of  their 
public  records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into 
compliance  with  his  measures. 

"  He  has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly,  for 
opposing,  with  manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of 
the  people. 

"  He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions,  to 
cause  others  to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  legislative  powers, 
incapable  of  annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at 
large  for  their  exercise  ;  the  State  remaining,  in  the  mean 
time,  exposed  to  all  the  danger  of  invasion  from  without, 
and  convulsions  within. 

"  He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
States ;  for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturaliza 
tion  of  foreigners,  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their 
migration  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new  appro 
priations  of  lands. 


266  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

"  He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice  by  refus 
ing  his  assent  to  laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

"  He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone  for  the 
tenure  of  their  offices  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their 
salaries. 

"  He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent 
hither  swarms  of  officers  to  harass  our  people  and  eat  out 
their  substance. 

"  He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing 
armies,  without  the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

"  He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of 
and  superior  to  the  civil  power. 

"  He  has  combined  with  others  [that  is,  with  the  Lords  and 
Commons  of  Britain]  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign 
to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws ;  giving 
his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended  legislation,  —  for  quarter 
ing  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us ;  for  protecting 
them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment  for  any  murders 
which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these  States  ; 
for  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world ;  for  im 
posing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent ;  for  depriving  us, 
in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial  by  jury ;  for  trans 
porting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  offences  ; 
for  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  law  in  a  neighbor 
ing  province,  establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  government, 
and  enlarging  its  boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an 
example  and  fit  instrument  for  introducing  the  same  abso 
lute  rule  into  these  colonies ;  for  taking  away  our  charters, 
abolishing  our  most  valuable  laws,  and  altering,  fundamen 
tally,  the  forms  of  our  government ;  for  suspending  our 
own  legislatures,  and  declaring  themselves  invested  with 
power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

"  He  has  abdicated  government  here  by  declaring  us  out 
of  his  protection,  and  waging  war  against  us. 

"  He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt 
our  towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 


AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL  LIFE.  267 

"  He  is,  at  this  time,  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign 
mercenaries  to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation, 
and  tyranny  already  begun,  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and 
perfidy  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and 
totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

"  He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens  taken  captive  on 
the  high  seas  to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  become 
the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall 
themselves  by  their  hands. 

"  He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and 
has  endeavored  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers 
the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare 
is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and 
conditions. 

"  In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions,  we  have  petitioned 
for  redress  in  the  most  humble  terms :  our  petitions  have 
been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A  prince  whose 
character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may  define  a 
tyrant  is  unfit  to.be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 

"  Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  British 
brethren.  We  have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of 
attempts  made  by  their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwarranta 
ble  jurisdiction  over  us ;  we  have  reminded  them  of  the  cir 
cumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement  here ;  we  have 
appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  magnanimity;  and  we 
have  conjured  them,  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred, 
to  disavow  these  usurpations,  which  would  inevitably  inter 
rupt  our  connections  and  correspondence.  They,  too,  have 
been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and  consanguinity.  We 
must  therefore  acquiesce  in  the  necessity  which  denounces 
our  separation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  man 
kind,  enemies  in  war ;  in  peace,  friends. 

"We  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  General  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the 
Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  inten 
tions,  do,  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good 


268  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

people  of  these  colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare,  that 
these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  FREE  AND 
INDEPENDENT  STATES  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  alle 
giance  to  the  British  crown;  and  that  all  political  connection 
between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought 
to  be,  totally  dissolved ;  and  that,  as  free  and  independent 
States,  they  have  full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace, 
contract  alliances,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other 
acts  and  things  which  independent  States  may  of  right  do. 
And  for  the  support  of  this  Declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance 
on  the  protection  of  DIVINE  PROVIDENCE,  we  mutually  pledge 
to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred 
honor." 

SUPERIOR   WISDOM. 

Pausing  to  consider  the  history  and  character  of  this 
great  State-paper,  we  are  impressed  with  the  evidences  of 
superhuman  wisdom,  under  the  guidance  of  which  these 
results  were  reached. 

If  clear-sighted  statesmanship  had  prevailed  in  the  Brit 
ish  Parliament,  and  especially  if  a  wise  sovereign  had  been 
on  the  throne  of  England,  there  would  have  been  no  hope 
of  American  independence.  As  we  have  seen,  the  Ameri 
cans  might  have  been  easily  conciliated.  They  had  no  idea 
of  separating  from  England.  It  was  necessary  to  bring 
them  to  this  result  by  the  severest  trials.  They  must  be 
made  to  feel  the  weight  of  oppression,  almost  unparalleled 
in  the  history  of  freemen,  before  they  could  be  brought  to 
the  conviction  that  this  was  the  will  of  Providence.  We 
are  inclined  to  accept  the  construction  of  Kev.  George  Duf- 
field,  pastor  of  the  Third  Presbyterian  Church,  Philadelphia, 
in  his  famous  sermon,  with  John  Adams  for  a  hearer,  when 
the  cause  of  independence  was  trembling  in  the  balance  in 
Pennsylvania.  He  "  drew  a  parallel  between  George  the 
Third  and  Pharaoh,  and  inferred  that  the  same  provi 
dence  of  God  which  had  rescued  the  Israelites  intended  to 


AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL   LIFE.  269 

free  the  Americans  "  *  Beyond  a  doubt,  the  providence  of 
God  alone  will  explain  this  infatuation,  this  judicial  blind 
ness. 

How  clearly  we  mark  the  hand  of  God  in  the  patience 
which  delayed  this  act  of  formal  separation  until  every  fact 
and  principle  it  involved  had  been  examined  over  and  over 
in  the  most  searching  discussions,  and  the  whole  nation  had 
been  penetrated  by  a  conviction  of  its  high  justice  and 
inevitable  necessity  !  Had  a  few  rash  leaders  brought  on 
this  contest  prematurely,  or  a  few  headstrong  men  enacted 
and  proclaimed  the  overt  act  of  independence,  the  self- 
respect  and  caution  of  the  American  people  would  have 
rejected  it,  and  assisted  in  bringing  its  authors  to  condign 
punishment.  What  sovereign  control  there  must  have  been 
over  all  resentments,  restraining  all  angry  passions,  and  pre 
venting  all  rashness,  until  the  time  for  action  had  fully 
come,  —  until  the  catalogue  of  grievances,  such  as  no  people 
under  heaven  had  ever  suffered,  was  completely  full,  and  the 
vindication  of  the  declaration  was  beyond  the  reach  of  a 
doubt ! 

What  majestic  minds  rose  up,  under  God,  to  take  the 
lead ;  to  show,  by  the  calmest,  clearest  statesmanship,  that 
not  a  single  step  was  taken  but  as  the  result  of  a  necessity 
forced  upon  the  people  by  the  arbitrary  acts  of  the  British 
government ;  to  be  of  the  people,  and  yet  the  leaders  of 
the  people  in  the  midst  of  the  storm ;  to  define  the  rights  of 
the  American  people,  not  as  demanded  by  accident  or  pas 
sion,  but  as  based  upon  immutable  principles ;  and  coolly 
advance,  step  by  step,  in  the  way  to  independence,  amid 
the  provocations  of  tyranny  and  the  carnage  of  war,  only 
as  Providence  clearly  opened  the  way  !  God  makes  great 
men  for  great  occasions.  He  gave  to  suffering,  bleeding 
America  her  Adams  and  Jefferson,  her  Lee  and  Rutledge, 
her  Jay  and  Franklin,  her  Marion  and  Washington,  with 
their  compeers  in  patriotism  and  wisdom ;  raising  them  far 

*  Bancroft,  v!ii.  335. 


270  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

above  the  ordinary  level  of  even  great  men  in  all  the  high 
qualities  which  prepared  them  to  grapple  with  the  problems 
of  their  times. 

And  the  principles  of  the  great  Declaration  had  been  slowly 
evolved  from  the  chaos  of  anarchy  and  despotism,  during 
a  period  of  more  than  three  hundred  years,  under  the  same 
great  Providence.  So  distinctly  had  they  been  written  upon 
the  current  history  of  civil  governments  and  religion,  that 
plain  people  saw  them,  and  rendered  them  into  their  own 
dialect.  When,  in  May,  1776,  Virginia  was  in  her  transition 
state  from  dependence  to  independence,  and  her  people  were 
electing  and  instructing  the  delegates  to  her  assembly  of 
freemen,  these  strange  words  came  from  the  people  of  Buck 
ingham  County,  and  fell  upon  the  ears  of  its  delegates,  Charles 
Patterson  and  John  Cahill:  "We  instruct  you  to  cause  a 
total  separation  from  Great  Britain  to  take  place  as  soon  as 
possible ;  and  a  constitution  to  be  established,  with  a  full 
representation,  and  free  and  frequent  elections.  As  Ameri 
ca  is  the  last  country  of  the  world  which  has  contended  for 
her  liberty,  so  she  may  be  the  most  free  and  happy,  taking 
the  advantage  of  her  situation  and  strength,  and  having  the 
experience  of  all  before  to  profit  by.  The  Supreme  Being 
hath  left  it  in  our  power  to  choose  what  government  we 
please  for  our  civil  and  religious  happiness  :  good  govern 
ment,  and  the  prosperity  of  mankind,  can  alone  be  in  the 
divine  intention.  We  pray,  therefore,  that,  under  the  superin 
tending  providence  of  the  Ruler  of  the  universe  a  govern 
ment  may  be  established  in  America,  the  most  free,  happy, 
and  permanent  that  human  wisdom  can  contrive  and  the 
perfection  of  man  maintain."  Let  the  reader  look  at  this 
profound  Christian  revelation  of  the  philosophy  of  freedom 
and  government:  "The  Supreme  Being  hath  left  it  in  our 
power  to  choose  what  government  we  please  for  our  civil 
and  religious  happiness;  good  government,  and  the  prosperity 
of  mankind,  can  alone  be  in  the  divine  intention  :  "  and  prayer 
to  "  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe  "  for  the  superintend- 


AN  INDEPENDENT  NATIONAL  LIFE.  271 

ing  care  is  indispensable  to  the  formation  and  maintenance  of 
good  government.  Oh,  this  is  splendid !  How  devoutly  we 
adore  the  Spirit  above  and  around  and  through  all,  who  gave 
to  the  minds  of  this  new  providential  nation  so  clear  and 
divine  an  idea  of  the  advanced  position  now  to  be  assumed 
in  the  development  of  human  destiny. 

It  is  delightful  to  read  from  the  pen  of  the  great  civil 
commander  of  the  forces  of  independence,  John  Adams,  as 
his  heart  glowed  over  the  great  irrevocable  resolution  of  the 
2d  of  July,  "  It  is  the  will  of  Heaven  that  the  two  coun 
tries  should  be  sundered  forever.  It  may  be  the  will  of 
Heaven  that  America  shall  suffer  calamities  still  more  wast 
ing,  and  distresses  yet  more  dreadful.  If  this  is  to  be  the 
case,  the  furnace  of  affliction  produces  refinement  in  States, 
as  well  as  individuals ;  but  I  submit  all  my  hopes  and  fears 
to  an  overruling  Providence,  in  which,  unfashionable  as  the 
faith  may  be,  I  firmly  believe." 

Thus  the  great  wisdom,  which  alone  could  so  order  the  new 
Kepublic  as  to  render  its  cause  successful,  is  seen  by  the 
American  people  to  be  from  above ;  and  the  extraordinary 
character  of  our  great  charter  of  liberty  is  clearly  explained. 
When,  for  our  separate  and  equal  station  among  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  our  patriotic  fathers  refer  to  "  Nature  and  to 
Nature's  God,"  and  they  say,  "  We  hold  these  truths  to  be 
self-evident,  —  that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that  they  are 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights  ; 
that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi 
ness  ;  that,  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted 
among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed," — we  are  led,  by  light  from  the  celestial 
world,  into  the  very  depths  of  civil  and  political  wisdom,  and 
are  put  in  possession  of  the  profoundest  principles  of  right 
and  freedom  ever  known  to  man,  —  a  power  which  would 
ultimately  destroy  all  the  forms  of  oppression  and  injus 
tice  which  the  infirmities  of  men,  or  the  capital  wrongs 
of  our  future  constitution,  might  leave  amongst  us.  Well 


272  THE   GBEAT  REPUBLIC. 

might  these  sages  of  the  great  Revolution,  when  they  were 
about  to  pledge  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  sacred  honor 
"for  the  support  of  this  Declaration,"  solemnly  appeal  to  "the 
Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  their  in 
tentions,"  and  assume  their  high  and  sacred  responsibilities 
"  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  DIVINE  PROVIDENCE." 

Thus  have  we  ascertained  that  the  Declaration  reveals  a 
national  life,  independent  of  Great  Britain,  but  humbly 
reliant  upon  the  arm  of  God. 

How  utterly  unlike  the  tendencies  of  despotism,  away 
from  God,  and  hence,  of  necessity,  away  from  political  wis 
dom!  How  clearly  does  the  rule  of  a  divine  Sovereign 
exalt  the  thoughts  of  a  free  people  to  firm  faith  in  his  direc 
tion,  and  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  right ! 

The  breadth  and  reach  of  the  great  "  Declaration  "  can 
be  distinctly  seen  from  this  stand-point  alone.  It  was  by 
inspiration  from  Heaven  that  "  Jefferson  poured  the  soul  of 
the  continent  into  the  monumental  act  of  independence." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

DISCIPLINE  INSURES  A  VIGOROUS  NATIONAL  LIFE. 

"  These  adventurous  worthies,  animated  by  sublimer  prospects,  dearly  purchased  this 
land :  they  and  their  posterity  have  defended  it  with  unknown  cost,  in  continual  jeopardy 
of  their  lives,  and  with  their  blood."  —  SAMUEL  COOKE. 

WE  value  that  most  which  costs  us  most.  Whatever 
comes  to  us  without  a  struggle,  without  trials,  we  are  likely 
to  part  with  without  regrets.  But  blessings  gained  by  years 
of  toil  and  suffering  we  hold  as  inexpressibly  valuable  to  us, 
and  would  make  great  sacrifices  to  retain.  Hence  it  was  that 
American  liberties  were  so  dear  to  the  brave  men  of  the  Revo 
lution.  They  knew  their  cost,  and  clung  to  them  with  the 
utmost  tenacity.  Hence  the  immensely  higher  estimate  we 
place  upon  our  noble  institutions  since  our  recent  death- 
struggle  to  defend  them.  American  history  ought  to  explain 
to  all  men,  with  sufficient  distinctness,  the  reasons  for  the 
depth  and  glow  of  American  patriotism. 

Discipline  is  strength.  The  unused  muscle  is  without 
power ;  but  the  arm  of  the  blacksmith  is  vigorous  and  able. 
The  neglected  mind  is  feeble,  and  an  object  of  pity ;  but  the 
mental  vigor  of  the  scholar  commands  our  respect  and 
admiration.  The  heart  unaccustomed  to  virtue  or  piety  is 
easily  captivated  by  vice ;  but  the  practised  Christian  is  a 
moral  hero  in  the  conflicts  of  temptation  and  sin. 

So  the  life  of  a  nation  springing  up  by  sudden  and  suc 
cessful  revolution  is  effeminate  and  temporary ;  but  the  life 
which  passes  with  severe  trials  from  generation  to  generation, 
which  wears  for  agonizing  years  its  galling  chains,  and  bat 
tles  its  way  out  of  inthralment  amid  the  sufferings  of  blood, 

35  i>73 


274  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

and  feels  in  its  progress  to  power  all  the  pressure  which  mal 
ice  can  inspire,  is  likely  to  endure.  It  moves  on  to  higher 
rank  and  mightier  conflicts  with  a  vigor  which  no  easy  life 
could  insure. 

TRIALS    FROM    POVERTY. 

War  is  enormously  expensive;  and  one  of  the  first  prob 
lems  of  belligerent  powers  is  how  to  subsist  an  army.  Six 
hours  cannot  pass  before  demands  will  be  made  upon  the 
commissariat  which  would  startle  an  inexperienced  man. 

When  the  American  people  took  up  arms  in  defence  of 
their  liberties,  they  had  no  treasury,  no  funds.  Before  there 
could  be  any  thing  for  the  military  chest,  some  plan  of 
finance  must  be  devised  that  would  actually  create  funds. 
The  colonies  first  in  the  struggle  immediately  began  the 
ruinous  but  apparently  inevitable  policy  of  issuing  bills  of 
credit.  They  could  be  used  at  first  with  some  success ;  but 
they  were  not  money.  They  were  promises  to  pay ;  and,  in 
proportion  as  their  redemption  in  specie  became  difficult  or 
impossible,  they  depreciated,  and  finally  became  valueless. 
Congress  reluctantly  adopted  this  dangerous  policy,  which, 
while  it  would  postpone  for  a  while  the  demand  for  hard 
money,  could  not  prevent  its  return  with  greatly  increased 
urgency.  The  only  dependence  of  the  forming  nation  was 
upon  the  colonies ;  and  their  embarrassments  on  their  own 
account  seriously  interfered  with  the  financial  credit  based 
upon  their  local  resources.  In  June,  1775,  Congress,  at  the 
suggestion  of  New  York,  issued  two  millions  of  continental 
bills  of  credit  for  the  immediate  relief  of  the  army :  but 
this  was  very  soon  exhausted  ;  and  as  it  was  exchanged  for 
necessary  supplies,  like  the  colonial  bills,  it  soon  began  to  be 
regarded  as  something  less  than  money.  The  Canadians 
could  not  be  induced  to  take  continental  money ;  and  our 
army  in  the  North  was  subsisted  with  the  greatest  difficulty. 
For  the  rest,  the  only  expedient  was  to  issue  more  paper-bills; 
•  and  in  a  year  and  a  half  they  had  risen  to  twenty  millions. 


A  VIGOROUS  NATIONAL  LIFE.  275 

The  credit  of  this  money  had  been  quite  well  kept  up  by 
the  patriotism  of  the  people  and  the  reputation  of  our 
distinguished  men ;  but  it  had  at  length  become  so  abun 
dant,  that  no  existing  power  could  prevent  its  depreciation. 
An  attempt  to  loan  five  millions  at  four  per  cent;  the  experi 
ment  of  a  lottery;  the  authority  of  Congress  given  to  Wash 
ington  to  punish  all  who  refused  to  receive  the  nation's 
money,  and  thus  disparage  continental  credit;  and  the 
attempt  of  a  New-England  convention  to  establish  by  law 
the  prices  of  necessary  commodities, —  all  showed  the  public 
distress,  while  they  afforded  very  inadequate  relief.  It  was 
quite  in  vain  for  Congress  to  resolve  that  their  bills  "  ought 
to  pass  current  in  all  payments,  trade,  and  dealings,  and  be 
deemed  equal  in  value  to  the  same  nominal  sums  in  Spanish 
dollars;"  that  those  who  refused  them  were  "enemies  of  the 
United  States ; "  and  to  menace  offenders  with  "  forfeitures 
and  other  penalties."  The  traders  could  invent  methods  of 
evading  all  such  regulations.  If  a  piece  of  paper  was  not  a 
dollar,  and  no  man  would  give  a  dollar  for  it,  no  law  could 
make  it  buy  a  dollar's  worth  of  provisions. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  army  was  often  driven  to  the  great 
est  extremes  of  suffering.  The  demands  of  nature  justified 
unlawful  seizures  of  food ;  the  people  were  indulgent ;  and 
various  providential  resources  preserved  our  poor  soldiers 
from  actual  starvation. 

In  March,  1778,  after  having  issued  ten  millions,  then 
two  millions,  then  a  million,  and  then  another  million,  of 
continental  bills  of  credit,  the  depreciation  became  so  alarm 
ing,  that  renewed  efforts  to  obtain  a  loan  became  indispen 
sable.  The  public  money  sank  to  three  or  four  to  one.  In 
these  times  of  distress,  men  were  found  who  were  "  endeav 
oring  by  every  means  of  oppression,  sharping,  and  extor 
tions,  to  procure  enormous  gains ; "  and  commissaries  were 
authorized  to  seize  and  receipt  for  necessary  provisions 
"purchased  up  or  engrossed  by  any  person  with  a  view  of 
selling  the  same."  We  blush  for  our  race  at  these  re  vela- 


276  THE   GKEAT  REPUBLIC. 

tions  of  intense  meanness ;  and,  as  we  meet  these  creatures 
in  human  form  in  the  history  of  other  times  and  our  own, 
we  feel  that  the  halter  of  Cromwell  ought  to  be  the  protec 
tion  of  right. 

Washington  burned  with  indignation  at  these  outrages  in 
Pennsylvania.  To  Reed  he  wrote, "  It  gives  me  very  sincere 
pleasure  to  find  that  the  Assembly  is  so  well  disposed  to  second 
your  endeavors  in  bringing  those  murderers  of  our  cause  — 
the  monopolizers,  forestallers,  and  engrossers  —  to  condign 
punishment.  It  is  much  to  be  lamented  that  each  State,  long 
ere  this,  has  not  hunted  them  down  as  pests  to  society,  and 
the  greatest  enemies  we  have  to  the  happiness  of  America, 
I  would  to  God  that  some  one  of  the  more  atrocious  in  each 
State  were  hung  in  gibbets  upon  a  gallows  five  times  as 
high  as  that  prepared  for  Haman !  No  punishment,  in  my 
opinion,  is  too  severe  for  the  man  who  can  build  his  great 
ness  upon  his  country's  ruin." 

"  Laws  unworthy  the  character  of  infant  republics,"  said 
Congress,  "  are  become  necessary  to  supply  the  defects  of 
public  virtue,  and  to  correct  the  vices  of  some  of  her  sons." 
For,  after  government  had  purchased  clothing  of  some  of 
these  sharpers  in  Boston  "  at  the  most  extravagant  rate  of 
from  ten  to  eighteen  hundred  per  cent,"  they  demanded  pay 
before  they  would  deliver  the  goods ;  "thereby  adding  to  ex 
tortion  the  crime  of  wounding  the  public  credit,"  "  mani 
festing  a  disposition  callous  to  the  feelings  of  humanity,  and 
untouched  by  the  severe  sufferings  of  their  countrymen, 
exposed  to  a  winter's  campaign  in  defence  of  the  common 
liberties  of  their  country."  The  accusations  in  this  particu 
lar  instance  were  denied,  and  probably  the  goods  were  really 
of  more  value  than  any  amount  of  continental  money; 
but  the  bitter  complaints  of  Congress  show  the  extreme  of 
suffering  in  the  army  and  the  nation  for  the  want  of  means 
to  clothe  and  feed  the  men  who  were  exposing  life  and  en 
during  incredible  hardships  to  preserve  the  life  of  liberty. 

Sixty-seven  millions  of  dollars  in  continental  paper-money 


A  VIGOROUS  NATIONAL  LIFE.  277 

were  expended  during  the  year  1778,  raising  the  aggregate 
amount  outstanding  to  $113,456,269;  and  the  depreciation 
was  six  and  eight  dollars  to  one. 

In  May,  1780,  a  committee  from  Congress  visited  the 
camp :  and  from  their  report  we  learn  "  that  the  army  was 
five  months  unpaid ;  that  it  seldom  had  more  than  six  days 
provisions  in  advance,  and  was,  on  several  occasions,  for  sun 
dry  successive  days,  without  meat ;  that  the  army  was  des 
titute  of  forage ;  that  the  medical  department  had  neither 
sugar,  tea,  chocolate,  wine,  nor  spirits ;  and  that  every 
department  was  without  money,  or  even  the  shadow  of 
credit." 

We  need  not  pursue  this  subject  further.  We  all  under 
stand  that  the  currency  of  the  nation,  raised  at  length  to 
$369,547,027,  was  finally  valueless;  and  we  may  see  the 
severity  of  the  trials  through  which,  in  consequence,  the 
nation  was  compelled  to  pass;  what  shiverings  from  cold, 
and  gha wings  of  hunger,  tested  the  fortitude  of  our  brave 
soldiers ;  what  sufferings  of  their  wives  and  little  ones,  as 
the  means  of  their  scanty  subsistence  became  worthless  on 
their  hands ;  what  demands  upon  economy  checked  all  dis 
position  to  luxury  among  the  great  civilians  and  warriors, 
who  stood  together,  a  colossal  tower  of  strength  and  wisdom, 
during  those  days  of  peril ;  what  grand  lessons  of  financial 
skill,  and  finally  what  trust  in  Providence,  were  taught  this 
nation  by  the  extreme  poverty  of  her  people,  her  States, 
and  her  General  Government. 


TRIALS    FROM    DISLOYALTY    AND    TREASON. 

Some  men  there  were  whose  mental  processes  could  not 
keep  up  with  the  progress  of  events.  They  were  English 
men  by  birth  and  in  spirit,  and  Royalists  from  principle  and 
habit.  They  were  "  Tories "  of  course,  honest  let  us  trust, 
and  yet  none  the  less  enemies  to  the  American  nation  in  its 
struggles  for  independence.  Others  were  stupid,  and  had  no 


278  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

power  to  understand  the  nature  of  the  contest ;  craven  cow 
ards,  with  no  intellectual  ability  to  discover  the  superior 
safety  of  the  right,  and  that  the  right  was  with  the  Ameri 
can  Republic.  They  were  "  Tories  "  because  they  thought 
the  king  was  sure  to  triumph  in  the  conflict  with  a  few 
feeble  colonists,  without  an  army,  without  a  navy,  without 
veteran  officers,  or  money  to  procure  the  materials  of  war. 
They  were  excessively  impudent,  and  brutally  cruel. 

Here  was  a  source  of  the  greatest  trial  and  danger.  In 
New  York,  in  New  Jersey,  throughout  the  South,  and  all 
along  the  Northern  frontier,  they  were  spies,  mingling  with 
our  forces ;  detecting  and  revealing  to  our  enemies  the  plans 
of  every  campaign;  harboring  and  feeding  the  British,  and 
withholding,  whenever  it  was  possible,  the  means  of  subsist 
ence  from  their  brethren  in  the  American  army ;  conducting 
the  secret  or  public  expeditions  of  the  enemy  through 
routes  otherwise  unknown,  and  impracticable  to  them;  and 
not  unfrequently,  with  their  own  hands,  applying  the  torch 
to  the  houses  of  their  suffering  neighbors.  They  became 
the  instinctive  allies  of  the  merciless  savages,  and  joined  in 
their  shouts  of  triumph,  reeking  in  the  blood  of  their  own 
brethren.  These  internal  foes  must  be  met  and  conquered, 
must  be  tracked  to  their  hiding-places,  and  overwhelmed 
with  disaster  and  disgrace,  at  the  same  time  that  the  vete 
rans  of  Clinton  and  Howe,  Burgoyne  and  Cornwallis,  must 
be  met  and  conquered  in  the  field.  How  sensibly,  then,  did 
Hawley  write  to  Gerry,  "  Can  we  subsist,  did  any  State  ever 
subsist,  without  exterminating  traitors?  It  is  amazingly 
wonderful,  that,  having  no  capital  punishment  for  our  intes 
tine  enemies,  we  have  not  been  utterly  ruined  before  now." 

When  the  loyal  people  of  New  York  were  rejoicing  over 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  "  a  large  number  of  the 
wealthier  citizens  looked  on  with  distrust ;  and  the  Epis 
copal  clergy  showed  their  dissatisfaction  by  shutting  up  the 
churches."  * 

*  Hildreth,  iii.  141. 


A  VIGOROUS  NATIONAL  LIFE.  279 

When  Howe,  the  British  commander,  entered  Philadelphia 
in  triumph,  "he  found  many  to  welcome  him ;  among  others, 
Duche^  the  late  chaplain  of  Congress,  who  presently  sent  a 
letter  to  Washington,  advising  him  to  give  over  the  ungodly 
cause  in  which  he  was  engaged."  * 

This  great  commander,  while  he  bore  upon  his  heart  the 
burden  of  the  war,  with  all  the  sufferings  of  his  soldiers, 
with  whom,  he  endured  every  deprivation  as  a  father,  was 
obliged  to  know  that  he  was  the  object  of  cruel  jealousy, 
and  that,  even  in  Congress,  men  were  forming  combinations 
for  his  overthrow.  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Samuel  Adams 
gave  influence  to  the  disaffection  towards  Washington.  The 
Pennsylvanians,  smarting  under  the  mortification  of  losing 
Philadelphia,  sought  to  strengthen  the  increasing  prejudice. 
Mifflin  lent  his  splendid  abilities  to  ripen  the  plot.  Gates, 
who  aspired  to  be  commander-in-chief,  corresponded  with 
Mifflin  and  Conway,  with  the  view  of  hastening  the  down 
fall  of  Washington.  And  what  was  his  offence  ?  Simply 
that  he  did  not  render  his  feeble  band  of  famished  continen 
tals  and  militia  everywhere  superior  to  the  well-fed  and 
well-clothed  hosts  of  the  British  veteran  army.  For  want 
of  shoes,  the  marches  of  his  army  "had  been  tracked  in 
blood ; ?'  "  for  want  of  blankets,  many  of  the  men  were  obliged 
to  sit  up  all  night  before  the  camp-fires ;  "  "  more  than  a 
quarter  part  of  the  troops  were  reported  unfit  for  duty, 
because  they  were  barefoot  and  otherwise  naked : "  and  he 
had  the  greatness  to  withdraw  them  .from  action  when  they 
were  in  danger  of  annihilation,  and  to  endure  calmly  all  the 
obloquy  of  impetuous  discontent,  while  he  carefully  pre 
served  the  only  possibility  of  future  success1. 

To  add  to  the  cares  of  Washington,  and  bring  upon  the 
national  cause  the  greatest  peril,  Benedict  Arnold,  a  chiv 
alrous,  daring  warrior,  turned  traitor,  and  had  just  escaped, 
with  his  life  and  infamy,  to  join  the  enemies  of  his  country, 
after  having  made  all  his  arrangements  to  surrender  West 
Point,  with  its  men  and  munitions  of  war,  to  the  British. 

*  Hildreth,  iii.  221. 


280  THE  GEE  AT  EEPUBLIC. 

Thus  were  the  hearts  of  American  patriots  tried.  Thus 
did  the  follies  of  some,  who,  if  honest,  were  exceedingly  sim 
ple,  and  the  treason  of  reckless,  unprincipled  men,  unite  to 
try  the  brave  spirits  upon  whose  integrity  the  cause  of 
American  liberty  depended. 

TRIALS    FROM   DEFEAT. 

The  invasion  of  Canada,  commenced  under  Schuyler, 
Aug.  30,  1775,  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  bold  Ethan 
Allen,  who  was  sent  to  England  in  irons,  and  the  death  of 
the  gallant  Montgomery  in  a  desperate  attack  upon  Quebec. 
Arnold  was  borne  from  the  field,  severely  wounded ;  and 
the  remains  of  the  spirited  army  of  invasion  went  into 
winter-quarters  behind  ramparts  of  frozen  snow. 

Oglethorpe,  the  senior  general  in  the  British  army,  having 
declined  the  command  in  America,  Gen.  Howe  received 
the  appointment;  and  the  forces  designed  to  subdue  the 
freemen  of  the  colonies  were  raised  to  more  than  forty 
thousand  men. 

Dunmore,  in  Virginia,  by  proclamation  roused  the  negro 
slaves  and  indented  apprentices  to  accept  arms,  and  take 
the  field  against  their  masters,  promising  them  liberty  as 
their  reward.  Soon  he  deemed  himself  strong  enough  for 
aggressive  action;  and  Norfolk  was  bombarded,  and  then 
committed  to  the  flames.  He  ascended  the  rivers,  and 
burned  and  plundered,  with  the  ferocity  of  a  savage,  the 
province  of  which  he  claimed  to  be  governor. 

In  the  spring  of  1776,  our  poor  army  in  Canada  suffered 
from  hunger  and  the  small-pox,  of  which  Thomas,  then  in 
command,  died.  Four  hundred  men  surrendered  to  a  party 
of  Canadians  and  Indians.  Thirteen  thousand  men  now 
confronted  our  reduced  and  suffering  patriots.  Sullivan 
ordered  an  attack  upon  one  division  of  the  enemy,  which 
was  repulsed  with  the  loss  of  two  hundred  and  thirty  men 
killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners.  Wayne  was  wounded,  and 


A  VIGOEOUS  NATIONAL  LIFE.  281 

Thompson  (who  commanded  the  detachment)  and  Col.  Ir 
ving  were  among  the  prisoners.  All  offensive  measures 
in  that  quarter  must  now  be  abandoned,  and  our  brave 
Northern  army  must  seek  safety  in  retreat  from  Canada, 
"disgraced,  defeated,  discontented,  dispirited,  diseased,  un 
disciplined,  eaten  up  with  vermin ;  no  clothes,  beds,  blankets, 
nor  medicines ;  and  no  victuals  but  salt  pork  and  flour,  and 
a  scarce  supply  of  that."  These  words  from  John  Adams 
indicate  the  severity  of  suffering  through  which  our  patriotic 
soldiers  were  compelled  to  pass,  and  the  bitter  trials  of  the 
nation. 

We  had  gathered  a  flotilla  of  sixteen  vessels  on  Lake 
Champlain.  These,  after  a  severe  engagement,  were  swept 
from  the  waters ;  and  Crown  Point  fell  into  the  enemy's 
hands. 

In  August  of  this  year,  the  whole  army  of  the  Republic 
scarcely  numbered  twenty  thousand  men.  One-fifth  of 
these  were  sick,  and  another  fifth  were  away  on  detached 
duties,  when  Washington  was  confronted  by  Gen.  Howe 
with  twenty-four  thousand  disciplined  troops.  All  attempts 
to  prevent  their  landing  on  Long  Island  were  unavailing. 
A  sharp,  spirited  battle  took  place  between  fifteen  thousand 
British  and  five  thousand  Americans.  Sullivan  and  Sterling 
were  made  prisoners ;  and  New  York,  the  commercial  me 
tropolis  of  the  United  States,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  to  be  held  till  the  war  was  ended. 

The  soldiers  now  became  unsteady  under  fire,  and  broke 
in  so  disgraceful  a  manner  as  to  extort  from  Washington 
the  indignant  demand,  "  Are  these  the  men  with  whom  I 
am  to  defend  America  ?  "  He  was  driven  from  York  Island 
altogether.  Fort  Washington,  and  the  works  on  Harlem 
Heights,  under  command  of  Magraw,  were  suddenly  attacked 
by  four  columns.  Four  hundred  men  of  the  enemy  fell  in 
the  onset :  but  our  men,  demoralized,  refused  to  man  the 
works  ;  and  the  fort,  with  two  thousand  prisoners  and  a 
great  quantity  of  artillery,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  British. 


282  THE   GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

The  time  of  enlistment  for  many  of  the  continentals 
expired,  and  multitudes  left  before  their  time.  Thus  Wash 
ington  saw  his  little  army  rapidly  melting  away.  Reduced 
to  some  four  thousand  men,  he  conducted  a  masterly  retreat 
southward,  and  finally  recrossed  the  Delaware.  New  Jersey 
was  lost  to  the  Republic  for  the  present. 

This  was  a  dark  day  for  America.  Disaffection  spread  in 
Pennsylvania.  Lee,  too  self-conceited  to  be  subordinate, 
virtually  repudiated  Washington's  orders,  and  aspired  to  a 
separate  command. 

A  British  fleet,  bearing  six  thousand  troops,  now  appeared 
off  Newport ;  and  that  harbor  was  lost. 

During  the  winter  of  1777,  Washington  was  at  Morris- 
town,  N.  J.  He  had  retired  from  Princeton  too  weak  to 
strike  another  blow.  "  His  troops  were  exhausted  :  many 
had  no  blankets ;  others  were  barefoot ;  all  were  very 
thinly  clad."  *  He  joined  a  few  skeletons  of  regiments 
which  had  been  detached  from  the  army  of  the  North,  and 
a  few  volunteers ;  and  thus  our  brave  men,  hardly  fit  to  be 
called  an  army,  shivering  with  cold  and  suffering  from  hun 
ger,  waited  the  orders  of  their  great  commander.  Again 
the  country  was  scoured  for  men.  Those  who  had  been 
left  for  the  comfort  of  needy  families,  and  many  who  had, 
for  reasons  of  cowardice  or  from  sinister  motives,  evaded 
their  country's  call,  were  now  brought  into  camp ;  and  the 
army  was  re-organized. 

The  tone  of  England,  in  the  mean  time,  may  be  judged 
by  a  single  fact.  American  commissioners  proposed  that 
captured  British  seamen  brought  into  French  ports  should 
be  exchanged  for  so  many  American  prisoners  of  war.  Lord 
Stormont  replied,  "  The  king's  ambassador  receives  no  appli 
cation  from  rebels,  unless  they  come  to  implore  his  Majesty's 
pardon."  The  note  which  contained  these  haughty  words 
was  promptly  returned  for  his  lordship's  "  better  consider 
ation." 

*  Hildreth,  iii.  170. 


A  VIGOROUS  NATIONAL  LIFE.  283 

The  summer  campaign  gave  no  decisive  advantage  to  the 
Americans  anywhere.  We  lost  our  important  defences  in 
the  Highlands  on  the  Hudson,  and  in  September  fought  the 
disastrous  battle  of  the  Brandy  wine  ;  and  Philadelphia  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Our  forces  in  the  South  were  quite  inadequate  to  defend  so 
large  a  territory  against  a  foe  so  formidable ;  and  the  Caro- 
linas  were  treated  by  the  British  as  conquered  territory. 

The  Indians  were  officered,  and  trained  to  deeds  of 
cruelty  for  which  the  vilest  enemies  in  civilized  warfare 
could  not  fail  to  blush  in  shame.  Let  the  reader  trace  these 
savages,  with  their  Tory  allies  under  Butler  and  Brant, 
through  the  massacre  of  Wyoming,  in  the  vivid  pages  of 
"  Wyoming,  its  History,  Stirring  Incidents,  and  Romantic  Ad 
ventures,"  by  George  Peck,  D.D.,  and  he  will  have  some 
idea  of  the  horrors  through  which  America  passed  to  the 
triumphs  of  the  Revolution. 

We  may  now  pause  to  wonder  how  the  struggling  forces 
of  Freedom  were  sustained  through  these  years  of  agony. 
Why  did  they  not  abandon  the  effort  ?  They  were  a  mar 
vel  to  their  enemies,  to  themselves,  and  to  the  civilized  world. 
Again  and  again  the  English  thought  they  were  conquered  ; 
that  they  had  exhausted  their  last  resources  of  men  and 
money ;  and  that,  from  very  anguish  of  soul,  they  must  sub 
mit  to  their  enemies.  But  no.  A  Being  above  all  human 
events  would  not  permit  them  to  yield.  A  courage  that 
knew  no  danger,  a  fortitude  that  defied  all  suffering,  was 
given  them  from  above,  rendering  them  actually  invincible. 

If  they  had  passed  on  in  uninterrupted  triumph  to  easy 
success,  if  they  had  never  felt  the  horrors  of  poverty,  the 
bitterness  of  treachery  and  defeat,  they  would  have  known 
nothing  of  the  value  of  freedom,  and  have  entered  upon  the 
struggles  of  re-organization,  with  no  adequate  patience,  or 
wisdom  or  patriotism,  to  sustain  a  form  of  government  so 
new  and  so  exceedingly  critical.  But  God  had  sifted  and 
tried  them  that  they  might  be  equal  to  their  task. 


284  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 


TRIALS     FROM    A    SPIRIT    OF    COMPROMISE. 

To  a  superficial  eye,  it  might  have  seemed  a  hopeful  fact 
that  the  American  colonists  had  strong  advocates  in  the 
British  Parliament;  that  noble  friends  of  liberty  opposed 
with  matchless  argument  and  faithful  warnings  every  meas 
ure  of  oppression  which  the  king  and  his  ministers  imposed 
upon  the  colonies :  but  it  is  precisely  here  that  we  discover 
the  origin  of  our  greatest  peril.  If  Pownal  and  Fox  and 
Burke  could  have  succeeded  in  tearing  the  mask  from  the 
eyes  of  George  the  Third,  and  unveiling  the  depth  of  disgrace 
into  which  he  was  plunging  the  nation;  could  they  have 
made  ministers  believe,  what  they  so  confidently  affirmed, 
that  they  could  not  conquer  America,  and  that  the  war 
would  rob  England  of  the  brightest  jewel  in  her  crown, — the 
odious  Stamp  Act  would  have  been  promptly  repealed,  taxa 
tion  without  representation  would  have  been  abandoned,  and 
then,  so  far  as  we  can  see,  all  idea  of  independence  would 
have  perished  in  America.  It  was  from  her  friends  that  the 
greatest  danger  to  Liberty  arose.  Their  sense  of  justice 
was  truly  exalted ;  their  plea  for  humanity  worthy  of  their 
noble  rank.  They  were  honored  in  the  right ;  but  the  men 
they  addressed  were  judicially  blinded.  Their  hearts  were 
hardened,  like  the  heart  of  Pharaoh ;  for  God  evidently  in 
tended  to  lead  out  his  people  "  with  a  high  hand  and  an 
outstretched  arm." 

Kindred  dangers  arose  on  every  hand.  Petition  after  pe 
tition  went  from  the  American  colonists  to  the  crown.  Had 
any  one  of  these  been  heeded,  and  the  heavy  yoke  upon  their 
necks  been  lightened,  the  rising  nationality  of  freedom 
would  have  been  crushed  in  its  beginnings.  It  reminds  us 
of  the  oppressive  decisions  of  Rehoboam.  Strange  infatua 
tions,  now  as  then,  had  seized  the  monarch ;  for  "  the  cause 
was  from  the  Lord." 

When,  in  1774,  Galloway  proposed  to  Congress  his  meas 
ures  of  compromise,  they  were  rejected  by  a  majority  of 


A  VIGOROUS   NATIONAL  LIFE.  285 

only  a  single  vote.     Who  controlled  that  single  vote  ?     We 
tremble  to  think  of  so  narrow  an  escape. 

When  temporizers,  led  on  by  Dickinson,  a  man  of  splen 
did  abilities,  and  the  most  captivating  style  of  manners  and 
rhetoric,  had  it  in  their  power,  again  and  again,  to  postpone 
the  declaration  of  independence,  and  to  secure  a  last  humil 
iating  petition  to  the  throne,  how  marked  the  Providence 
that  denied  even  the  royalist  Penn  an  audience  with  the 
king,  or  access  to  official  power,  to  present  it,  and  which 
made  it  the  occasion  of  a  most  despotic  and  cruel  proclama 
tion,  denouncing  the  colonists  and  their  congress  as  rebels, 
and,  in  effect,  menacing  their  immediate  subjugation  or  utter 
extermination ! 

What  strength  of  self-interest  in  the  various  proprietary 
governments !  what  plausibility  in  the  peace  doctrines  of 
the  Quakers,  and  in  .pleas  for  loyalty  from  legislators  and 
capitalists,  from  merchants  and  lawyers,  who  saw  nothing 
but  ruin  in  resistance  to  the  power  of  England !  Especially 
what  power  did  the  leaders  of  compromise  acquire,  when  it 
arose  from  the  boldest  and  firmest  remonstrants  against  ty 
ranny,  and  promised  to  accept  nothing  but  justice,  which  the 
British  Government,  it  was  with  reason  affirmed,  would  ulti 
mately  yield  ! 

The  apathy  of  Congress  amid  the  general  distress  of  1779 
added  to  the  public  peril.  Many  of  its  strongest  men  left 
it  for  various  reasons,  wholly  incompatible  with  the  high 
trust  committed  to  them  by  the  people.  The  number  in 
attendance  was  frequently  reduced  below  thirty,  and  even 
below  twenty-five. 

Finally,  when  the  triumphant  leaders  of  the  British  army 
came  with  the  sword  in  one  hand  and  the  olive-branch  in 
the  other,  offering  "  peace  and  liberty  and  wealth  "  in  the 
place  of  bloody  war  and  insupportable  suffering,  sus 
tained  by  the  whole  influence  of  the  Church  of  England  at 
home  and  in  America,  how  improbable  it  was  that  the  offers 
of  pardon  would  be  rejected !  But  God  gave  to  the  Arrieri- 


286  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

can  nation  a  high-souled  honor,  a  sacred  regard  for  prin 
ciple,  an  unconquerable  bravery,  which  exalted  them  above 
the  blandishments  of  hypocrisy  as  well  as  the  terrors  of 
war.  He  nerved  the  souls  of  Jefferson  and  Henry,  of  Adams 
and  Jay,  and,  above  all,  of  the  immortal  Washington,  with  a 
patriotism  so  incorruptible,  that  they  led  the  nation  through 
the  perils  of  smiles  and  of  tears,  of  bribery  and  of  blood, 
with  a  firmness  and  devotion  which  made  them  a  sublime 
spectacle  to  enemies  and  friends. 

By  such  discipline  did  God  separate  the  precious  from  the 
vile,  drive  away  or  destroy  the  cowardly  timidity  and  craven 
selfishness  unfit  for  use  in  constructing  the  Temple  of  Lib 
erty,  and  nerve  with  highest  energy  the  master-spirits  chosen 
to  lead  the  hosts  of  Freedom  in  the  ages  to  come. 

Thus  have  we  found  and  brought  forward  the  facts  which 
clearly  justify  the  proposition  which  stands  at  the  head  of 
this  chapter, — discipline  insures  a  vigorous  national  life. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

HISTORY    RECORDS   AN   ACKNOWLEDGED    NATIONAL    LIFE. 

"0  Peace,  thou  welcome  guest,  all  hail!  Thou  heavenly  visitant,  calm  the  tumults 
of  nations,  and  wave  thy  balmy  wing  over  this  region  of  liberty !  .  .  .  May  this  great 
event  excite  and  elevate  our  first,  our  highest  acknowledgments  to  the  Sovereign  Mon 
arch  of  universal  nature,  to  the  Supreme  Disposer  and  Controller  of  all  events !  Let 
this  our  pious,  sincere,  and  devout  gratitude  ascend  in  one  general  effusion  of  heartfelt 
praise  and  hallelujah,  in  one  united  cloud  of  incense,  even  the  incense  of  universal  joy 
and  thanksgiving  to  God,  from  the  collective  body  of  the  United  States."  —  PRESIDENT 
STILES. 

THE  neighborhood  of  nations  requires  mutual  concessions. 
It  is  not  merely  the  question  of  each,  whether  it  has  a  right 
to  exist,  or  whether  its  institutions  are  sound  and  benign  in 
their  influence  upon  the  people.  As  individuals  are  under 
obligations  to  be  good  and  acceptable  neighbors,  so  each 
nation  is  bound  to  be  a  peaceable  and  useful  member  of  the 
family  of  nations.  Every  other  member  of  the  great  fam 
ily  has  a  right  to  exact  it.  The  happiness  and  prosperity 
of  the  whole  depend  upon  it. 

When,  therefore,  colonies,  however  remote  from  the 
home  government,  assert  their  independence,  they  are 
greatly  concerned  in  the  question  of  acknowledgment.  Are 
they  right  ?  Do  the  principles  of  their  uprising  commend 
themselves  to  sound  reason,  to  the  approval  of  leading 
minds,  to  the  men  in  power  in  other  nations  ?  Have  they 
vindicated  their  nationality  ?  Are  they  a  nation  with  the 
indispensable  resources,  rights,  and  powers  of  separate  in 
dependent  government  ? 

Until  these  questions  are  answered,  there  is  still  cause  for 
anxiety  with  regard  to  the  new  experiment.  There  was 
cause  for  anxiety  in  America. 


288  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 


THE    ENGLISH    ACKNOWLEDGE    AMERICAN    INDEPENDENCE. 

Before  the  commencement  of  actual  hostilities,  the  popu 
lar  feeling  was  strongly  with  the  government.  The  Ameri 
cans  were  rebels,  and  his  Majesty  must  subdue  them  at  all 
hazards.  Writers  and  speakers  vied  with  each  other  in 
opposing  all  ideas  of  future  separation.  There  was,  how 
ever,  one  exception.  Dean  Tucker,  in  a  published  pam 
phlet,  urged  upon  Parliament  a  peaceful  release  of  the 
colonies  from  all  obligations  of  loyalty  to  the  British 
crown.  It  is  true,  he  placed  it  upon  grounds  of  forfeiture ; 
but  the  principle  of  American  independence  was  conceded 
even  by  his  proposition,  that  the  way  should  be  open  for 
the  return  of  any  colony  repenting  its  attempt  to  live  with 
out  the  mother-country. 

Burke  would  not  tolerate  the  noble  proposition  of  Tucker, 
though  he  was  a  warm  friend  of  the  colonies.  His  desire 
for  reconciliation,  however,  carried  with  it  a  confession  of 
American  rights,  which  had  been  denied,  and  formed  the 
nucleus  of  an  opposition,  which  finally  gathered  around  it  a 
strong  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  American  independence. 
In  a  recent  election,  the  ministry  had  obtained  an  over 
whelming  majority  in  favor  of  coercion.  Lord  North  could 
go  on  with  his  measures  for  the  suppression  of  rebellion, 
but  not  heartily ;  for  even  he  was,  in  principle  and  feeling, 
really  opposed  to  the  war.  Officially,  he  favored  the  king ; 
but,  personally,  the  colonies.  This  fact  was  of  great  moral 
importance  to  America. 

The  minority  had  strength  among  the  merchants,  who 
were  not  long  in  discovering  that  free  colonies  fostered  by 
the  British  Government,  or  even  an  independent  nation 
with  the  best  resources  of  a  continent  at  command,  would 
furnish  a  more  lucrative  trade  than  a  subdued,  oppressed, 
and  discouraged  people.  The  principles  of  civil  liberty, 
now  apparently  endangered  in  the  whole  kingdom,  were 
roused  to  a  new  and  vigorous  life  by  the  American  strug- 


AN  ACKNOWLEDGED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  289 

gle ;  and  the  English  dissenters  were  firm  and  really  formi 
dable  in  their  opposition  to  the  tyrannical  measures  of  the 
king  and  his  ministers.  Some  portions  of  the  old  Whig 
party,  led  by  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  the  Earl  of 
Chatham,  Pownal  and  Johnstone,  and  urged  forward  by  the 
eloquence  of  Burke,  Barre,  Dunning,  and  Fox,  revealed 
the  nucleus  of  a  power  which  gave  voice  and  effect  to  the 
English  sense  of  justice,  and  would  finally  bring  up  the 
convictions  and  moral  force  of  the  British  nation  to  the  ac 
knowledgment  of  American  independence. 

Jamaica  petitioned  Parliament  most  earnestly  against 
the  "plan,  almost  carried  into  execution,  for  reducing  the 
colonies  into  the  most  abject  state  of  slavery."  At  that 
time,  however,  remonstrance  was  in  vain.  Resolutions 
against  the  oppressive  measures  of  the  ministry,  offered  by 
Burke  and  Hartley,  and  sustained  by  the  most  powerful  elo 
quence,  were  promptly  voted  down ;  but  they  were  a  voice 
for  justice  which  the  civilized  world  must  hear.  Wilkes, 
Lord  Mayor  of  London,  led  the  power  of  that  great  city  in 
official  and  public  expression  of  "  abhorrence  "  of  all  meas 
ures  for  "  the  oppression  of  their  fellow-subjects  in  the 
colonies." 

Good  men  were  on  opposite  sides  in  this  struggle.  The 
great  John  Wesley,  whose  loyalty  was  a  part  of  his  religion, 
wrote  and  published  his  earnest  advice  to  the  colonies  to 
submit  to  the  crown ;  while  Oglethorpe  had  earlier  the 
broad  views  which  Wesley  subsequently  reached,  and,  as 
we  have  seen,  refused  to  act  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
British  army  of  forty  thousand  men  ordered  to  subjugate 
the  colonies,  for  which  he  felt  an  interest  truly  paternal. 
At  the  opening  of  Parliament,  Oct.  6,  1775,  Gen.  Conway 
and  the  Duke  of  Grafton  abandoned  their  official  positions 
rather  than  be  longer  identified  with  this  unrighteous  tyran 
ny,  and  joined  the  opposition. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  discouraged  many  of 
the  English  advocates  of  conciliation,  and  gave  strength  to 


37 


290  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

•% 

the  idea  that  rebellion  must  first  be  crushed  before  over 
tures  of  peace  could  be  made.  But  the  victorious  march 
of  the  Howes  through  Long  Island,  New  York,  and  New 
Jersey,  encouraged  even  Lord  North  to  bring  forward  new 
measures  of  conciliation.  He  declared  his  real  sentiments, 
which  had  been  from  the  first  opposed  to  forced  taxation ; 
and  his  humane  feelings,  really  revolting  from  the  murder 
ous  acts  which  he  had  felt  obliged  to  promote,  gave  power 
ful  influence  to  the  public  sentiment,  which  brought  the 
people  of  Great  Britain  to  the  acknowledgment  of  American 
independence. 

France,  roused  by  the  sympathies  of  her  people,  came 
forward  to  help  the  struggling  colonies  at  the  expense  of  a 
perilous  war  with  England ;  and  this  gave  great  additional 
strength  to  the  opposition,  and  led  to  a  new  commission 
for  conciliation.  By  the  spring  of  1778,  the  demand  for 
peace  had  become  importunate  in  England ;  and  as  the  hon 
orable  commissioners  under  Lord  North's  Conciliatory  Act 
—  the  Earl  of  Carlisle,  William  Edwin,  afterward  Lord  Auk- 
land,  and  Gov.  Johnstone  —  could  gain  no  audience  with 
Congress  (still  officially  regarded  and  treated  as  a  rebel 
assembly),  it  was  coming  to  be  thoroughly  understood 
that  there  could  be  no  peace  but  by  the  acknowledgment 
of  the  independence  of  the  United  States.  This,  so  far 
from  operating  against  the  public  desire  for  peace,  deepened 
and  extended  it.  When  a  noble  earl  said  in  his  place, 
"  My  lords,  you  cannot  conquer  America,"  he  gave  expres 
sion  to  the  profoundest  convictions  of  the  British  people ; 
and  this  was  the  predetermined  acknowledgment  of  our 
independence. 

Spain  now  came  forward  as  a  party  to  the  war,  aiming 
chiefly  at  the  recovery  of  her  territorial  rights  in  America, 
but  incidentally  contributing  to  the  general  dissatisfaction 
in  England  with  the  war  against  America. 

The  capture  of  Burgoyne  and  his  army,  the  consummate 
skill  of  Washington  in  the  recovery  of  New  Jersey,  and  the 


AN  ACKNOWLEDGED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  291 

indomitable  persistence  of  the  armies  with  their  allies  result 
ing  in  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis,  brought  this  feeling  to  a 
crisis ;  and  no  ministry  could  stand  before  it.  The  king's 
speech  in  November,  1781,  breathed  nothing  but  slaughter  ; 
but  on  the  first  division,  the  House  of  Commons  showed  that 
the  war  party  was  losing  its  power.  The  motion,  that  "  any 
further  attempt  to  reduce  the  Americans  by  force  would  be 
ineffectual  and  injurious/'  was  lost  by  a  majority  of  only 
forty-one.  A  little  more  than  a  month  later,  a  motion  for 
"  an  address  to  the  king  to  put  a  stop  to  the  war  "  was  lost 
by  only  a  single  vote.  Five  days  later,  "  a  similar  motion  was 
carried/'  and  the  British  people  had  acknowledged  the  inde 
pendence  of  America. 


EUROPEAN    GOVERNMENTS    ACKNOWLEDGE   THE   NEW   NATION. 

The  sword  had  been  wielded  with  sufficient  effect  to  usher 
in  the  period  of  diplomacy.  In  1780,  brave  John  Adams 
appears  in  Paris  with  power  from  the  American  Congress  to 
form  treaties  of  peace  and  commerce.  He  was,  however,  too 
impetuous  for  the  cautious  Vergennes,  and  was  soon  trans 
ferred  to  Holland.  Finding  the  way  gradually  opened,  and 
obstructions  thrown  in  his  way  overcome,  he  matured  and  ef 
fected  a  treaty  with  the  States-General  at  the  Hague  ;  and 
the  heroic  government  of  Holland  was  the  first  in  the  world 
to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America ;  a  distinction  of  which  she  may  well  be  proud,  and 
for  which  the  Great  Republic  will  never  cease  to  be  pro 
foundly  grateful. 

In  the  mean  time,  our  struggling  country  encountered  a 
new  peril  from  the  offer  of  the  Empress  of  Russia  to  mediate 
between  the  contending  parties.  The  desire  of  England  for 
peace  may  be  seen  in  the  proposition,  that  the  German  em 
peror  should  be  associated  with  the  empress  in  this  media 
tion.  Such  had  been  the  discouragements  of  Southern 
members  from  the  success  of  the  British  army  at  the  battle 


292  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

of  Camden,  and  the  conquest  of  South  Carolina  and"  Geor 
gia,  that  Congress  was  induced  to  waive  the  demand  for  a 
formal  acknowledgment  of  independence,  insisting  only 
upon  virtual  independence ;  but,  by  the  blessings  of  Provi 
dence,  complications  arose,  which  destroyed  all  the  combina 
tions  formed  under  the  auspices  of  the  Empress  of  Kussia, 
and  once  more  our  rising  nation  escaped  a  ruinous  tempta 
tion.  The  honest,  firm,  and  fearless  spirit  of  Franklin,  who 
was  our  representative  at  Paris,  was  doubtless  the  most  for 
midable  obstacle  in  the  way  of  a  treaty  urged  by  the  South 
against  the  determined  resistance  of  New  England,  which 
would  have  sacrificed  the  national  life  for  which  the  American 
people  had  shed  their  blood  like  water.  When  the  Marquis 
of  Rockingham,  who  openly  advocated  the  independence  of 
these  colonies,  had  succeeded  Lord  North,  Adams  and  Frank 
lin  were  approached  with  some  official  overtures  of  peace, 
with  every  advantage  excepting  formal  independence.  Sir 
Guy  Carlton  and  Admiral  Digby  were  empowered  to  approach 
Washington  and  the  Congress  with  the  same  propositions; 
and  Oswald,  a  British  merchant,  was  sent  to  Paris  to  ascer 
tain  of  Franklin  the  American  ultimatum,  and  returned  with 
the  information  that  "  independence,  a  satisfactory  boundary, 
and  a  participation  in  the  fisheries,  would  be  indispensable 
requisites  in  a  treaty."  * 

Rockingham,  the  friend  of  America,  died,  and  Shelburn, 
from  the  school  of  Chatham,  succeeded  him.  His  private 
opinions,  however,  were  of  no  avail.  The  British  people 
demanded  peace,  and  neither  ministry  nor  king  could  silence 
their  demand. 

Just  at  this  time,  the  news  reached  Europe  that  the  British 
Admiral  Rodney  had  almost  literally  destroyed  the  French 
fleet  under  Count  de  Grasse  in  the  West  Indies.  This  had, 
of  course,  a  strong  tendency  to  strength  the  diplomacy  of 
England,  while  it  increased  the  desire  of  France  to  reach  the 
end  of  the  war.  But  America  was  firm.  At  length,  an  act 

*  Hildreth,  iii.  416. 


AN  ACKNOWLEDGED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  293 

of  Parliament  authorized  negotiations  on  the  basis  of  Frank 
lin's  previous  announcement.  Oswald  met  Franklin  and  Jay 
in  Paris  with  full  powers  to  conclude  a  peace  with  certain 
"  colonies "  in  America.  Jay,  however,  firmly  refused  to 
treat  in  behalf  of  British  "  colonies ; "  and  Oswald  soon  pro 
cured  amended  prerogatives  to  make  peace  with  "  the 
United  States  of  America." 

Not  exactly  in  accordance  with  instructions,  but  prompted 
by  what  seemed  to  be  sufficient  reasons,  Franklin  and  Jay 
negotiated  a  separate  peace  with  Oswald  in  behalf  of  Eng 
land  ;  not,  however,  to  take  effect  until  approved  by  France. 
Vergennes  was  too  noble  to  take  offence  at  so  critical  a  mo 
ment,  and  resumed  negotiations,  to  which  Spain  also  was  a 
party. 

At  length,  on  the  19th  of  April,  1783,  — just  eight  years 
from  the  opening  of  this  fearful  war,  —  the  proclamation 
of  peace  issued  by  Congress  reached  the  arrny  at  New- 
burg.  The  Revolutionary  War  was  ended,  and  the  inde 
pendence^  of  America  was  acknowledged  by  Holland,  Eng 
land,  France,  and  Spain.  What  exultant  joy  rang  through 
the  camp  of  those  scarred  veterans !  What  ecstasies  of  de 
light  thrilled  the  American  people. 

The  great  task  of  constructing  and  consolidating  a  free 
government  was  not  yet  completed.  Formidable  difficulties 
threatened  the  new  nation  on  every  side  ;  but  the  same  calm 
endurance,  lofty  patriotism,  and  trust  in  God,  which  had 
borne  us  through  the  struggles  of  war,  would  sustain  us 
through  the  conflicts  of  opinion  which  must  inevitably  fol 
low.  Men  rose  to  sight,  and  disappeared  ;  armies  combined, 
and  melted  away ;  local  selfishness  warred  with  the  general 
good :  but  the  nation  lived. 

WOULD   THE   AMERICAN   PEOPLE   ACKNOWLEDGE   THE   INDEPENDENCE  OF 
THE   NATIONAL    LIFE? 

This  would  seem  a  strange  question ;  and  yet  history  re 
veals  the  astonishing  fact,  that  the  acknowledgment  to  come 


294  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

from  the  American  people  themselves  would  be  the  hardest 
to  obtain,  and  the  longest  withheld,  of  any  upon  which  true 
national  freedom  and  dignity  were  made  to  depend. 

The  doctrine  of  "  State  rights  "  arose  in  the  earliest  at 
tempts  at  national  organization.  It  was  indeed  a  very  grave 
problem,  how  the  separate  States  could  retain  sufficient 
power  for  efficient  internal  government,  and  at  the  same 
time  concede  the  prerogatives  required  to  constitute  a 
nation.  The  question  was  too  profound  and  far-reaching 
to  be  easily  or  suddenly  solved.  The  greatest  minds  stag 
gered  under  the  pressure  of  its  difficulties,  and  most  extreme 
and  opposite  views  were  advanced  by  men  of  high  merit  as 
statesmen. 

The  time  had  come  when  some  of  these  difficult  questions 
must  be  settled.  To  the  General  Government  belonged  the 
right  of  eminent  domain.  The  public  lands  were  rightfully 
the  property  of  the  whole  people,  not  of  the  States  sever 
ally  ;  and  the  people,  individually,  were  represented,  not  by 
the  legislatures  of  the  several  States,  but  by  the  Congress 
of  the  nation.  It  was  indispensable,  therefore,  that  ques 
tions  of  State  boundaries  should  be  settled  with  the  least 
possible  delay;  that  Congress  should  begin  to  see  its 
sources  of  revenue  in  the  unsettled  lands,  and  the  field  for 
enlargement  in  the  forming  of  new  States,  released  from 
State  claims.  If  the  concessions  required  were  refused, 
then  perilous  conflict  between  the  General  and  State  Gov 
ernments  would  soon  follow.  New  York  set  the  example 
of  ceding  lands  to  the  General  Government  which  she 
claimed  in  the  West.  Virginia  had  ceded  vast  territories, 
but  claimed  the  whole  of  Kentucky ;  and  all  that  was  done 
in  this  direction  indicated  the  crude,  unsettled  state  of  affairs 
at  the  close  of  the  war,  and  the  reluctance  with  which  the 
States  parted  with  any  asserted  rights  in  favor  of  the  nation. 

To  discharge  the  debts  of  the  United  States,  especially  to 
meet  the  demands  of  the  army,  five  per  cent  impost  duty 
was  proposed  to  the  States.  All,  excepting  Georgia  and 


AN  ACKNOWLEDGED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  295 

Rhode  Island,  had  formally  or  virtually  consented.  Just 
as  Morris,  struggling  with  the  grave  financial  difficulties 
of  the  nation,  began  to  hope  for  relief  from  this  source, 
Rhode  Island  utterly  refused  her  consent ;  Virginia  imme 
diately  repealed  her  act  acquiescing  in  the  measure  ;  and 
Georgia,  having  only  just  returned  to  the  Union,  could  do 
nothing  in  the  premises.  Where,  then,  was  the  treasury 
of  the  nation  to  find  money  to  meet  the  eight  millions  due 
for  the  service  of  the  pending  year,  and  pay  the  army  and 
other  current  expenses  of  the  government?  Loans  slowly 
gathered  from  Holland;  and  $1,111,111  magnanimously 
furnished  by  France,  notwithstanding  the  slight  in  the 
matter  of  the  treaty,  rendered  a  little  aid,  but  could  hardly 
be  felt  in  so  desperate  a  financial  struggle. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  discontent  of  the  army  became 
alarming.  Notices  appeared  about  the  camp  at  Newburg 
of  a  meeting  of  officers  to  consider  the  condition  of  affairs ; 
and  an  inflammable  address,  written  by  Capt.  Arm 
strong,  an  aide-de-camp  of  Gates,  was  circulated  among 
the  men,  showing  a  dangerous  conspiracy  to  coerce  Con 
gress,  or  take  the  redress  of  grievances  into  their  own 
hands.  Fortunately,  Washington  was  too  wise  and  great 
to  fall  into  such  a  snare.  He  boldly  superseded  this  un 
lawful  assemblage  by  one  appointed  by  himself,  in  which 
he  so  energetically  denounced  the  incipient  treason,  that 
no  one  dared  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  the  measure. 
But  would  the  army  acknowledge  the  nation  in  its  poverty, 
and  utter  inability  to  pay  their  honest  dues,  and  secure 
them  from  suffering  ?  The  highest  faith  in  their  patriotic 
devotion  hardly  dared  to  affirm  it. 

There  was  again  uneasiness  at  Newburg.  Some  three 
hundred  soldiers  from  Pennsylvania  wrote  insolently  to 
Congress,  demanding  pay.  Part  of  a  corps  started  from 
Lancaster  to  Philadelphia,  and  they  were  joined  by  troops 
from  the  barracks  under  seven  sergeants;  and  for  three 
hours  these  insurgent  soldiers  beleaguered  Congress  and  the 


296  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Council  of  Pennsylvania,  demanding  their  pay  and  a  re 
dress  of  grievances.  There  was  too  much  sympathy  with 
them  among  the  creditors  of  Congress  and  the  militia  to 
relieve  Congress  from  this  disgrace.  Only  Washington  was 
great  enough  for  this  trying  crisis.  As  soon  as  the  intel 
ligence  reached  him,  he  ordered  fifteen  hundred  men  to 
Philadelphia,  who  dispersed  the  insurgents.  Congress 
adjourned  to  Princeton. 

Massachusetts  was  not  free  from  the  spirit  of  insubordina 
tion.  Maine  began  to  move  for  an  independent  State  or 
ganization;  and,  still  more,  taxes  were  enormously  high. 
The  courts  attempting  to  enforce  their  payment  were  some 
times  assailed  by  mobs.  Discontent  spread  among  the 
people,  until  acts  of  violence  threatened  the  overthrow  of 
the  government.  Shay's  Eebellion  had  to  be  put  down  by 
loyal  troops  under  command  of  Gen.  Lincoln,  and  the 
loss  of  several  lives  was  the  result ;  and  yet  the  American 
army  did  finally  acknowledge  American  independence,  and 
were  disbanded  amid  the  strongest  demonstrations  of  grati 
tude  and  mutual  affection. 

But  the  acknowledgment  of  one  man  transcends  all 
others.  Washington  had  reached  the  greatest  height  of 
popular  influence  and  power.  He  had,  with  unaffected 
modesty  and  self-distrust,  accepted  the  position  of  gravest 
responsibility  and  greatest  personal  danger  in  this  war  of 
revolution.  No  one  knew  better  than  himself  what  must 
follow  to  him  if  the  colonies  failed  in  their  struggle,  first  for 
right,  and  then  for  independence.  No  one  knew  better  than 
he  the  desperate  nature  of  this  undertaking.  Humanly 
speaking,  the  probabilities  were  all  against  success.  But 
the  people  had  seen  him  move  calmly  into  the  field  of 
danger.  They  had  seen  him  attracting  to  the  standard  of 
Liberty  the  old  and  the  young,  and  seen  the  confused  masses 
reduced  to  order  and  efficiency  by  the  firmness  of  his  com 
mand  and  the  strength  of  his  military  wisdom.  They  had 
seen  him  stand  up  in  the  face  of  the  enemy  with  colossal 


AN  ACKNOWLEDGED  NATIONAL  LIFE.  297 

majesty  when  his  feeble  army  was  reduced  by  expiration 
of  time,  by  desertions,  and  by  slaughter  on  the  field  of 
battle.  They  had  seen  him  great  enough  to  retreat  in  the 
teeth  of  reproaches  from  his  own  countrymen  when  an 
engagement  would  imperil  the  army  and  the  sacred  cause 
for  which  they  were  ready  to  battle  and  to  die.  They  had 
seen  him  share  with  his  soldiers  the  sufferings  of  hunger, 
of  long  and  weary  marches,  of  cold,  and  of  sleeping  upon  the 
ground.  They  had  seen  his  struggles  for  the  army  when 
the  poverty  of  his  country  denied  them  necessary  clothing 
and  tents  to  protect  them  from  the  cold,  and  the  scanty 
pittance  they  had  so  severely  earned  for  their  suffering  fami 
lies  at  home.  They  had  seen  him  rise  above  all  sectional 
ism  and  personal  jealousy  and  treasonable  conspiracies 
when  he  had  failed  to  accomplish  impossibilities.  They 
had  seen  him  in  the  might  of  his  firm  will  punishing  cow 
ardice  and  disloyalty,  until  they  did  not  dare  to  whisper  their 
complaints  or  treason,  lest  he  should  somehow  hear  them ; 
and  yet  winning  the  hearts  alike  of  the  roughest  and  hardiest 
and  the  noblest  and  most  polished  of  men.  They  had  seen 
that  his  courage  was  no  passion ;  that  his  fortitude  was  no 
temporary  resolution  to  suffer  when  he  could  not  avoid  it ; 
that  he'  was  just  as  calm  and  firm  after  a  defeat  as  after  a  vic 
tory  ;  just  as  thorough  and  great  in  his  appeals  when  Con 
gress  was  paralyzed,  or  the  nation  apparently  sinking  from 
exhaustion,  as  he  was  grateful  for  the  noble  endeavors  to 
achieve  apparent  impossibilities.  They  had  seen  him  mov 
ing  in  strength  to  and  fro  amid  the  perils  of  the  camp  for 
eight  years,  and  all  this  time  firmly  refusing  all  pay,  receiv 
ing  not  one  penny  for  his  valuable  services,  and  handing 
over  literally  every  thing  that  his  indefatigable  industry  and 
great  talents  and  the  noble  sacrifice  and  zeal  of  his  country 
could  gather  to  the  comfort  and  relief  of  the  men  under  his 
command.  Finally,  they  had  seen  him  on  his  knees  in 
prayer  to  God. 

He  had  triumphed  sublimely  over  the  armed  foes  of  his 


38 


298  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

country, — over  poverty,  jealousy,  and  ignorance,  over  perils 
the  most  imminent  and  fearful, — and  gathered  around  him 
the  most  sacred  affections  and  gratitude  of  a  nation.  What 
would  he  expect  in  return  ?  A  kingdom.  Surely  nothing 
less,  the  world,  in  the  light  of  history,  would  answer.  Indeed 
he  was  a  king,  —  a  sovereign  of  hearts,  and,  we  may  almost 
say,  of  American  destiny. 

But  the  test  came.  Kepublican  ideas  had  been  very 
popular  in  oratory,  and  very  inspiring  in  promise ;  but  the 
soldiers  were  starving  in  despite  of  them.  They  seemed  to 
be  wanting  in  power.  They  could  not  create  bread  nor 
money,  for  bills  of  credit  were  neither ;  and  the  distress  of 
the  hour  would  combine  with  the  lingering  love  of  mon 
archy  which  the  people  had  inherited,  and  the  treason 
of  selfish  ambition,  to  offer  Washington  a  crown.  Col. 
Lewis  Nicola,  then  of  Pennsylvania,  but  a  foreigner  by 
birth,  would  be  made  the  bearer  of  this  tempting  offer. 
Now  look  at  the  man.  See  the  storm  of  wrath  gathering 
in  his  great  soul  and  lowering  upon  his  brow.  Hear  the 
words  of  indignant,  scathing  rebuke  which  fall  from  his  lips. 
See  the  fawning  sycophants  trembling,  and  fleeing  from  his 
presence  as  from  the  face  of  terrific  inexorable  justice. 
Washington  a  king?  —  a  traitor  to  the  country  he  had  so 
long  struggled  to  free  ?  —  to  the  liberties  for  which  the 
people  had  bled  for  eight  years  ?  No !  What  did  all  this 
long  agony  of  the  American  colonists  mean  ?  Simply  a 
change  of  masters  ?  —  a  military  despotism  ?  No  !  it  meant 
"  liberty  or  death ; "  and  the  whole  moral  significance  of 
the  American  spirit,  and  the  battles  of  mind  and  blood  for  a 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  were  represented  and  impersonated 
in  Washington.  He  could  only  think  the  thoughts  and  feel 
the  yearnings  of  America.  He  was  free,  and  America  was 
free. 

We  may  now  see  the  British  army  retire  from  New  York, 
from  Long  Island,  from  "  the  United  States  of  America." 
Washington  takes  leave  of  his  companions  in  arms,  bathed 


AN  ACKNOWLEDGED  NATIONAL  LIFE,  299 

in  tears.  He  is  hailed  in  Philadelphia,  and  everywhere,  as  the 
deliverer  of  his  country.  Loud  hurrahs  ring  at  his  approach. 
The  eyes  of  gratitude  gaze  at  his  stately  form,  dimmed  with 
tears.  Flowers  are  strewed  in  his  path  by  fair  hands. 
Smiling  affection  wreaths  his  brow  with  the  garland  of 
laurel  and  roses.  But  he  hastens  on.  He  is  at  Annapolis, 
before  Congress,  delivering  his  farewell  address ;  and  these 
are  its  closing  words:  "Having  now  finished  the  work 
assigned  me,  I  retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action ;  and 
bidding  an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august  body,  under 
whose  orders  I  have  so  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my  commis 
sion,  and  take  nay  leave  of  all  the  employments  of  public 
life."  The  grandest  act  recorded  in  history.  Moral  sub 
limity  could  rise  no  higher. 

Mifflin  was  in  the  chair.  Providence  had  arranged  that 
one  who  had  been  with  good  reason  suspected  of  plotting 
for  the  removal  of  Washington,  when  gloom  enveloped  the 
camp  and  the  nation,  should  attempt  to  give  voice  to  the 
feelings  of  that  great  hour.  Mifflin  thus  responded  :  "  The 
United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  receive,  with  emotions 
too  affecting  for  utterance,  the  solemn  resignation  of  the 
authority  under  which  you  have  led  their  troops  with  suc 
cess  through  a  perilous  and  doubtful  war.  Called  upon  by 
your  country  to  defend  its  invaded  rights,  you  accepted  the 
sacred  charge  before  it  had  found  alliances,  and  while  it  was 
without  friends  or  a  government  to  support  you.  You  have 
conducted  the  great  military  contest  with  wisdom  and  forti 
tude,  invariably  regarding  the  rights  of  the  civil  power, 
through  all  disasters  and  changes.  You  have,  by  the  love 
and  confidence  of  your  fellow-citizens,  enabled  them  to  dis 
play  their  martial  genius,  and  transmit  their  fame  to  pos 
terity.  You  have  persevered,  till  these  United  States,  aided 
by  a  magnanimous  king  and  nation,  have  been  enabled, 
under  a  just  Providence,  to  close  the  war  in  freedom,  safety, 
and  independence ;  on  which  happy  event  we  sincerely  join 
you  in  congratulations.  Having  defended  the  standard  of 


300  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

liberty  in  this  New  World,  having  taught  a  lesson  useful  to 
those  who  inflict  and  to  those  who  feel  oppression,  you 
retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action  with  the  blessings  of 
your  fellow-citizens  :  but  the  glory  of  your  virtues  will  not 
terminate  with  your  military  command ;  it  will  continue  to 
animate  remotest  ages." 

Washington  had  acknowledged  the  independence  of  the 
national  life;  the  American  people  had  acknowledged  it, 
but  with  one  grand  and  damaging  reservation.  Virginia, 
and  the  Southern  States  generally,  insisted  upon  setting  the 
State  above  the  Nation  ;  that  the  first  devotion  of  loyalty 
was  to  the  State ;  that  nothing  belonged  to  the  General 
Government  but  what  had  been  formally  conceded  to  it;  and 
that  the  Union  was  a  simple  confederacy,  from  which  either 
of  its  members,  sovereign  in  itself,  might  withdraw  at  pleas 
ure.  Strange,  therefore,  as  the  fact  may  appear,  while  sove 
reigns  and  courts  abroad  acknowledged  the  new  nation  as  a 
free  and  independent  nation,  many  of  the  States,  as  such, 
denied  it ;  and  history  must  wait  ninety  years  before  it 
could  record  this  latest  acknowledgment  of  the  independent 
national  life  in  the  United  States  of  America. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

THE  CONSTITUTION  REVEALS  AN  ORGANIC  NATIONAL  LIFE. 

"  Every  nation,  when  able  and  agreed,  has  a  right  to  set  up  over  themselves  any  form 
of  government  which  to  them  may  appear  most  conducive  to  their  common  welfare."  — 
LANGDON. 

CONSTITUTIONS  grow.  They  are  not  the  sudden  product  of 
genius  or  talent.  They  cannot  be  resolved  into  perfect 
maturity  by  any  body  of  men.  Their  materials,  like  inor 
ganic  matter  in  chaos,  seem  to  be  floating  about  amid  the 
confusion  of  ages,  seeking  affinities  and  organization.  A 
careful  study  of  history,  however,  will  reveal  the  vital 
element  of  Christian  liberty,  surviving  all  changes,  and 
superior  to  all  antagonist  forces,  slowly  attracting  to  itself 
the  materials  of  its  growth,  and  in  all  its  local  manifesta 
tions  holding  secret  but  indissoluble  connections  with  all  the 
true  principles  of  liberty  on  the  globe. 

Magna  Charta,  so  fundamental  to  the  British  Constitution, 
was  not  the  creation  of  the  powerful  nobles  in  conflict  with 
King  John.  It  was  the  grand  original  right  of  man,  which 
had  been  felt  and  asserted  somewhere  in  all  the  ages,  but 
which  had  been  long  denied,  insulted,  and  stamped  out 
of  sight.  It  must,  then,  assert  itself,  claim  a  human  voice  to 
utter  its  demands  and  enforce  its  authority,  that  the  race 
might  not  believe  it  dead,  or  forever  powerless  against 
oppression.  And,  when  it  was  once  expressed,  it  was  not  for 
England  alone,  but  for  the  world.  It  slowly,  but  with  steady 
progress,  leavened  the  masses,  so  that  British  freedom  from 
henceforth  embodied  a  thought,  a  grand  fact,  which  could 
never  be  safely  ignored.  The  conflicts  of  Puritanism  with 

301 


302  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

despotic  power  showed  the  pressure  and  strength  of  this 
life-force  on  its  way  to  the  New  World. 

Now  freedom  begins  to  show  dimly  its  constitutional  form 
in  the  colonies, —  first  in  its  indignant  utterances  against  the 
tyrannical  acts  of  the  mother-country ;  then  in  the  strong 
State-papers,  which  showed  inchoate  State  authority  ante 
dating  the  formal  organization  of  independent  government ; 
then  in  the  bonds  of  union,  which  indicated  a  common 
interest  and  common  life  in  the  separate  colonies ;  then  in 
the  organized  State  governments  which  rose  up  amid  the 
birth-throes  of  the  great  Revolution. 

A  project  of  union  was  brought  before  Congress,  by 
Franklin,  in  1775;  but  it  could  only  show  the  conviction  of 
its  necessities,  and  the  difficulty  of  ascertaining  of  what 
the  unity  of  the  colonies  consisted. 

THE    OLD    ARTICLES    OF  CONFEDERATION. 

"When  the  declaration  of  independence  destroyed  the 
unity  which  the  colonies  had  formerly  recognized  in  the 
British  crown,  and  left  them  to  ascertain  and  define  the  pro- 
founder  and  less  evident  ties,  which,  as  parts  of  a  new  nation, 
bound  them  together,  they  sought  to  define  in  words  the 
sense  in  which  they  were  separate  States,  and  at  the  same 
time  a  General  Government.  A  most  difficult  thing  to  do. 
The  history  of  the  effort  affords  a  striking  illustration  of 
the  fact,  already  stated,  that  reliable  constitutions  are  not 
made,  but  grow.  In  June,  1776,  a  committee  of  one  from 
each  State  was  appointed  to  draught  a  project  of  national 
government,  then  simply  understood  as  a  confederacy  of  colo 
nies.  Samuel  Adams,  Sherman,  Dickinson,  and  John  Rut- 
ledge,  were  of  the  number  of  this  important  committee ;  a 
sufficient  guaranty  that  the  effort  would  be  able,  and  faith 
ful  to  the  people,  so  far  as  the  progress  of  events  had  de 
fined  the  possibilities  of  national  organization.  Dickinson 
drew  the  document  in  twenty  articles.  But  the  report 


AN  ORGANIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  303 

proved  at  once  the  difficulties  of  the  task,  and  the  inevi 
table  demand  for  mutual  concessions.  Repeated  attempts 
were  made  to  consider  and  adopt  it;  but  the  difficulty  of 
agreement,  and  the  disturbed  condition  of  Congress,  driven 
from  Philadelphia,  deferred  the  final  vote  for  six  months. 
The  Articles  of  Confederation  were  at  length  sanctioned  by 
Congress,  and  went  to  the  States  for  their  "  immediate  and 
dispassionate  action."  In  the  document  accompanying  the 
Articles,  it  was  well  said,  "  that  to  form  a  permanent  Union, 
accommodated  to  the  opinions  and  wishes  of  the  delegates  of 
so  many  States,  differing  in  habits,  produce,  commerce,  and 
internal  police,  was  found  to  be  a  work  which  nothing  but 
time  and  reflection,  conspiring  with  a  disposition  to  concili 
ate,  could  mature  and  accomplish." 

During  the  following  winter,  only  New  Hampshire,  New 
York,  North  Carolina,  and  Virginia  accepted  the  Articles 
"  without  objections."  After  proposing  "  various  amend 
ments,"  however,  all  the  States,  excepting  New  Jersey,  Del 
aware,  and  Maryland,  adopted  them.  These  States  had  no 
difficulty  in  pointing  out  valid  objections  to  the  plan ;  for  it 
was  really  very  imperfect :  but  New  Jersey  and  Delaware 
yielded  to  the  urgent  entreaties  of  Congress.  Maryland 
stood  alone  for  two  years  in  resisting  the  ratification,  which 
prevented  the  official  promulgation  of  the  Articles. 

To  reach  even  a  confederation,  the  following  grave  and 
perplexing  questions  must  be  settled  :  — 

How  should  the  votes  in  Congress  be  given?  Virginia 
was  large,  populous,  and  central ;  and  she  said,  "  According  to 
population : "  but  she  was  overruled,  and  the  vote  was  to  be 
by  States;  and  not  less  than  nine  States  were  required  to 
determine  any  question  of  grave  importance. 

How  should  taxes  be  levied  ?  The  East  said,  "  According 
to  population ; "  but  the  South  said,  "  No  :  slave  labor  is  not 
so  profitable  as  white." 

The  casting  vote  which  settled  this  controversy  fell  upon 
New  Jersey ;  and  she  gave  it  to  the  South,  against  the  North, 
exempting  forever  slave  property  from  taxation." 


304  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

Ill  the  result,  real  estate  alone  became  the  basis  of  taxa 
tion  ;  but,  as  the  General  Government  had  no  power  to  fix 
the  valuation,  this  measure  was  fatal  to  the  confederacy. 

To  whom  should  the  Western  lands  belong  ?  This  was,  as 
we  have  already  seen,  a  very  difficult  question.  A  prompt 
and  unrestricted  concession  of  the  right  of  eminent  domain 
to  the  nation  would  have  been  just  and  wise,  and  this  was 
urged  by  the  States  holding  no  claims  in  the  Great  West ; 
but  the  claiming  States  made  an  obstinate  resistance.  The 
severe  contest  was  ended,  for  the  time  being,  by  such  partial 
concessions  to  Congress  as  led  to  acquiescence,  if  not 
approval ;  and  the  government  began  to  exercise  a  territorial 
sovereignty,  which  would  ultimately  be  a  source  of  vast 
revenue,  but  which,  for  a  long  period,  was  more  troublesome 
than  profitable.  This  controversy  being  settled,  on  the  first 
day  of  March,  1781,  Maryland  yielded,  signed  the  Articles 
of  Confederation,  and  they  became  the  law  of  the  land. 

Navigation  was  made  dependent  exclusively  upon  the  will 
of  each  State,  and  the  control  of  imports  as  well ;  thus  bar 
ring  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  prohibit  the  slave- 
trade. 

The  States,  in  the  mean  time,  refused  to  commit  the  settle 
ment  of  future  land-claims  and  boundaries,  north-west  of 
the  Ohio,  to  the  United  States ;  thus  providing  for  an  almost 
interminable  contest  of  jurisdiction  in  the  future. 

The  most  obstinate  prejudices  against  a  standing  army 
had  frequently  paralyzed  the  efforts  of  Washington  and  Con 
gress  to  raise  continental  forces  to  give  greater  reliableness 
and  efficiency  to  American  arms ;  and  now  the  States  would 
peremptorily  deny  to  the  General  Government  military 
control  over  their  separate  jurisdictions.  There  should  not 
be  one  grand  national  army,  but  thirteen  armies.  How 
utterly  destructive  of  government  this  must  have  been,  had 
there  not  been  vital  power  in  the  underlying  unity,  which, 
when  emergency  demanded,  would  rise  up,  and  reveal  its 
strength,  despite  the  vicious  assumptions  of  "State  rights"  ! 


AN  ORGANIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  305 

The  United  States  might  declare  war,  and  ma,ke  peace, 
and  make  treaties ;  but  "  the  power  reserved  to  the  States 
over  imports  and  exports,  over  shipping  and  revenue," 
really  destroyed  the  force  of  these  concessions. 

The  States  must  share  in  "  the  right  of  coining  money, 
the  right  of  keeping  up  ships  of  war,  land-forces,  forts,  gar 
risons,"  and  must  make  their  own  laws  of  treason. 

Finally,  it  must  require  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  thir 
teen  States  to  adopt  or  amend  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 

Well  might  it  be  said,  "  A  government  which  had  not 
power  to  levy  a  tax,  or  raise  a  soldier,  or  deal  directly  with 
an  individual,  or  keep  its  engagements  with  foreign  powers, 
or  amend  its  constitution  without  the  unanimous  consent  of 
its  members,  had  not  enough  of  vital  force  to  live."  * 

If  now  it  is  asked,  Was  there  no  indication  in  the  old  con 
federation  of  an  organic  national  life,  I  answer,  with  great 
satisfaction,  that  the  assumption  by  Congress,  that  the  most 
extended  territory,  however  diverse  in  local  interests  and 
prejudices,  might  be  included  in  one  Great  Republic,  was  a 
fundamental  position,  distinguishing  this  modern  from  the 
ancient  republics  of  Greece  and  Rome,  and  conforming 
bravely  to  the  future  plans  and  developments  of  Providence. 
The  right  of  citizenship  and  the  franchise  had  been  settled 
variously  in  the  States  according  to  caprice  or  prejudice. 
"  One  State  disfranchised  Jews,  another  Catholics,  another 
deniers  of  the  Trinity,  and  another  men  of  a  complexion 
different  from  white;"  but  "  the  Articles  of  Confederation  and 
Perpetual  Union  made  no  distinction  of  class,  and  knew  no 
caste  but  the  caste  of  humanity."  t  That  which  gave 
reality  to  the  Union  was  the  article  which  secured  to  "  the 
free  inhabitants "  of  each  of  the  States  "  all  privileges  and 
immunities  of  free  citizens  in  the  several  States."  South 
Carolina  and  Georgia,  moved  by  their  prejudice  against 
color,  resisted  this  broad  national  assumption,  but  without 
success.  The  General  Government  had  absurdly  admitted 

*  Bancroft,  ix.  446.  t  Ibid.,  447. 


306  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

the  word  "  free,"  thereby  discriminating  against  slaves  ;  but 
they  could  by  no  means  be  induced  to  make  color  alone  the 
basis  of  proscription.  "  Congress,  while  it  left  the  regula 
tion  of  the  elective  franchise  to  the  judgment  of  each  State, 
in  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  in  its  votes,  and  its  treaties 
with  other  powers,  reckoned  all  the  free  inhabitants,  with 
out  distinction  of  ancestry,  creed,  or  color,  as  subjects  or 
citizens,"  thus  conforming  to  the  civilization  of  the  age.  It 
must  be  considered  strange  that  this  grand  principle  should 
again  be  in  contest,  and  require  the  conflicts  of  near  a  cen 
tury,  extending  down  to  this  very  day,  for  its  complete  vin 
dication. 

Finally,  as  in  all  these  respects  the  American  Eepublic 
presented  thus  early  a  complete  contrast  with  the  republics 
of  Greece  and  Rome,  so  also  did  it  rise  immeasurably  above 
them  in  its  consideration  for  the  individual  man.  In  the 
ancient  republics,  the  people  existed  for  the  government, 
and  they  failed :  in  this  great  modern  experiment,  the 
government  would  exist  for  the  people,  and  it  would  suc 
ceed  ;  for  the  people  would  ultimately  eradicate  its  vices, 
and  identify  and  conserve  the  true  elements  of  its  vitality, 
and  conditions  of  its  growth.  The  Articles  of  Confederation 
would  be  superseded,  but  not  until  they  had  been  the  means 
of  bringing  distinctly  to  the  view  of  the  American  people  the 
inherent  viciousness  of  the  doctrine  of  State  rights,  demon 
strating  clearly  the  inadequacy  and  utter  impracticability 
of  a  mere  confederation  of  independent  States,  and  usher 
ing  in  the  era  of  organic  nationality  under  the  new  and 
permanent  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

THE    FEDERAL    CONVENTION. 

For  four  years  and  a  half  the  confederated  States  had 
struggled  on  with  all  the  burdens  of  enormous  debts,  and 
no  power  to  raise  money  to  pay ;  of  conflicting  jurisdiction 
between  the  Nation  and  the  States ;  with  peril  of  incipient 


AN  ORGANIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  307 

rebellion,  and  the  confusion  of  various  governmental  func 
tions  without  proper  classification  and  division  of  labor; 
and  a  general  feeling  of  discouragement  was  the  result. 
The  French  and  English  people  had  expected  great  im 
provements  from  the  confederation,  but  with  no  good 
reason.  The  want  of  power  was  evident  upon  the  face  of 
the  document ;  and  the  conviction  that  there  must  be  some 
change  in  the  direction  of  a  vital  union  and  stronger  gov 
ernment  was  becoming  general.  New  York  proposed  a 
most  radical  change  in  the  Articles  immediately  after  their 
adoption.  Massachusetts  followed  in  the  same  track.  Vir 
ginia,  at  length,  invited  a  convention  of  all  the  States  to 
consider  the  question  of  duties  and  commerce  generally  ; 
and  in  September,  1786,  delegates  from  Virginia,  Delaware, 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  and  New  York,  assembled  in 
Annapolis.  The  discussions,  of  course,  brought  under  search 
ing  review  the  radical  defects  of  the  General  Government, 
and  resulted  in  the  calling  of  a  General  Convention,  to  be 
held  in  the  following  May,  to  consider  amendments  to  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  and  propose  such  changes  as  would 
be  "  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the  Union." 

The  old  Continental  Congress  had  expired.  It  had  been 
a  power  in  the  earth.  It  had  carried  on  a  frightful  war  for 
eight  years,  and  reached  the  most  magnificent  and  improba 
ble  results.  Its  functions  had  subsided  with  the  extraordi 
nary  condition  of  society  which  originated  them;  and  it 
passed  away  in  silence,  leaving  to  the  future  historian  the 
grateful  task  of  recording  its  heroic  achievements,  under 
such  deprivations  and  limitations  as  would  have  utterly 
destroyed  any  assembly  not  vigorously  sustained  by  Divine 
Providence.  The  life  of  the  nation  survived  the  slow  decay 
and  final  extinction  of  this  its  first  visible  body,  and 
promptly  appeared  in  the  Congress  of  the  confederation. 
Soon  eliminating  other  incongruous  elements,  it  would  take 
the  form  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
under  the  new  constitution. 


308  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

The  convention  to  which  the  task  of  preparing  this  im 
portant  document  was  assigned  assembled  in  Philadelphia  on 
the  fourteenth  day  of  May,  1787.  It  was  not,  however,  until 
the  twenty-fifth,  eleven  days  later,  that  a  quorum  of  States 
appeared  in  Independence  Hall.  Washington  was  very 
properly  called  to  preside  over  this  august  body.  It  included 
many  of  "  the  most  illustrious  citizens  of  the  States ;  men 
highly  distinguished  for  talents,  character,  practical  knowl 
edge,  and  public  services.  The  aged  Franklin  had  sat  in  the 
Albany  Convention  of  175  i,  in  which  the  first  attempt  had 
been  made  at  colonial  Union.  Dickinson,  who  sat  in  the 
present  convention  as  one  of  the  members  from  Delaware, 
William  S.  Johnson  of  Connecticut,  and  John  Rutledge  of 
South  Carolina,  had  participated  in  the  Stamp-Act  Congress 
of  1765.  Besides  Washington,  Dickinson,  and  Rutledge, 
who  had  belonged  to  the  Continental  Congress  of  1774,  there 
were  also  present,  from  among  the  members  of  that  body, 
Roger  Sherman  of  Connecticut,  William  Livingston,  Govern 
or  of  New  Jersey,  George  Read  of  Delaware,  and  George 
Wythe  of  Virginia ;  and  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  besides  Franklin,  Read,  Wythe,  and  Sher 
man,  Elbridge  Gerry  of  Massachusetts,  and  Robert  Morris, 
George  Clymer,  and  James  Wilson,  of  Pennsylvania.  Eigh 
teen  members  were  at  the  same  time  delegates  to  the  Con 
tinental  Congress  ;  and,  of  the  whole  number,  there  were 
only  twelve  who  had  not  sat  at  some  time  in  that  body.  The 
officers  of  the  Revolutionary  army  were  represented  by 
Washington,  Mifflin,  Hamilton,  and  Charles  Cotesworth 
Pinckney,  who  had  been  colonel  of  one  of  the  South-Caro 
lina  regiments,  and  at  one  time  an  aide-de-camp  to  Washing 
ton.  Of  those  members  who  had  come  prominently  forward 
since  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  most  conspicu 
ous  were  Hamilton,  Madison,  and  Edward  Randolph,  who 
had  lately  succeeded  Patrick  Henry  as  Governor  of  Virginia. 
The  members  who  took  the  leading  part  in  the  debates  were 
Madison,  Mason,  and  Randolph,  of  Virginia ;  Gerry,  Gorham, 


AN  ORGANIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  309 

and  King,  of  Massachusetts  ;  Wilson,  Gouverneur  Morris,  and 
Franklin,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Johnson,  Sherman,  and  Ellsworth, 
of  Connecticut ;  Hamilton  and  Lansing,  of  New  York ; 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  the  latter 
chosen  governor  of  that  State  the  next  year ;  Patterson,  of 
New  Jersey;  Martin,  of  Maryland;  Dickinson,  of  Delaware; 
and  Williamson,  of  North  Carolina." ' 

It  is  evident,  that,  in  this  historic  convention,  God  had 
brought  together  in  a  very  remarkable  degree  the  strength, 
experience,  and  wisdom  of  the  nation ;  and  the  task  under 
taken  required  all,  and  more  than  all,  they  could  command, 

THE    CONSTITUTION   FORMED. 

Let  us  now  glance  at  the  difficulties  of  the  work  taken  in 
hand  by  these  distinguished  men.  A  government  of  free 
dom  by  the  people  themselves  had  been  now  experimented 
only  far  enough  to  show  the  evils  which  threatened  its  de 
struction.  The  great  men  of  the  nation  had  become  con 
servative  by  the  very  necessities  arising  from  the  novelty 
and  extreme  difficulties  of  their  experiment.  Jefferson, 
almost  the  only  representative  man  who  had  full  faith  in  the 
competency  of  the  people  to  form  and  sustain  a  democratic 
government,  was  abroad.  There  was  little  danger  of  rash 
ness  in  such  an  assembly.  But  it  was  certain  that  the  great 
est  distinctness  of  individual  opinions  and  most  obstinate 
local  prejudices  would  appear. 

We  may  now  wonder  at  the  wisdom  which  controlled  their 
final  decisions  ;  at  the  nice  and  accurate  balances  of  the 
Constitution  they  produced ;  the  delicate  adjustment  of  re 
served  and  conceded  rights  between  the  people  and  the  gov 
ernment,  between  the  several  States  and  the  Union,  and 
between  the  legislative,  the  executive,  and  judicial  depart 
ments.  In  each  of  these  particulars,  there  were  almost  in 
finite  chances  for  fatal  mistake,  and  but  a  single  one  for 

*  Hildrcth,  iii.  483,  484. 


310  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

perfect  success.  What  surer  evidence  of  divine  guidance 
do  we  need  than  the  superhuman  skill  shown  in  the  clear 
definitions  of  rights  which  came  from  the  chaos  following  the 
death-struggle  for  liberty  ?  Not  merely  were  the  complicated 
difficulties  which  arose  from  a  crude  and  forming  state  of 
society  to  be  overcome,  the  destructive  errors  of  empirical 
systems  to  be  avoided,  the  strong  tendencies  to  dissolution 
and  anarchy  to  be  counteracted,  but  the  vast  future  was  to 
be  provided  for,  —  emergencies  which  at  that  time  did  not 
exist  even  in  conception,  states  of  society  which  no  human 
sagacity  could  foresee,  powers  to  grapple  with  and  crush  an 
tagonisms  which  did  not  then  appear  even  in  the  sphere  of 
possibility,  all  requiring  a  compass  and  reach  of  wisdom  which 
is  under  no  condition  the  natural  attribute  of  man. 

We  cannot  wonder  that  there  was  at  first  confusion  of  ideas 
in  the  convention  ;  that  Washington  and  his  compeers  in  this 
great  crisis  trembled  for  the  fate  of  their  country. 

We  are  compelled  to  admit  that  this  distinguished  body 
seemed  to  have  forgotten  their  true  dependence.  There 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  that  devout  temper  of  mind, 
that  humble,  fervent  spirit  of  prayer,  whicji  had  pervaded 
the  Revolution.  In  accounting  for  the  success  of  their  efforts, 
and  for  the  great  wrongs  which  found  place  in  the  Constitu 
tion,  one  event  must  be  mentioned  as  of  the  utmost  historical 
importance.  For  long  days  they  labored,  apparently  in  vain : 
anarchy  and  ruin  alone  stared  them  in  the  face.  At  length, 
Dr.  Franklin  arose,  and  said,  "  I  will  suggest,  Mr.  President, 
the  propriety  of  nominating  and  appointing,  before  we  sepa 
rate,  a  chaplain  to  this  convention,  whose  duty  it  shall  be 
uniformly  to  assemble  with  us,  and  introduce  the  business 
of  each  day  by  an  address  to  the  Creator  of  the  universe 
and  the  Governor  of  all  nations,  beseeching  him  to  preside  in 
our  councils,  enlighten  our  minds  with  a  portion  of  heavenly 
wisdom,  influence  our  hearts  with  a  love  of  truth  and  jus 
tice,  and  crown  our  labors  with  complete  and  abundant  suc 
cess."  "The  doctor  sat  down,"  says  Mr.  Dayton  of  New 


AN  ORGANIC  NATIONAL   LIFE.  311 

Jersey ;  "  and  never  did  I  behold  a  countenance  at  once  so 
dignified  and  delighted  as  was  that  of  Washington  at  the 
close  of  this  address.  Nor  were  the  members  of  the  con 
vention  generally  less  affected.  The  words  of  the  venerable 
Franklin  fell  upon  our  ears  with  a  weight  and  authority 
even  greater  than  we  may  suppose  an  oracle  to  have  had 
on  a  Roman  senate."  How  delightful  this  revelation  of 
a  returning  sense  of  propriety  to  these  representatives  of  a 
religious  people  !  What  honor  it  reflects  upon  the  American 
sage  and;  the  Father  of  his  Country,  as  well  as  upon  "the 
members  of  the  convention  generally  " !  and  what  hope  it 
inspires  that  threatening  dangers  will  be  averted,  and  God 
appear  in  the  words  which  would  define  our  constitutional 
liberties ! 

With  what  mortification,  then,  must  the  Christian  histo 
rian  record  the  fact,  that  "  the  motion  was  evaded  by  an 
adjournment.  It  was  feared,  according  to  Madison,  lest 
prayers  for  the  first  time,  at  that  late  day,  might  alarm  the 
public  by  giving  the  impression  that  matters  were  already 
desperate."  *  Alas !  what  blindness  can  come  over  the 
mind  of  a  man !  what  wrong  can  be  done  by  the  adroitness 
of  an  ,astute  politician ! 

While,  however,  we  mournfully  record  the  success  of  the 
intrigue  which  prevented  the  official  enactment  of  this  meas 
ure,  so  high  in  dignity  and  profound  in  wisdom,  we  can 
not  doubt  that  the  open  acknowledgment  of  God  in  the 
address  and  resolution  offered  by  Franklin,  and  the  gene 
ral  and  hearty  mutual  response  which  followed,  were  an 
swered  by  the  divine  recognition  and  blessing.  Both  the 
right  of  this  sublime  proposal,  and  the  wrong  of  the  dispo 
sition  made  of  it,  appear  in  the  result. 

It  is  not  necessary  for  us  to  follow  in  detail  the  struggles 
in  the  convention  between  the  smaller  and  larger  States. 
The  former  feared  that  their  interests  would  be  compromised 
by  a  strong  consolidated  government ;  but  they  were  paci- 

*  Hildreth,  iii.  495. 


312  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

fied  by  the  concession  of  an  equal  vote  >vith  the  largest 
States  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

The  advocates  of  "  States  rights/'  as  against  a  strong  Cen 
tral  Government,  were  those  from  Connecticut,  New  Jersey, 
and  Delaware,  with  a  majority  from  Maryland  and  New 
York.  The  delegates  from  New  Hampshire  had  retired 
from  the  convention ;  and  Rhode  Island  had  become  so  fear 
ful  of  a  destruction  of  her  influence  by  a  consolidated  Gen 
eral  Government,  that  she  had  declined  to  send  delegates  to 
the  convention.  The  "National  Party,"  as  it  was  then 
termed,  represented  Virginia,  Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia.  How  strange 
these  facts  appear  to  us  at  the  present  day  !  Precisely  at 
this  point,  the  peril  of  the  nation  and  the  control  of  Provi 
dence  appear.  If  New  Hampshire  and  Rhode  Island  had 
been  present,  they  would  doubtless  have  voted  with  the 
"  States-rights  "  party,  and  no  General  Government  would 
have  been  possible. 

It  must  be  determined  by  whom  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  should  be  chosen.  Sherman,  sustained  by  Gerry,  the 
States  of  South  Carolina  and  New  Jersey,  and  a  portion 
of  Connecticut  and  Delaware,  vehemently  opposed  election 
by  the  people.  Had  God  suffered  them  to  succeed,  there 
would,  so  far  as  we  can  see,  have  been  a  complete  end  to 
the  attempt  to  found  a  true  republic.  How  wisely,  then, 
was  it  ordered  that  Wilson,  Madison,  and  Mason  should 
stand  up  to  defend  successfully  the  rights  of  the  people! 
Thus,  against  numbers  and  influence  and  the  highest  proba 
bility,  God  preserved  inviolate  another  fundamental  prin 
ciple  of  our  Great  Republic. 

Hamilton  was  not  easily  reconciled  to  democracy  in  any 
form.  He  was  sustained  by  Wilson  in  demanding  an  abso 
lute  executive  veto  on  the  acts  of  Congress.  This  would 
have  been  the  establishment  of  an  insufferable  despotism, 
which  God  would  not  permit. 

Two  most  important  concessions  were  made  to  the  Gen- 


AN  ORGANIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  313 

eral  Government,  —  in  giving  it  power  to  veto  all  State  laws 
in  conflict  with  the  Constitution  or  "  inconsistent  with  the 
harmony  of  the  Union,"  and  fully  investing  it  with  the 
treaty-making  power.  Without  these,  no  nation  could  have 
been  constituted. 

The  most  formidable  difficulty  arose  from  the  institution 
of  slavery.  The  conflict  was  long  and  perilous  ;  but  it 
ended  in  a  compromise  which  gave  the  slave  States  a  three- 
fifths  representation  for  their  human  chattels.  Cautiously 
avoiding  the  name  of  slavery,  it  tolerated  the  institution  in 
substance,  and  provided  for  the  rendition  of  "  persons  held 
to  service."  This  was  the  grand  vice  of  the  great  Consti 
tution.  But  the  demand  was  imperative.  Davis,  of  North 
Carolina,  expressed  the  true  spirit  of  this  persistent  wrong 
when  he  arose  and  said  "  it  was  time  to  speak  out.  He 
saw  that  it  was  meant  by  some  gentlemen  to  deprive  the 
Southern  States  of  any  share  of  representation  for  their 
blacks.  He  was  sure  that  North  Carolina  would  never  con 
federate  on  any  terms  that  did  not  rate  them  at  least  as 
three-fifths.  If  the  Eastern  States  meant,  therefore,  to  ex 
clude  them  altogether,  the  business  was  at  an  end."  The 
opponents  of  the  vile  institution  yielded  exactly  where 
they  should  have  stood  firm ;  and  the  irrepressible  conflict 
was  handed  down  to  the  great  future.  If  it  be  said  that 
without  this  compromise  there  could  have  been  no  national 
union,  we  answer,  This  is  to  affirm  that,  men  would  defeat 
the  great  national  plans  of  God  by  simply  doing  right ; 
that,  to  secure  the  future  of  the  United  States,  it  was  neces 
sary  to  incorporate  into  its  fundamental  law  an  indorse 
ment  of  the  largest  and  most  complicated  crime  known 
among  men,: — a  statement  which  cannot  be  written  or 
read  without  a  feeling  of  horror.  No :  the  true  national 
spirit  loathed  the  corruption  which  so  far  marred  the  work 
of  the  convention,  and  shamelessly  confronted  the  funda 
mental  doctrine  of  human  freedom,  for  the  support  of  which 
the  American  Republic  was  instituted,  and  threw  the  faith 

40 


314  THE  GREAT  BEPUBLIC. 

of  the  nation  firmly  back  on  to  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  as  the  clear  and  unalterable  definition  of  its 
principles. 

But  the  nation  was  to  be  further  humiliated  by  the  per 
sistent  determination  of  the  South  to  provide  for  the  im 
portation  of  slaves.  The  grand  committee  of  detail,  to 
whom  the  project  of  a  constitution  had  been  committed  to 
perfect  it,  reported  against  taxing  imports,  which  was  so  far 
the  triumph  of  the  Southern  purpose  to  steal  the  bodies 
and  souls  of  men  in  Africa,  force  them  across  the  high  seas, 
and  coin  money  from  their  sale  and  unpaid  labor.  This 
attempt  to  render  constitutional  a  traffic  so  inhuman,  and 
revolting  to  all  the  feelings  of  justice  and  honor,  brought 
on  a  storm  of  indignation.  King  "  denounced  the  admis 
sion  of  slaves  as  a  most  grievous  circumstance  to  his  mind ; 
and  he  believed  it  would  be  so  to  a  great  part  of  the  people 
of  America."  "  He  had  hoped  that  some  accommodation 
would  have  taken  place  on  this  subject;  that  at  least  a 
time  would  have  been  limited  for  the  importation  of  slaves. 
He  never  could  agree  to  let  them  be  imported  without 
limitation,  and  then  be  represented  in  the  national  legis 
lature."  Governeur  Morris  declared  slavery  "  was  a  nefari 
ous  institution.  It  was  the  curse  of  Heaven  on  the  States 
where  it  prevailed."  He  drew  in  vivid  contrast  the  deso 
lations  of  the  South  by  slavery,  and  the  prosperity  of 
the  North  with  the  labor  of  freemen  ;  and  then  demanded, 
"  Upon  what  principle  is  it  that  the  slaves  shall  be  com 
puted  in  the  representation  ?  Are  they  men  ?  Then  make 
them  citizens,  and  let  them  vote.  Are  they  property  ? 
Why,  then,  is  no  other  property  included  ?  "  "  The  admis 
sion  of  slaves  into  the  representation,  when  fairly  ex 
plained,  comes  to  this,  —  that  the  inhabitant  of  Georgia  and 
South  Carolina,  who  goes  to  the  coast  of  Africa  in  defiance 
of  the  most  sacred  laws  of  humanity,  tears  away  his  fellow- 
creatures  from  their  dearest  connections,  and  damns  them 
to  the  most  cruel  bondage,  shall  have  more  votes  in  a 


AN  ORGANIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  315 

government  instituted  for  the  protection  of  the  rights  of 
mankind  than  the  citizen  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey, 
who  views  with  a  laudable  horror  so  nefarious  a  practice." 

Now  listen  to  a  voice  from  the  South  :  "  South  Carolina," 
said  C.  Pinckney,  "  can  never  receive  the  plan  if  it  prohib 
its  the  slave-trade.  In  every  proposed  extension  of  the 
powers  of  Congress,  that  State  has  expressly  and  watchfully 
excepted  the  power  of  meddling  with  the  importation  of 
negroes."  The  battle  was  a  severe  one ;  but  Southern 
tenacity  again  triumphed,  so  far  as  to  give  free  license  to 
the  infamous  traffic  in  slaves  for  twenty  years.  For  giving 
the  majority  to  this  wicked  act,  the  North  received  "  the 
unrestricted  power  of  Congress  to  enact  navigation  laws," 
—  a  miserable  consideration  for  the  utter  sacrifice  of  rio-lit 

o 

in  favor  of  the  most  consummate  villany  the  human  race 
ever  knew. 

Still  another  degradation  must  be  fastened  upon  the 
nation,  to  appease  the  foul  spirit  of  slavery.  Without 
debate,  the  infamous  clause  went  into  the  Constitution, 
"bearing,"  says  Hildreth,  "  the  plain  marks  of  a  New-Eng 
land  hand," — "No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one 
State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall, 
in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  dis 
charged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered 
up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor 
may  be  due." 

We  may  now  place  together,  as  the  grand  facts  of  this 
period  of  our  history  which  stand  out  distinctly  against  the 
true  spirit  and  aim  of  the  new  government,  the  failure  to 
adopt  the  motion  of  Franklin,  providing  for  a  solemn  recog 
nition  of  the  sovereignty  of  God  by  daily  prayer  in  the 
Constitutional  Convention ;  the  entire  omission  of  the  name 
and  authority  of  Jehovah  from  the  Constitution ;  the  recog 
nition  of  the  right  of  property  in  man ;  and  the  infamous 
toleration  of  the  slave-trade,  and  the  rendition  of  slaves. 
These  all  show  that  no  moral  or  political  millennium  had 


316  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

come ;  that  sin  was  yet  mighty  in  the  earth ;  and  that 
years  of  heroic  battle  for  the  right  must  precede  the 
triumph  of  those  principles  of  American  freedom  denned  by 
the  immortal  Declaration. 

But  marked  progress  had  been  made  in  the  development 
of  national  unity.  Compared  with  the  old  Articles  of  Con 
federation,  the  Constitution  was  a  bold  advance  in  asserting 
the  rights  and  functions  of  the  nation,  as  such,  in  triumph 
ing  over  local  prejudices  and  sectional  demands,  advocated 
under  the  name  of  "  State  rights." 

The  question  sent  to  the  several  State  conventions,  in 
submitting  the  plan  for  approval,  was  not  whether  it  was 
perfect  or  satisfactory  in  its  details,  but  whether,  on  the 
whole,  it  should  be  accepted  as  the  best  that  could  be 
obtained.  Four  months  of  desperate  efforts  to  find  the  true 
organic  unity  of  the  nation  had  reached  this  result,  and 
could  do  no  more.  Should  the  Constitution  be  ratified  and 
tried,  or  anarchy  and  civil  war  be  preferred  ? 

Two  parties  had  been  developed  by  the  struggles  of  this 
trying  period.  The  Federalists  wanted  a  strong,  centralized 
government.  Dissatisfied  with  what  they  termed  the  weak 
ness  of  the  plan  agreed  upon  by  the  Convention,  they  sub 
mitted  to  it  with  the  hope  of  amending  it  in  the  direction 
of  greater  power.  The  Democrats  opposed  it,  as  tending  to 
a  central  despotism.  They  would  have  defeated  it ;  but 
hoping  finally  to  secure  amendments  granting  more  power 
to  the  States,  and  fearing  the  most  calamitous  results  if 
it  should  be  rejected,  one  State  after  another  formally 
ratified  it.  The  most  desperate  efforts  were  made  to  secure 
a  conditional  approval;  but,  as  this  would  have  been  fatal, 
the  efforts  of  a  large  and  powerful  statemanship  finally 
secured  an  unconditional  ratification  from  Delaware,  Penn 
sylvania,  New  Jersey,  Georgia,  Connecticut,  Massachusetts, 
New  Hampshire,  Maryland,  South  Carolina,  Virginia,  and 
New  York.  Several  of  these  States,  following  the  lead  of 
Massachusetts,  sent  forward  with  their  official  notice  of 


AN  ORGANIC  NATIONAL  LIFE.  317 

ratification  various  fundamental  amend rnents,  which  served 
chiefly  to  show  what  concessions  the  sections  had  made  for 
the  sake  of  unity.  North  Carolina  imposed  conditions  ;  and 
Rhode  Island  was  too  democratic  to  hold  a  convention. 
These  two  States  could  not,  therefore,  be  counted ;  but,  as 
the  vote  of  the  nine  States  was  conclusive,  the  new  Consti 
tution  became  the  organic  law  of  the  nation. 

For  three  hundred  years,  God  had  been  steadily  and  visi 
bly  moving  the  elements  of  civil  liberty  and  moral  power 
for  the  accomplishment  of  this  grand  result.  The  most 
improbable  combinations  had  been  formed ;  the  resources  of 
remote  islands  and  continents  had  been  gathered ;  peoples 
of  distant  origin,  and  tongues  unknown  to  each  other,  had 
been  drawn  together  by  forces  which  they  little  understood  ; 
the  most  formidable  arrangements  of  power  had  been  dashed 
to  atoms;  and  minds  utterly  diverse  in  opinions,  prejudices, 
and  culture,  had  been  quietly  moulded  by  invisible  agency 
to  render  this  sublime  result  possible.  But  the  American 
people  were  no  longer  floating  bodies  of  aimless  adven 
turers  ;  nor  mere  separate  colonies,  dependent  upon  the  will 
of  a  distant  power;  nor  independent  confederate  States. 
They  were  a  new,  vigorous,  and  completely  organized  nation. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

TRUE  CHRISTIANITY  AN  INDESTRUCTIBLE  NATIONAL  LIFE. 

"  The  great  comprehensive  truths  written  in  letters  of  living  light  on  every  page  of 
our  history  are  these :  Human  happiness  has  no  perfect  security  but  freedom,  freedom 
none  but  virtue,  virtue  none  but  knowledge;  and  neither  freedom  nor  virtue  has  any 
vigor  or  immortal  hope  except  in  the  principles  of  the  Christian  faith  and  in  the  sanctions 
of  the  Christian  religion." — PRESIDENT  QUINCT. 

A  FORM  of  government  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  life 
of  a  nation.  Peoples  find  themselves  thrown  into  neigh 
borhood  relations,  and  a  social  order  rises  up  from  the  very 
necessities  of  contiguity,  reciprocal  wants,  and  acts  of  kind 
ness.  They  may  increase  so  much  in  numbers,  and  reach 
over  a  territory  so  far,  as  to  have  the  magnitude  and  the 
outward  forms  of  a  nation.  They  may  organize  with  all 
the  laws  of  civil  society,  make  treaties,  and  perform  all 
other  acts  of  national  sovereignty ;  and  yet  they  may  be 
without  any  essential  pervading  vitality.  Angry  disputes 
and  sectional  jealousies  will  separate  and  destroy  them. 
Their  local  organizations  and  civil  liberties  will  become  a 
prey  to  the  ambition  of  the  most  powerful  chief  and  his 
bands  of  marauders.  No  national  life  will  appear  to  rescue 
the  common  government  from  the  hand  of  violence,  or  pre 
serve  the  organization  from  dissolution. 

Then  a  despotic  ruler  may  assert  sovereignty  over 
provinces  near  or  remote.  Conquered  territory  may  be 
annexed,  by  the  action  of  force,  to  a  kingdom  of  vast 
resources  and  military  power;  but  if  nothing  homogeneous 
appears,  if  there  are  no  common  bonds  of  interest  and 
mutual  dependence,  if  no  vital  force  circulates  through  the 


318 


AN  INDESTRUCTIBLE   NATIONAL  LIFE.  319 

whole,  when  the  restraints  of  power  are  removed,  disintegra 
tion,  revolution,  and  separate  independencies,  become  inevi 
table. 

There  are  various  forming  influences  and  organizing  forces 
which  enter  into  the  combinations  of  separate  governments. 
They  collect  and  associate  and  develop  until  they  reach 
their  limits ;  and  then,  unless  they  are  supplemented  by 
others  of  greater  vigor,  and  compass  of  effect,  the  national 
organism  goes  into  decay.  Its  life  is  shown  to  be  tem 
porary,  and  goes  out  before  our  eyes.  Whenever  the  com 
binations  are  arbitrary  and  in  defiance  of  geographical  or 
other  physical  facts,  or  when  they  are  accidental,  prompted 
by  mere  temporary  convenience,  and  against  historical  affini 
ties  and  moral  necessities,  they  soon  break  up,  and  end  in 
anarchy,  or  perhaps  in  destructive  war.  The  length  of  time 
that  heterogeneous  peoples  may  be  kept  together  in  civil 
compacts  is  of  no  importance  in  this  discussion.  This  is 
generally  a  question  of  power ;  and  also,  doubtless,  of  the 
ulterior  designs  of  Providence  in  regard  to  the  timely 
development  of  organizing  forces  which  shall  show  work 
designed  to  last  through  the  ages  to  come. 

Such  has  been  the  ceaseless  round  of  rise  and  decline,  of 
the  growth  and  decay,  of  nations,  that  many  have  doubted 
strongly  whether  there  is  any  such  thing  as  an  indestructi 
ble  national  life.  It  seems  to  have  been  largely  concluded 
that  nations  must  follow  the  analogy  of  human  bodies;  pass 
their  infancy,  youth,  manhood,  and  decay,  by  inevitable 
laws :  and  it  must  be  confessed  that  there  is  much  in  the 
ceaseless  revolutions  of  civil  society  to  render  this  view 
plausible.  We  are,  however,  convinced  that  it  is  a  grand 
fallacy.  Its  assumptions  and  arguments  are  all  regardless 
of  the  great  fact  and  power  of  right  in  human  organiza 
tions.  The  right,  the  good,  the  true,  must  certainly  be 
immortal.  Let  the  law  of  justice  have  its  place,  let  God 
control  the  organization  and  administration  of  government, 
let  human  obstructions  to  the  plans  of  the  Infinite  dis- 


320  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

appear,  and  the  will  of  God  be  enacted  in  organic  and  statute 
law  and  maintained  in  the  administration,  and  there  is  no 
reason  why  a  nation  should  not  be  as  orderly  in  develop 
ment,  as  vital  and  indestructible,  as  any  form  of  life  on  this 
earth. 

The  grand  question  is,  whether  this  can  be,  whether  it  is, 
or  will  be,  anywhere  realized.  We  now  direct  our  attention 
to  the  solution  of  this  question,  feeling  that  every  step  in 
the  logical  progress  is  upon  solid  rock. 

THE   RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT   IN   THE   FORMATION    OF   THE   REPUBLIC. 

The  nations  are  like  their  gods.  The  ideas  which  a 
people  entertain  of  the  Supreme  Power  will  mould  their 
opinions  and  control  their  actions.  In  other  words,  the 
religion  of  a  government  will  determine  its  character,  and 
settle  the  question  of  its  duration. 

Hero-worship  is  one  form  of  religious  devotion.  The 
highest  wisdom  of  a  people  under  its  control  will  be  simply 
human.  The  real  or  assumed  virtues  of  the  hero  will  be 
the  highest  type  of  public  virtue ;  while  his  vices  will  be  as 
much  matters  of  imitation  and  admiration  as  though  they 
were  virtues.  Hence  the  governments  which  deified  war 
riors  were  bloodthirsty  and  cruel.  Those  who  exalted  to 
the  honors  of  worship  the  patrons  of  inebriety  and  lust 
became  deeply  depraved  in  private  and  public  morals. 
The  gods  and  goddesses  of  Greece  and  Rome  were  the 
creations  of  corrupt  imaginations,  and  apologies  for  the 
deepest  degradation.  Hence  the  life  of  these  nations  could 
only  endure  till  these  natural  and  acquired  elements  of 
corruption  had  wrought  out  their  legitimate  results.  There 
was,  moreover,  an  assault  upon  the  rights  and  requirements 
of  the  one  true  God  in  this  guilty  idolatry,  which  must 
bring  down  his  displeasure  upon  them,  and  result  in  their 
signal  destruction. 

Take  a  modern  instance  of  the  power  of  religious  opinion 


AN  INDESTRUCTIBLE  NATIONAL  LIFE.  321 

and  the  rejection  of  the  true  worship  to  destroy  freedom. 
France,  in  its  terrific  revolution,  saw  the  violent  culmination 
of  theoretical  and  practical  infidelity.  When  the  blas 
phemous  atheists  of  those  degenerate  times  installed  a 
prostitute  as  the  Goddess  of  Reason,  abolished  the  Christian 
sabbath,  and  decreed  that  death  is  an  eternal  sleep,  they 
prepared  the  way  for  the  power  of  faction ;  for  the  murder 
of  thousands  of  the  best  citizens  and  the  worst ;  for  the  sub 
version  of  all  right,  and  the  enthronement  of  passion  as  the 
sovereign  of  the  hour. 

The  liberties  of  England  were  never  consolidated  until 
the  worship  of  God  became  national ;  and  never  endangered, 
excepting  as  the  rights  of  the  individual  conscience  were 
denied  as  to  the  modes  of  that  worship. 

The  struggles  of  Puritanism  intensified  the  religious  con 
sciousness  of  the  nation,  and  brought  forward  the  grand 
principle  of  the  Reformation,  —  the  rights  of  the  individual 
conscience,  —  demanding  prompt  acknowledgment  from  the 
throne.  The  power  of  the  Reformation,  but  gradually 
developed,  was,  under  the  surface,  more  active  and  influ 
ential  than  could  be  evident  in  the  forms  of  a  State  religion 
and  a  forced  external  conformity.  It  moulded  the  thinking 
and  the  deepest  convictions  of  the  masses,  imperceptibly 
constructed  the  great  controlling  laws  and  administration 
of  the  kingdom,  and  bore  the  people  onward  toward  truer 
liberty  by  the  action  of  a  broad  and  deep  and  irresistible 
current, 

It  was  evidently  the  divine  purpose  that  it  should  con 
duct  in  England  its  grand  preparations  for  constructing  and 
inspiring  a  government  of  liberty  in  the  New  World.  In 
the  Old,  it  could  insist  upon  the  right ;  it  could  appeal  from 
the  decisions  of  man  to  the  Searcher  of  hearts ;  it  could  be 
overborne  and  crucified,  but  not  destroyed.  It  rose  with 
a  new  power  from  its  baptisms  of  blood,  and  gathered  its 
friends  and  representative  heroes  for  an  advent  to  a  scene 
of  development  and  influence  hitherto  unknown. 


322  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

It  may  here  with  propriety  be  re-affirmed  that  Christianity 
was  the  guiding  power  of  American  colonization,  and  the 
forming  force  of  American  institutions. 

When  the  people  came  to  Virginia,  they  came  to  estab 
lish  religion  by  law  as  the  divine  right  of  Prelacy  in  the  New 
World.  When  they  moved  out  among  the  Indians,  their 
first  object  was  to  make  them  Christians.  The  Quakers 
came  to  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  elsewhere,  that 
they  might  follow,  without  obstruction,  the  light  within; 
the  Huguenots  came  to  this  virgin  land  that  they  might 
worship  the  true  God,  with  no  bloody  persecutions,  no 
reeking  St.  Bartholomews,  for  the  exercise  of  a  sincere 
conscience ;  the  Roman  Catholics  sought  a  home  in  Balti 
more  that  they  might  plant  their  degenerate  faith  in  the 
New  World;  and  the  Puritans  of  New  England  were  in 
America  for  no  other  reason  than  that  they  might  secure 
freedom  to  worship  God.  The  Congregationalists  felt  that 
there  was  something  pleasing  to  God  in  the  very  act  of 
independence  in  the  individual  Church.  The  Presbyterians 
meant  nothing  but  acceptable  service  to  the  God  of  order 
in  the  strict  conventional  responsibilities  of  the  presbytery, 
the  synod,  and  the  assembly.  The  Baptists  believed  that 
Rhode  Island  was  a  model  State,  under  the  genius  of  Roger 
Williams,  in  the  free  exercise  of  immersion,  and  the  great 
power  assigned  to  spiritual  thought,  true  conscience,  and 
devout  worship.  The  Methodists  came  into  all  the  land  like 
a  flaming  fire,  to  consume  iniquity,  and  show  that  creeds 
and  dogmas  were  all  nothing  without  true  conversion,  and 
reformation  of  life.  Upon  the  whole,  the  really  great  com 
mon  universal  idea  and  prevalent  power  of  the  American 
colonies  was  religion.  Whatever  might  be  held  subject  to 
expediency,  this  could  not.  Whatever  might  be  subjugated, 
compromised,  surrendered,  this  could  not.  If  any  thing  was 
truly  American,  it  was  the  feeling  of  worship. 

We  have  seen  how  its  defective  education  and  slow  de 
velopment  brought  its  various  theories  into  spirited  collis- 


AN  INDESTRUCTIBLE  NATIONAL  LIFE.  323 

ions ;  how  indispensable  it  was  that  its  errors  should  be 
eliminated,  and  its  pure  principles  should  shine  out  without 
obstruction.  And  we  have  seen,  also,  that  American  Chris 
tianity  was  growing  to  power  under  at  least  two  new  con 
ditions  :  first,  that  it  was  master  here,  and  not  subordinate,  — 
umpire,  and  not  convict;  that,  instead  of  asking  leave  of 
the  civil  power  to  exist,  it  would  decide  rather  what  else 
but  itself  should  exist  here.  Slowly,  but  obviously,  Chris 
tian  right,  Christian  justice,  rose  to  the  head  of  affairs,  and, 
instead  of  humbly  pleading  for  toleration,  claimed  the  right 
to  denounce  and  put  down  every  form  of  iniquity  known 
among  men.  Next  it  gradually  awoke  to  the  fact  that  the 
weapons  of  its  warfare  were  not  carnal,  but  spiritual,  and 
mighty,  through  God,  to  the  pulling-down  of  strongholds. 
The  force  of  traditional  prerogatives  and  prescriptive  usage 
became  weaker  every  year;  and  the  holy  Bible  rose  in 
clearness  and  power  as  the  great  standard  of  appeal.  The 
redundant  appendages  of  pure,  simple  Christianity,  which 
had  come  down  from  Papal  authority,  were  seen  rapidly 
falling  off  and  disappearing.  Simple  and  more  simple  every 
day  became  the  great  truth,  that  a  free,  personal  application 
of  the  blood  of  Christ  alone  cleansed  from  sin,  and  that  only 
the  pure  in  heart  were  blessed ;  and  the  great  Reformation 
(re-formation)  of  souls  and  society  which  followed  the  plain, 
honest,  searching  publication  of  divine  truth,  proved  that 
the  tabernacle  of  God  was  with  men,  and  that  the  spirit  of 
humble  Christianity  was  from  heaven. 

Hence  appeared  more  and  more  distinctly  the  great  fact, 
that  soul-liberty  revived  in  the  regeneration  was  the  essence 
and  type  of  civil  liberty,  and  that  there  could  be  no  gov 
ernment  entitled  to  permanence  and  universal  sway  that 
did  not  acknowledge  the  sovereignty  of  God,  the  rights  of 
man,  and  the  principles  of  eternal  justice.  Then  vanished 
the  obstructions  which  had  been  thrown  around  the  indi 
vidual  conscience ;  and  State  after  State,  and  finally  the 
General  Government,  declared  the  worship  of  God  to  be 


324  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

free,  and  man  to  be  personally  accountable  to  God  alone  for 
the  honest  fulfilment  of  religious  obligation. 

Just  in  proportion  as  the  freedom  of  discussion  in  this  fair 
field  should  work  out  the  Popish  element  of  coercion  in 
religion,  and  give  ascendency  to  the  pure  forms  of  experi 
mental  and  practical  Christianity,  it  would  become  a  power 
in  the  new  nation.  It  would,  moreover,  exert  a  vast  influ 
ence  upon  the  thinking  and  convictions  of  statesmen  and 
educators,  in  the  exaltation  of  justice  and  every  form  of 
public  virtue.  It  would  slowly  but  powerfully  mould  the 
laws  and  administrative  government  of  the  country.  Private 
and  public  men  would  be  imperceptibly  controlled  by  its 
holy  teachings,  sin  would  be  discountenanced  as  a  reproach 
to  any  people,  and  righteousness  invoked,  which  alone  ex- 
alteth  a  nation.  Far  from  being  always  ostensible  and  out 
wardly  exacting,  this  humble,  quiet  spirit  would  silently 
permeate  all  public  bodies,  and  powerfully  control  all  public 
functionaries. 

All  this  became  historical  in  America.  For  though  pure 
religion  was  far  from  being  universal  in  the  period  of  inde 
pendence,  and  though  for  ages  to  come  great  public  wrongs 
would  assert  their  right  to  place  amid  the  institutions  of 
American  freedom,  they  kept  their  position  against  the 
energetic  protest  of  divine  Christianity ;  and  one  after  an 
other  yielded  to  the  vigor  of  a  force  which  they  could  in 
no  wise  withstand.  Men  and  manners,  institutions  and 
administrations,  practically  acknowledged  the  presence  of  a 
silent  influence  which  had,  from  the  beginning,  asserted  its 
right  to  be  the  dominant  power  of  the  nation. 

This  at  length  may  be  claimed  to  be  the  most  sacred 
faith  of  the  people :  The  Bible,  freely  read,  and  interpreted 
according  to  the  best  judgment  of  the  individual,  is  the 
great  standard  of  right  and  justice,  —  the  guide  to  purity  on 
earth,  and  happiness  in  heaven  ;  God  is  the  great  Sovereign 
of  nations ;  no  law,  no  usage,  however  venerable  in  prece 
dent  or  high  in  authority,  to  be  considered  legitimate  or 


AN  INDESTRUCTIBLE  NATIONAL  LIFE.  325 

permanent,  if  at  war  with  the  will  of  God  ;  the  most  fearless 
condemnation  of  sin,  the  most  complete  recognition  of  the 
brotherhood  of  the  race,  the  most  humble  trust  in  the  Re 
deemer,  and  the  most  thorough  forms  of  gospel  evangelism, 
are  the  most  acceptable  to  the  people.  This  is  the  religion 
of  the  Great  Republic. 

THE   RELIGION    OF  THE   NATION  IN   OFFICIAL  ACTS  AND   PUBLIC   MEN. 

Let  us  now  see   the  action   of  this  great   public  force 
through  the  representatives  of  the  people. 

On  the   16th  of  March,  1776,  Mr.  William   Livingston, 
pursuant   to   leave   granted,   brought    in   a   resolution   for 
appointing  a  fast ;  which,  being  taken  into  consideration,  was 
agreed  to  as  follows :  "  In  times  of  impending  calamity  and 
distress,  when  the  liberties  of  America  are  eminently  en 
dangered  by  the  secret  machinations  of  a  vindictive  admin 
istration,  it  becomes  the  duty  of  these  hitherto  free  and 
happy  colonies,  with  true  penitence  of  heart  and  the  most 
reverent  devotion,  publicly  to  acknowledge   the  overruling 
providence   of  God ;    to  confess  and  deplore  our   offences 
against  'him ;  and  to  supplicate  his  interposition  for  averting 
the  threatened  danger,  and  prospering  our  strenuous  efforts 
in  the  cause  of  freedom,  virtue,  and  prosperity.     The  Con 
gress,  therefore,  considering  the  warlike  preparations  of  the 
British  ministry  to  subvert  our  invaluable  rights  and  privi 
leges,  and  reduce  us  by  fire  and  sword,  by  the  savages  of 
the  wilderness,  and  our  own  domestics,  to  the  most  abject 
and  ignominious  bondage ;  desirous,  at  the  same  time,  to  have 
people  of  all  ranks  and  degrees  duly  impressed  with  a  sol 
emn  sense  of  God's  superintending  providence,  and  of  their 
duty  devoutly  to  rely,  in  all  their  lawful  enterprises,  on  his 
aid  and  direction, — do  earnestly  recommend  that  Friday,  the 
seventeenth  day  of  May  next,  be  observed  by  the  said  colo 
nies  as  a  day  of  humiliation,  fasting,  and  prayer,  that  we 
may,  with  united  hearts,  confess   and  bewail  our  manifold 


326  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

sins  and  transgressions,  and  by  a  sincere  repentance,  and 
amendment  of  life,  appease  his  righteous  displeasure,  and, 
through  the  merits  and  mediation  of  Jesus  Christ,  obtain 
his  pardon  and  forgiveness ;  humbly  imploring  his  assist 
ance  to  frustrate  the  cruel  purposes  of  our  unnatural  ene 
mies,  and,  by  inclining  their  hearts  to  justice  and  benevo 
lence,  prevent  the  further  effusion  of  kindred  blood.  But 
if,  continuing  deaf  to  the  voice  of  reason  and  humanity, 
and  inflexibly  bent  on  desolation  and  war,  they  constrain  us 
to  repel  their  hostile  invasions  by  open  resistance,  that  it 
may  please  the  Lord  of  hosts  and  the  God  of  armies  to  ani 
mate  our  officers  and  soldiers  with  invincible  fortitude,  to 
guard  and  protect  them  in  the  day  of  battle,  and  to  crown 
the  continental  arms,  by  sea  and  land,  with  victory  and  suc 
cess  ;  earnestly  beseeching  him  to  bless  our  civil  rulers,  and 
the  representatives  of  the  people,  in  their  several  assem 
blies  and  conventions;  to  preserve  and  strengthen  their 
Union ;  to  inspire  them  with  an  ardent,  disinterested  love 
of  their  country ;  to  give  wisdom  and  stability  to  their 
counsels,  and  direct  them  to  the  more  efficacious  measures 
for  establishing  the  rights  of  America  on  the  most  honorable 
and  permanent  basis ;  that  he  would  be  graciously  pleased 
to  bless  all  his  people  in  these  colonies  with  health  and 
plenty,  and  grant  that  a  spirit  of  incorruptible  patriotism, 
and  of  pure  undefiled  religion,  may  universally  prevail,  and 
this  continent  be  speedily  restored  to  the  blessings  of  peace 
and  liberty,  and  enabled  to  transmit  them  inviolate  to  the 
latest  posterity.  And  it  is  recommended  to  Christians  of  all 
denominations  to  assemble  for  public  worship,  and  abstain 
from  all  servile  labor,  on  said  day." 

This  wras  the  statesmanship  of  the  Ke volution,  —  a  clear, 
calm  recognition  of  God,  and  "  the  merits  and  mediation  of 
Jesus  Christ,"  as  our  only  hope  of  "  pardon,"  and  the  "  assist 
ance  "  which  our  struggle  for  liberty  required.  And  let  it 
not  be  supposed  that  this  was  a  sudden  ebullition  of  fear. 
It  was  so  often  repeated,  and  these  holy  principles  were 


AN  INDESTRUCTIBLE  NATIONAL  LIFE.  327 

asserted  in  such  a  variety  of  forms,  in  language  and  acts  of 
such  deep  solemnity,  as  to  show  clearly  a  firm,  unalterable 
faith  in  the  attributes  and  promises  of  God,  in  the  efficacy 
of  Christ's  mediation,  and  in  the  power  of  prayer. 

On  the  eleventh  day  of  December  of  the  same  year,  we 
find  these  noble  representatives  of  struggling  freedom 
adopting  a  report  from  a  committee,  consisting  of  Mr.  With- 
erspoon,  Mr.  R.  H.  Lee,  and  Mr.  Adams,  couched  in  the  fol 
lowing  language :  "  Whereas,  The  war  in  which  the  United 
States  are  engaged  with  Great  Britain  has  not  only  been 
prolonged,  but  is  likely  to  be  carried  to  the  greatest 
extremity ;  and  whereas  it  becomes  all  public  bodies,  as 
well  as  private  persons,  to  reverence  the  providence  of  God, 
and  look  up  to  him  as  the  supreme  Disposer  of  all  events 
and  the  arbiter  of  the  fate  of  nations  :  therefore 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  recommended  to  all  the  United 
States,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  appoint  a  day  of  solemn  fasting 
and  humiliation,  to  implore  of  Almighty  God  the  forgiveness 
of  the  many  sins  prevailing  among  all  ranks,  and  to  beg  the 
continuance  and  assistance  of  his  providence  in  the  prose 
cution  of  the  present  just  and  necessary  war.  The  Congress 
do  also,  in  the  most  earnest  manner,  recommend  to  all  the 
members  of  the  United  States,  and  particularly  the  officers, 
civil  and  military,  under  them,  the  exercise  of  repentance 
and  reformation ;  and  further  require  of  them  the  strict 
observation  of  the  articles  of  war,  and  particularly  that  part 
of  the  said  articles  which  forbids  profane  swearing  and  all 
immorality,  of  which  all  such  officers  are  desired  to  take 
notice." 

These  grave  and  formal  recognitions  of  fundamental, 
evangelical  truth  are  truly  national,  promulgated  in  language 
of  deepest  solemnity  by  the  highest  authority  of  the  people, 
corresponding  precisely  with  the  tone  and  expressions  of  that 
immortal  document,  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  which 
in  this  place  we  present  again :  "  We  therefore,  the  repre 
sentatives  of  the  United  States  of  America  in  General  Con- 


328  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

gress  assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the 
world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions ;  .  .  .  and  for  the 
support  of  this  Declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  pro 
tection  of  DIVINE  PROVIDENCE,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each 
other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor."  Before 
such  appeals,  tyrants  must  have  stood  awe-struck  and 
trembling,  as  in  the  presence  of  inevitable  doom. 

When  the  storm  of  war  was  still  raging,  and  it  would 
seem  that  nothing  could  divert  for  a  moment  the  attention 
of  these  wonderful  men  from  the  immediate  preparation 
which  the  contest  required,  on  the  llth  of  September, 
1777,  we  find  them  gravely  considering  and  adopting  the 
report  of  a  committee  on  a  memorial  of  Dr.  Allison  and 
others,  asking  for  means  for  a  supply  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
And  what  do  they  say  ?  Sceptically,  "  We  attend  to  the  exi 
gencies  of  the  war :  we  have  neither  time  nor  disposition  to 
consider  questions  of  religion ;  we  leave  them  to  clergymen 
and  enthusiasts  "  ?  No.  They  say, "  That  the  use  of  the  Bible 
is  so  universal,  and  its  importance  so  great,  that  your  com 
mittee  refer  the  above  to  the  consideration  of  Congress ;  and, 
if  Congress  shall  not  think  it  expedient  to  order  the  impor 
tation  of  types  and  paper,  the  committee  recommend  that 
Congress  will  order  the  Committee  of  Commerce  to  import 
TWENTY  THOUSAND  BIBLES  from  Holland,  Scotland,  or  else 
where,  into  the  different  ports  of  the  States  of  the  Union." 
"Wherefore  it  was  moved  and  carried,  That  the  Committee 
of  Commerce  be  directed  to  import  twenty  thousand  copies 
of  the  Bible."  The  embargo  prevented  the  carrying-out  of 
this  worthy  enterprise;  and  in  1782  we  find  another  "Na 
tional  Act  in  behalf  of  the  Bible."  Mr.  Eobert  Aitkin  of 
Philadelphia  proposed  to  Congress  to  print  an  edition  of 
the  Scriptures.  The  matter  was  given  to  a  committee,  who, 
with  the  chaplains,  thoroughly  examined  the  copy  he  sub 
mitted,  and  reported  in  favor  of  the  measure  :  whereupon 
it  was 

"  liesolved,  That  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled, 


AN  INDESTRUCTIBLE  NATIONAL  LIFE.  329 

highly  approve  of  the  pious  and  laudable  undertaking  of 
Mr.  Aitkin,  as  subservient  to  the  interests  of  religion,  as  well 
as  an  instance  of  the  progress  of  the  arts  in  this  country ; 
and  being  satisfied,  from  the  above  report,  of  his  care  and 
accuracy  in  the  execution  of  the  work,  they  recommend 
this  edition  of  the  Bible  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  United 
States,  and  hereby  authorize  him  to  publish  this  recom 
mendation  in  the  manner  he  shall  think  proper."  Thus 
did  the  Holy  Bible  become  the  great  and  only  national  book 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  the  only  definition  of 
the  religion  of  the  nation. 

We  have  seen  how  devoutly  the  fathers  of  the  Revolution 
turned  to  God  for  help  in  the  day  of  battle.  Did  they  forget 
in  the  hour  of  victory  the  principles  which  had  controlled 
them  in  their  deepest  distress  ?  Surely  no  !  When  the  glo 
rious  news  arrived  from  the  battle  of  Saratoga,  Congress  set 
apart  the  eighteenth  day  of  December,  1777,  as  a  day  of 
solemn  thanksgiving  and  praise  throughout  the  United 
States;  and,  upon  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown, 
"  Congress  resolved  to  go  in  a  body  to  the  Dutch  Lutheran 
Church  to  return  thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  crowning  the 
allied  arms  with  success  ;  and  issued  a  proclamation,  appoint 
ing  the  thirteenth  day  of  December,  1781,  as  a  day  of  gen 
eral  thanksgiving  and  prayer  on  account  of  this  signal 
interposition  of  Divine  Providence."  "  God,"  —  in  the  judg 
ment  of  these  great  representative  men,  —  "  Almighty  God, 
had  crowned  the  American  arms  with  success; "and  they 
were  soon,  as  a  body,  reverently  bowed  before  him,  to  render 
thanks  to  him  for  the  triumph  of  the  people  in  their  bloody 
conflict  with  oppression. 

The  War  of  the  Revolution  was  over;  and  on  the  twenty- 
sixth  day  of  August,  1783,  the  immortal  Washington  was 
summoned  to  Congress  to  receive  the  official  congratulations 
of  his  countrymen.  The  expressions  of  gratitude  and 
eulogy  were  dignified,  but  exceedingly  strong; 'and  it  is  in 
tensely  interesting  to  know  with  what  feelings  he  came  out 


330  THE  GKEAT  EEPUBLIC. 

of  this  fearful  struggle.  The  following  words  conclude  his 
terse  and  appropriate  reply :  "  Perhaps,  sir,  no  occasion  may 
offer,  more  suitable  than  the  present,  to  express  my  humble 
thanks  to  God,  and  my  grateful  acknowledgments  to  my 
country,  for  the  great  and  uniform  support  I  have  received 
in  every  vicissitude  of  fortune,  and  for  the  many  distin 
guished  honors  whicli  Congress  has  been  pleased  to  confer 
upon  me  in  the  course  of  the  war."  Washington  renders 
"  humble  thanks  to  God,"  the  Being  who,  as  we  have  seen, 
had  been  so  devoutly  addressed  in  the  prayers  urgently 
invited  by  Congress  for  the  success  of  the  American  arms. 

In  the  great  act  of  the  resignation,  we  find  him  alluding 
reverently  to  "the  patronage  of  Heaven,"  and  his  "  gratitude 
for  the  interposition  of  Providence."  Who  can  read,  with 
out  profound  emotion,  the  following  language  ?  —  "I  consider 
it  an  indispensable  duty  to  close  this  last  act  of  my  official 
life  by  committing  the  interests  of  our  dearest  country  to 
the  protection  of  Almighty  God ;  and  those  who  have  the 
superintendence  of  them,  to  his  holy  keeping."  Immortal 
sage,  honored  of  God  and  man !  —  may  the  inspirations  of 
thy  exalted  statesmanship  fall  upon  the  future  represen 
tatives  of  American  liberty  ! 

We  have  thus  before  us  the  devout  manner  in  which  the 
Father  of  his  Country  passed  through  the  eight  years  of  his 
military  life.  Let  us  now  observe  the  spirit  with  which  he 
began  his  civil  career.  On  the  thirtieth  day  of  April,  1789, 
he  who  had  surrendered  his  sword  to  the  people  he  had 
saved,  at  the  very  time  when,  according  to  the  history  of 
human  ambition,  he  should  have  used  it  to  fasten  upon  them 
the  chains  of  a  military  despotism,  was  inaugurated  the  first 
Chief  Magistrate  of  the  new  nation.  With  unaffected  dig 
nity  and  humility,  he  had  mentioned  the  anxieties  and  self- 
distrust  which  mingled  with  his  gratitude  and  joy ;  and 
he  then  added,  "  Such  being  the  impressions  under  which  I 
have,  in  obedience  to  the  public  summons,  repaired  to  the 
present  station,  it  would  be  peculiarly  improper  to  omit  in 


AN  INDESTRUCTIBLE  NATIONAL  LIFE.  331 

this  first  official  act  my  fervent  supplications  to  that 
Almighty  Being  who  rules  over  the  universe,  who  presides 
in  the  councils  of  nations,  and  whose  providential  aids  can 
supply  every  human  defect,  that  his  benediction  may  con 
secrate  to  the  liberties  and  happiness  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  a  government  instituted  by  themselves  for 
these  essential  purposes ;  and  may  enable  every  instru 
ment,  employed  in  its  administration,  to  execute  with  suc 
cess  the  functions  allotted  to  his  charge.  In  tendering  this 
homage  to  the  great  Author  of  every  public  and  private 
good,  I  assure  myself  that  it  expresses  your  sentiments  not 
less  than  my  own,  nor  those  of  my  fellow-citizens  at  large 
less  than  either.  No  people  can  be  bound  to  acknowledge 
and  adore  the  invisible  Hand  which  conducts  the  affairs  of 
men  more  than  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Every 
step  by  which  they  have  advanced  to  the  character  of  an 
independent  nation  seems  to  have  been  distinguished  by 
some  token  of  providential  agency ;  and  in  the  important 
Revolution  just  accomplished,  in  the  system  of  their  united 
government,  the  tranquil  deliberations  and  voluntary  con 
sent  of  so  many  distinct  communities  from  which  the  event 
has  resulted  cannot  be  compared  with  the  means  by  which 
most  governments  have  been  established,  without  some  re 
turn  of  pious  gratitude,  along  with  a  humble  anticipation 
of  the  future  blessings  which  the  past  seems  to  presage.  The 
reflections  arising  out  of  the  present  crisis  have  forced  them 
selves  too  strongly  upon  my  mind  to  be  suppressed.  You 
will  join  with  me,  I  trust,  in  thinking  that  there  are  none 
under  the  influence  of  which  the  proceedings  of  a  new  and 
free  government  can  more  auspiciously  commence."  Thus 
spake  the  great  Washington,  —  the  broadest,  truest  represen 
tative  man  of  his  country  and  of  his  age.  He  felt  the  heavy 
pressure  of  this  hitherto  unequalled  responsibility,  and  bore 
his  burden  immediately  to  the  throne  of  grace.  He  could  not 
perform  his  first  official  act  without  presenting  his  "  fervent- 
supplications  to  that  Almighty  Being  who  presides  over  the 


332  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

councils  of  nations,  and  whose  providential  aid  can  supply 
every  human  defect ; "  and,  "  in  tendering  this  homage  to 
the  great  Author  of  every  public  and  private  good,"  he 
believes  that  he  expresses  the  sentiments  of  the  members 
of  Congress,  and  of  his  "  fellow-citizens  at  large,"  not  less 
than  his  own ;  states  most  forcibly  the  paramount  obliga 
tion  of  the  American  people  to  "acknowledge  and  adore 
the  invisible  Hand  which  conducts  the  affairs  of  men ; "  and 
solemnly  affirms  "  that  every  step  by  which  they  have 
advanced  to  the  character  of  an  independent  nation  seems 
to  have  been  distinguished  by  some  token  of  providential 
agency."  With  what  profound  satisfaction  do  we  find  here 
thus  vigorously  and  reverently  stated,  as  if  from  the  very 
heart  and  intellect  of  the  Great  Republic,  the  broad,  funda 
mental  idea  under  the  control  of  which  this  book  is  written ! 


THE   RELIGION    OF     AMERICA     CONSTRUCTS     A     GRAND    AND     DURABLE 

GOVERNMENT. 

We  have  seen  that  the  outward  forms  of  the  nation  were 
marred  with  great  defects,  and  that  vices  utterly  inconsistent 
with  the  fundamental  principles  of  liberty  sought  to  incor 
porate  themselves  into  the  organic  law,  and,  by  obstinate 
persistence  and  astute  scheming,  obtained  an  apologetic, 
deprecatory  expression  in  that  great  instrument ;  but  we 
have  also  seen  that  the  grand,  fundamental  fact  of  repub 
lican  freedom  took  its  position  of  rank  and  power  to  fight 
the  battles  of  justice  through  the  ages,  and  to  triumph  glo 
riously  when  the  fulness  of  time  had  come. 

But  we  may  now  glory  in  the  potential  reason  why  right 
triumphed  over  might  in  the  War  of  Independence ;  why 
the  true  theory  of  government  emerged  with  such  clear-, 
ness  and  vigor  from  the  conflicts  with  English  despotism ; 
why  the  freedom  of  speech  and  the  press,  the  ballot  and 
the  pulpit,  triumphed  over  the  restrictions  which  Papal  big 
otry  had  for  ages  imposed  upon  the  energies  of  mind  and 


AN  INDESTRUCTIBLE  NATIONAL  LIFE.  333 

the  struggles  of  modern  civilization ;  why  there  was  power 
enough  in  conceded  rights  to  eradicate  the  most  inveterate 
evils  which  had  come  down  from  the  past.  God  was  the 
recognized  Sovereign  of  the  nation.  In  the  spirit  of  true 
humility,  all  the  great  achievements  of  the  past  were 
ascribed  to  him ;  and,  in  fervent  prayer,  all  the  difficult 
problems  and  severe  trials  of  the  future  were  confided  to 
his  infinite  wisdom  and  sovereign  control. 

Besides,  and  above  all  that  could  be  found  in  the  convic 
tions  and  acts  of  men,  there  was  the  historical  development 
of  a  divine  plan  for  establishing  a  nation  in  advance  of  any 
that  had  gone  before  in  the  great  principles  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  and  providing  for  a  new  development  of 
Christian  civilization.  Hence,  and  hence  only,  the  amazing 
foresight  and  prospective  adjustments  of  that  forming  age, — 
provisions  as  complete  for  future  unknown  emergencies  as 
for  those  which  were  present.  For  this  reason,  despite  all 
its  imperfections  and  wrongs  condemned  for  future  destruc 
tion,  the  government  has  risen  in  majesty  and  glory,  while 
rival  theories  have  paled  before  its  steady  and  increasing 
light.  Philosophical  attempts  to  show  its  impracticability, 
and  malignant  prophecies  of  its  failure,  have  alike  disap 
peared  amid  the  splendors  of  its  march,  until  jealous  tyrants 
have  alternately  eulogized  and  cursed  it ;  and  the  longing 
eyes  of  the  oppressed  of  all  nations  have  turned  to  it  as  the 
star  of  hope  amid  the  darkness  of  despotism.  How  evidently, 
therefore,  is  the  whole  system  pervaded  by  the  elements  of 
an  immortal  life !  The  religious  influence  which  presided 
over  its  councils,  and  gave  more  than  human  energy  to  its 
contending  armies,  has  entered  into  every  organ  and  tissue 
of  the  body  politic,  and  rendered  clear  as  light  the  fact  of  a 
divine  purpose  in  its  organization  and  development. 

American  liberty  —  what  language  can  express  the  glow 
of  rapture  with  which  we  contemplate  it?  We  feel  the 
thrill  of  its  life  and  the  throb  of  its  joy  as  it  courses  through 
our  veins.  Liberty  to  think  and  utter  our  thoughts  ; 


334  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

liberty  to  write  and  print  and  read,  and  no  fear  of  servile 
police  or  loathsome  cells  or  murderous  injustice ;  liberty 
to  study  and  proclaim  God's  holy  word,  kneel  at  his  sacred 
altar,  and  claim  for  ourselves  the  blood  of  atonement,  with 
no  intervening  priest,  and  no  artificial  terrors  from  the  thun 
ders  of  the  Vatican,  —  with  what  gratitude  ought  we  to  rec 
ognize  privileges  so  exalted,  as  the  gift  of  Providence  alone ! 
But  if  God  be  the  author  of  the  American  system,  then 
here  is  our  grand  reliance  for  permanence  and  prosperity. 
We  need  not  be  alarmed  at  the  threatening  rivalry  of  selfish 
politicians,  nor  the  murmurings  of  sectional  strife.  Our 
gallant  ship  of  State  will  mount  the  foaming  crest,  or  plunge 
into  ocean  deeps,  with  no  peril  or  harm.  Amid  the  wailings 
of  the  storm,  you  shall  hear  from  her  towering  mast  the 
joyous  cry  of  "  Land  ahead ! "  to  hush  every  fear,  and  fill 
every  throbbing  heart  with  joy.  The  ambitious  partisan 
may  sound  the  alarm  of  impending  ruin,  —  ruin  upon  a 
given  contingency,  and  ruin  upon  the  exact  opposite :  but, 
by  the  hand  of  power  which  guides  our  destiny,  mere  poli 
ticians  will  hereafter,  as  before,  be  used  or  swept  aside  like 
cobwebs ;  while  our  glorious  Republic  will  move  on,  in  the 
sphere  of  a  wise  and  comprehensive  Providence,  to  accom 
plish  her  great  mission.  The  life-power  of  the  nation  is 
indestructible. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF 


'  'Whilst  our  old  Eun  -  is  1'ke  ,v 

, 

the  two  nations,  Oriental  a*u  Occidental,  proocwl  unhesitatingly  toward  ,,  * 
one  at  the  will  of  one  n)"'n,  the  other  hr  jiVftv  e  b>^  con 

States  of  America  the  care  *f  peopling.  over  to  civiliza*-, 

immense  territory  .wfciclr  'ex  tend*  from  t!,,  ae  South  Sea,  an 

North  Pole  -to  the  Equator.  "  —  Louis  NARO/  EON.. 

THE  stirring  events  which  have  passed  before  us  i 
a  grand  providential  pbeprr  .or  the  organized  d 

ment'  of  Christian   civilization. 
course,  require  a  numerous  pop 

/ere  trials  of  the  Revolution  had  iteriooslv  r 
I*  j  rt%  t.b«i  ^ti^nates  of  population  * 
Con  •  ,.^ 


......  the 


s   purpose   woul 
on. 


ire    , 
Rhode  Island    .     . 

Jersey      .     . 


00 


2:>0,000  j  Sontb 
130,000  j 


In  a  brief  period,  th 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  POPULATION. 


337 


SOURCES  OF  POPULATION. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  not  more  than  one-third  of 
this  rapidly-increasing  population  is  native  in  birth  and 
descent;  or,  in  other  words,  two-thirds  are  immigrants  and 
their  descendants.  Without  this  element,  it  is  estimated 
that,  in  1863,  our  population  would  have  reached  less  than 
10,500,000 ;  while  the  population  from  abroad,  and  their 
descendants,  exceeded  21,000,000. 

The  ratio  of  increase  from  immigration  is  as  follows  : 
In  the  ten  years  ending  1829,  the  number  was  128,502  ; 
in  ten  years  ending  1839,  we  received  538,381 ;  in  ten 
years  ending  1849,  1,427,337  ;  in  eleven  years  ending  1860, 
2,968,194 ;  making,  in  some  forty-one  years,  5,062,414. 

The  following  figures  will  show  us  in  detail  the  sources  of 
our  incoming  population  for  forty  years,  ending  with  1860 :  — 

Great  Britain  &  Ireland.   2,750,874  I  Spain 16,248 


Germany 1,486,044 

France 208,063 

Prussia 60,432 

China 41,443 

West  Indies  ....  40,487 

Switzerland    ....  37,733 

Norway  and  Sweden      .  36,129 

Holland 21,579 

Mexico 17,766 


Italy 11,202 

Belgium 9,862 

South  America  .     .     .     .  6,201 

Denmark 5,540 

Azores      .     .     ...     .  3,242 

Portugal  .     .     .     . .    .     .  2,614 

Sardinia 2,030 

Poland 1,659 

Russia      ......  1,374 


It  thus  appears  that  Providence  designs  to  bring  accessions 
to  our  Anglo-Saxon  population  from  all  the  peoples  and 
civilizations  of  Europe,  with  considerable  numbers  from 
Asia  and  the  islands  of  the  ocean. 

The  native  stock,  amounting,  as  we  have  seen,  to  over  ten 
millions,  may  be  found  pervading  all  our  communities,  and 
mingling  with  all  classes  of  immigrants  in  active  business 
relations,  organizing  American  institutions,  and  developing 
the  resources  of  the  Great  Republic. 

The    people  of   African    descent,    in    1860    numbering 


338  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

4,435,709,  have  by  unparalleled  toil,  despite  all  the  disabili 
ties  of  a  cruel  servitude,  contributed  largely  to  the  material 
wealth  of  the  country.  They  have  been  used,  in  the  order 
of  Providence,  to  impose  upon  us  some  of  the  hardest  prob 
lems  which  civil  liberty  has  ever  had  to  solve.  In  regard 
to  them,  the  plans  of  God  are  becoming  more  evident,  cul 
minating  in  the  severest  rebuke  of  caste,  and  punishment  of 
despotic  usurpation,  and  in  the  forced  acknowledgment  of 
universal  manhood  and  equal  rights. 

Only  a  small  number  of  the  aborigines  of  our  territory, 
estimated  in  1860  at  294,431,  have  become  citizens.  Gen 
erally  they  roam  through  our  vast  forests,  retaining  their 
barbarous  habits,  adopting  only  the  vicious  customs  of  the 
whites ;  sometimes  receiving  with  artless  gratitude  the  acts 
of  justice  or  paternal  care  bestowed  by  the  government; 
sometimes  submitting  in  passive  sullenness  to  the  wrongs 
inflicted  upon  them,  and  then  rousing  in  terrific  revenge  for 
real  or  fancied  injuries.  The  benevolent  labors  of  Christian 
missionaries  have,  however,  greatly  ameliorated  the  condi 
tion  of  many  of  their  tribes,  securing  to  considerable  num 
bers  the  blessings  of  Christian  education  and  experience, 
and  the  arts  of  civilized  life ;  thus  bringing  out  the  fact  of 
their  manhood,  and  revealing  capabilities  of  honorable  rank 
among  the  families  of  earth.  It  is  painful  to  think  of  the 
savage  cruelties  and  bloody  wars  which  might  have  been 
avoided  by  a  prompter  Christian  civilization. 


CHARACTER    OF  POPULATION. 

High  rank,  professional  ability,  and  capital  seeking  invest 
ment,  have  found  their  way  to  this  country  from  abroad ;  but 
immigrants  have  generally  been  of  the  industrial  classes. 
These,  together  with  our  native-born  people,  have  given 
to  our  frontier  settlements  an  unusual  degree  of  enterprise 
and  vigor,  and  brought  out  rapidly  the  resources  of  our 
virgin  soil. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  POPULATION. 


339 


The  employments  of  our  foreign-born  population  strik 
ingly  indicate  their  habits  of  thought  and  feeling,  and  the 
character  of  their  influence  upon  American  industry  and 
society.  The  public  registers  give  their  occupations  only 
to  a  limited  extent,  and  yet  sufficiently  for  our  present 
purpose.  Of,  say  two  millions,  872,317  are  laborers; 
764,837,  farmers;  407,524,  mechanics ;  231,852,  merchants  ; 
49,494,  servants;  39,967,  miners;  29,484,  mariners ;  11,557, 
weavers  and  spinners;  5,246,  seamstresses  and  milliners; 
7,109,  physicians;  4,326,  clergymen;  3,882,  clerks;  3,634, 
tailors;  3,474,  shoemakers;  3,120,  manufacturers;  2,676,  law 
yers;  2,490,  artists;  2,310, masons;  2,016,  engineers ;  1,528, 
teachers;  1,272,  bakers;  945,  butchers;  729,  musicians;  705, 
printers;  647,  painters ;  631,  millers;  588,  actors. 

These  figures  show  that  the  people  were  used  to  work  in 
the  Old  World,  and  that  they  came  here  to  work. 

The  employments  of  a  large  number  of  the  whole  nation 
at  any  one  time  will  furnish  a  broader  view  of  the  character 
of  the  American  population. 

In  1860,  there  were  about  8,217,000  heads  of  families. 
The  occupations  of  some  6,000,000,  of  various  conditions, 
were  as  follows  :  — 


Bakers                        . 

19  001 

Dru^  fists 

11  031 

Barbers      .... 

11  140 

Farmers  &  Farm-laborers 

3  219  574 

Bar-keepers     .... 

13  263 

Gardeners  

21,323 

Blacksmiths     .... 

112,357 

Grocers       

40,070 

Boarding-house  Keepers  . 
Bricklayers      .... 

12,148 
14,311 

Harness-makers     .     .     . 
Hatters  .     .          .     .     . 

12,728 
11,647 

Brickmakers    .... 
Butchers 

13,736 
30  103 

Innkeepers       .     .     .     . 

Jewellers    .                . 

22,818 
10,175 

Carpenters 

242  958 

969,301 

Cabinet-makers     .     .     . 
Carters 

29,223 
21  640 

Laundresses               .     . 
Lumbermen     . 

.  38,633 
15,929 

Civil  Engineers    .     .     . 
Clerks 

27,437 
184  485 

Lawyers  and  Judges 
Mantua-makers     .     . 

33,980 
35,165 

Clergymen       .... 

37,529 

Masons  

48,925 

Coach-makers 

19,180 

Merchants  

123  378 

Coopers 

43,624 

Millers  . 

37,281 

340  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC . 


Milliners 25,722 

Miners 147,750 

Overseers 37,883 

Peddlers 16,594 

Painters  and  Yarnishers  .  51,695 

Plasterers 13,116 

Printers    ' 23,106 

Public  Officers      .     .     .  24,693 

Physicians  &  Surgeons    .  55,055 

Railroad  Men  ....  36,567 

Saddlers 12,756 

Sawyers 15,000 


Seamstresses    .     .     .     .  90,198 

Servants 559,908 

Shoemakers     ....  164,608 

Students 49,993 

Stonecutters     .     .     .     .  19,825 

Tailors  and  tailoresses    .  101,868 

Tanners 10,491 

Teachers 110,469 

Teamsters   .....  34,824 

Tinsmiths 17,412 

Tobacconists     ....  21,413 

Wheelwrights  ....  32,693 


It  thus  appears  that  more  than  one-half  of  the  whole 
are  employed  in  agricultural  pursuits,  while  nearly  all  are 
engaged  in  some  useful  business.  Only  12,236  bar-keepers 
and  21,413  tobacconists,  included  in  the  above  tables,  are 
engaged  in  labor  that  is  harmful  to  society.  This  small  num 
ber,  compared  with  the  grand  army  of  productive  industry 
and  professional  honor,  affords  the  highest  encouragement 
to  the  future  of  our  country.  If  it  follows  that  the  time 
given  to  the  cultivation  of  mind  and  the  fine  arts  must  be 
less,  and  the  standard  of  intelligence,  on  the  whole,  propor 
tionally  lower,  it  maybe  justly  claimed  that  practical  knowl 
edge  is  more  general,  and  society  more  healthy. 

The  attempts  at  aristocratic  distinctions  in  the  Southern 
portion  of  the  United  States,  and  the  release  of  large  num 
bers  from  the  pursuits  of  industry,  have  not  proved  favorable 
to  the  cultivation  of  sound  learning ;  while  the  popular  sen 
timent  rendering  the  labor  of  the  hands  dishonorable  has 
produced  results  sufficiently  disastrous  to  serve  as  a  warning 
against  all  endeavors  to  establish  here  a  form  of  society  so 
entirely  anti-American. 

A  much  graver  question  relates  to  the  moral  character  of 
our  population.  Of  course,  the  various  nationalities  brought 
together  here  must  include  every  variety  of  opinions,  habits, 
and  condition.  The  grades  of  civilization  from  many  por 
tions  of  Europe  extend  downward  even  below  the  semi- 
barbarous  state.  Crimes  of  the  grosser  kind  must  become 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  POPULATION.  341 

correspondingly  frequent.  Lust  and  revenge  are  rank,  and 
possibly  ferocious  in  many  instances.  Offences  against  per 
son  and  property  will  render  both  insecure  in  proportion 
as  these  barbarous  elements  prevail.  Crowded  cities,  afford 
ing  most  victims  and  most  convenient  concealment,  will 
include  large  and  dangerous  numbers  of  thieves  and  mur 
derers;  and  the  false  ideas  of  liberty  which  pervade  the 
lower  forms  of  society  in  Europe  will  encourage  the  emi 
gration  of  multitudes  of  their  vilest  men  and  women.  Now, 
if  it  be  a  vice,  it  is  one  not  easily  remedied,  apparently,  — 
that  these  human  beings,  who  are  yet  hardly  human,  may 
suddenly  become  American  citizens ;  and,  though  without  a 
single  qualification  for  the  high  and^sacred  responsibilities  of 
freemen,  they  are  as  potential  at  the  ballot-box  as  an  equal 
number  of  our  most  intelligent  and  Christian  citizens. 

The  religious  creeds  and  institutions  of  large  numbers 
who  come  to  us  claim  the  first  and  highest  obedience  for  a 
foreign  ecclesiastical  prince,  and  make  loyalty  a  mere  matter 
of  temporary  convenience,  liable  to  be  disturbed  and  over 
thrown  by  causes  wholly  concealed  from  the  ordinary 
observation  of  the  American  people. 

Candor  also  compels  the  acknowledgment,  that  no  small 
number  of  vicious  people  in  this  country  are  born  here,  and 
that  the  antagonisms  to  virtue  are,  to  a  shameful  extent, 
of  native  origin  and  growth ;  while  the  highest  virtues,  both 
of  Church  and  State,  are  alike  of  foreign  and  of  domestic 
origin ;  the  whole  resulting  in  the  stern  fact,  that,  in  our 
mixed  population,  the  extremes  of  virtue  and  vice  confront 
each  other,  and  all  the  grades  of  human  character  that  can 
be  found  in  any  civilized  country  are  here  strongly  marked 
and  vigorously  developed. 

To  complete  this  brief  analysis  of  American  population,  it 
is  imperative  to  bring  prominently  forward  the  fact,  that  a 
high  sense  of  religious  responsibility  brought  the  founders 
of  our  free  institutions  here.  As  the  rights  of  conscience 
were  extensively  denied  in  the  Old  World,  and  fully  con- 


342  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

ceded  in  the  New,  yearnings  for  the  privilege  of  free  worship 
brought  multitudes  to  the  wilds  of  America  who  would  have 
been  otherwise  more  comfortable  in  the  land  of  their  birth. 
Providence  thus  secured  numerous  accessions  to  the  Chris 
tian  population  of  the  Republic ;  and,  from  the  first,  moral 
and  religious  influences  largely  predominated  in  the  several 
colonies.  The  full  development  of  this  organic  force  will  be 
noticed  in  another  chapter.  Here  the  claim,  manifestly  true, 
is,  that  the  broad  liberty  which  the  earlier  citizens  of  the 
Republic  brought  with  them,  and  passed  through  the  death- 
struggles  of  the  Revolution  to  establish,  was  vitally  Christian  ; 
and  that  only  the  growing  power  of  this  controlling  element 
can  explain  the  high  moral  status  of  American  citizens,  on 
the  whole. 

THE   AMERICAN   RACE. 

t 

By  the  large  comprehensions  and  mysterious  selections  of 
living  materials  for  the  formation  of  this  new  nation,  Provi 
dence  has  clearly  indicated  a  purpose  to  produce  a  popula 
tion  differing  from  any  before  known.  In  other  countries, 
peoples  utterly  strange  to  each  other,  and  diverse  in  origin, 
language,  and  religion,  are  brought  into  juxtaposition :  but, 
from  the  nature  of  aristocratic  governments,  they  are  only 
subjects;  they  never  do,  never  can,  become  an  organic 
unit.  In  the  United  States,  it  is  quite  otherwise.  Here 
men  must  cease  to  be  Anglo-Saxon,  Teutonic,  Sclavonic,  or 
Celt,  and,  by  the  very  force  of  our  free  institutions,  become 
Americans,  —  simply  and  only  Americans,  —  at  once  sover 
eign  and  subject.  Hence  in  a  period  longer  or  shorter, 
according  to  circumstances  which  are  neither  fundamental 
nor  permanent,  republican  ideas  take  possession  of  incoming 
peoples,  gradually,  but  at  length  entirely,  mastering  and  dis 
placing  all  predilections  in  favor  of  despotic  or  even  mild 
monarchical  institutions;  and  the  most  profound  religious 
prejudices  slowly,  and  almost  imperceptibly,  yield  to  the 
grand  idea  of  free  toleration,  and  the  paramount  rights  of 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  POPULATION.  343 

conscience ;  so  that  Romish  bigotry  is  modified  to  an  extent 
alarming  to  the  hierarchy,  sworn  to  implicit  obedience  to 
the  sovereign  pontiff  In  opinions,  religious  and  political, 
the  people  will  differ ;  but,  in  the  sense  and  rights  of  per 
sonal  responsibility,  they  tend  rapidly  to  unity.  Immense 
as  is  the  influx  of  population,  we  affirm  the  deliberate  con 
viction,  that  the  process  of  homogeneous  Americanization 
follows  it  so  closely  as  to  avert  the  most  imminent  perils  to 
our  free  institutions,  and  furnish  strong  ground  for  the 
belief  that  God  himself  controls  the  mixing-up  of  nations 
here,  for  the  grand  purpose  of  making  one,  immensely 
stronger  and  nobler  than  either  of  them  could  possibly  be. 

Conventional  arrangements  of  foreign  origin  which  relate 
to  exclusive  education,  religion,  and  government,  are  very 
tenacious,  and  not  unfrequently  rise  to  menacing  propor 
tions,  as  antagonists  to  the  system  of  free  schools,  free 
churches,  and  a  free  Republic;  but  while  the  history  of  the 
contest  furnishes  ample  reasons  for  eternal  vigilance,  and 
firm,  manly  independence,  it  does  in  no  way  indicate  the 
ultimate  triumph  of  European  despotism  on  this  continent, 
or  the  fundamental  perversion  of  our  great  providential 
scheme  of  self-government. 

Free  schools,  tending  to  universal  education,  bear  with 
them  their  own  vindication,  make  their  own  proselytes,  and 
produce  the  intelligence  which  must  render  them  superior 
to  the  assaults  of  ignorance  and  bigotry ;  and  even  coerced 
sectarian  education  with  an  anti-republican  animus,  by  the 
mere  force  of  contiguous  free  thinking  and  free  acting,  and 
the  permeating  vital  forces  of  a  free  government,  imper 
ceptibly  assimilates  the  common  faith  of  Christian  liberty. 

It,  moreover,  appertains  to  unrestricted  truth  to  show  its 
superiority  to  prescriptive  error.  An  open  field  and  a  fair 
fight  is  all  it  demands,  all  it  will  allow.  The  wrong  has  no 
chance  of  ultimate  triumph  in  such  a  contest.  God  will  not 
permit  it.  The  inherent  weakness  of  bigotry  and  injustice 
becomes  evident  in  such  a  country  as  this.  When  they  rise 


344  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

up  and  bluster  and  threaten,  before  alarmists  have  ceased  to 
utter  their  warnings  of  impending  destruction  to  freedom 
and  the  right,  they  have  gone  down  under  the  heavy  blows 
which  men,  women,  and  children  are  so  free  to  wield  against 
them  here. 

The  press,  untrammelled,  arrays  itself  on  one  side  and  the 
other  in  this  Titanic  war ;  but  how  evidently  and  rapidly,  if 
it  be  vile,  does  its  vileness  destroy  its  power  to  rule  against 
the  educated,  Christianized  freedom  of  the  land !  and  how 
soon  must  it  tell  the  tale  of  its  disgrace  by  extinction,  or 
falling  back  upon  the  patronage  of  the  openly  vicious !  On 
the  other  hand,  when  was  it  ever  known  that  a  free,  truth 
ful,  fearless,  Christianized  press  finally  lost  caste  in  America 
by  standing  up  boldly  for  private  and  public  virtue,  and 
advocating  the  true  republican  rights  of  man  ?  It  may  have 
passed  through  fiery  trials,  and  fallen,  for  a  time,  under  the 
ban  of  infidel  vice  and  party  corruption ;  but  short  indeed 
must  be  the  life  that  has  not  been  long  enough  to  see 
schools  of  infidelity,  and  parties  becoming  corrupt  from  pros 
perity  or  vile  leadership,  disappear  before  the  triumphant 
power  of  an  enlightened  public  opinion,  led  on  by  a  free 
press  and  an  unfettered  church.  Thus  forming,  moulding, 
assimilating  all  to  itself,  the  Great  Republic  of  America  goes 
on  with  the  process  of  constructing  a  race  of  its  own, 
strangely  and  even  miraculously  adjusted  to  its  providen 
tial  purposes,  and  the  accomplishment  of  its  grand  mission 
among  the  governments  of  the  earth. 

If,  now,  it  be  asked  how  has  all  this  become  possible,  and 
what  is  the  vitalizing  force  which  is  thus  transforming  peo 
ples  of  various  and  antagonistic  governments  into  one,  we 
affirm,  without  hesitancy,  it  is  the  Sovereign  of  nations, 
God  Omnipotent,  who  "  maketh  the  wrath  of  man  to  praise 
him,"  unfolding  the  plans  of  the  Christian  dispensation, 
purging  the  people  by  the  fires  of  law  and  of  justice;  it  is 
the  gospel,  the  potent,  at  length  the  nearly  ornni-potent, 
spread  of  truth  from  heaven ;  a  free,  open  Bible ;  the  bap- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  POPULATION.  345 

tisms  of  light  and  love,  which  are  fast  converting  our  nine- 
teenth  century  into  one  grand  Pentecost.  It  is  the  voice 
of  resurrection,  saying,  "  Arise,  shine  ;  for  thy  light  is  come, 
and  the  glory  of  the  Lord  is  risen  upon  thee." 

The  unity  of  the  American  race  includes  also  the  mingling 
of  blood,  which,  subject  to  the  control  of  true  instincts  and 
sound  conventional  propriety,  obeys  the  physiological  laws 
of  animal  regeneration  and  strength,  and  must  gradually 
bring  out  proportions  and  powers  fitted  for  great  achieve 
ments, —  a  physique  which  shall  rise  to  possibilities,  only 
indicated  by  the  endurance  and  stalwart  might  of  our  armies 
in  all  the  wars  through  which  we  have  yet  passed. 

Our  varied  climates,  invigorating  air,  and  inevitable  ac 
tivity,  have  contributed  to  this  result.  In  subduing  the  for 
ests,  cultivating  our  vast  prairies,  and  developing  the  mechan 
ical  industry  and  commerce  of  the  country,  our  people  have 
added  much  to  the  size  of  bone  and  strength  of  muscle,  the 
power  of  nerve  and  energy  of  will,  which  tend  to  give  the 
true  American  unparalleled  powers  of  endurance  and  triumph 
in  any  field  of  conflict  which  God  may  require  him  to  enter. 

No  doubt,  disobedience  to  the  laws  of  health,  and  deep- 
seated  immoralities,  have  often  antagonized  and  defeated  this 
great  providential  plan  of  forming  a  mighty  race  of  men 
for  achievements  above  the  reach  of  dwarfed  and  enfeebled 
humanity.  It  is  the  mission  of  true  Christian  education  to 
counteract  these  depraved  tendencies;  the  grand  purpose 
of  a  true  inward  and  outward  regeneration,  and  a  progres 
sive  scientific  system  of  moral  and  physical  health,  to  rescue 
our  new  and  vigorous  race  from  these  destructive  agencies, 
and  test  the  rights  of  purified,  elevated  humanity  to  long 
life  and  great  deeds  in  a  sphere  as  much  above  that  which 
we  have  yet  reached,  as  our  present  is  above  that  of  the 
wasting  savages  of  these  continental  forests. 

Then  the  magnificent  scenery  of  our  mountains  and  rivers 
and  lakes,  the  vastness  of  our  country,  and  the  ever-increas- 


346  THE  GEEAT  REPUBLIC. 

ing  demands  upon  our  utmost  powers,  will  come  in  to  help 
God  and  conscience  make  us  great. 

Freedom  relieved  from  the  taint  of  slavery,  and  the  sove 
reign  rights  of  freemen  exercised  by  Americans,  without 
the  restrictions  of  caste,  will  give  dignity  and  power  to  the 
true  American ;  while  the  far-famed  ingenuity,  industry,  ver 
satility,  and  energy  of  the  Kepublic  will  render  her  exhaust- 
less  resources  available. 

With  these  advantages,  under  the  prestige  of  a  mighty 
past,  and  with  these  healthy,  vitalizing  forces  working  against 
our  vices,  thirty-four  millions  six  hundred  and  five  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  eighty-two  American  people  are  now, 
under  the  control  of  Providence,  moving  onward  in  the 
front  ranks  of  modern  Christian  civilization. 


CHAPTER    II. 

DEVELOPMENT    OF   LIBERTY. 

"  Freedom  of  a  low  and  limited  order  is  mere  caprice.  Freedom  does  not  exist  as 
original  and  natural.  Rather  must  it  be  first  sought  out  and  won,  and  that  by  an  in 
calculable  medial  discipline  of  the  intellectual  and  moral  powers.  Freedom  is  spirit  in  its 
completeness.  Society  and  the  State  are  the  very  conditions  in  which  freedom  is  realized. 
Reason  is  the  comprehension  of  the  divine  work.  The  strength  of  a  nation  lies  in  the 
reason  incorporated  in  it.  The  conception  of  God  constitutes  the  general  basis  of  a 
people's  character."  —  HEGEL. 

THE  earliest  struggles  of  liberty  are  indications  of  torture 
under  the  wrongs  of  oppression.  Men  in  pain  seek  relief; 
and  the  right  to  relief  from  the  miseries  inflicted  by  des 
potism  is  an  instinct  which  moves  the  sufferer  to  act  in 
self-defence,  without  waiting  for  a  logical  vindication  :  hence 
the  violence  which  struggles  with  power,  without  regard  to 
the  question  whether  there  is  any  hope  or  possibility  of 
relief,  but  which  must  sometimes  be  followed  by  a  conviction 
of  impotence,  and  a  feeling  of  sullen  despair,  and  finally  of 
unavoidable  submission. 

But  God  does  not  permit  this  submission  to  pass  into  sat 
isfaction.  He  rouses  up  the  soul  to  a  consciousness  of  its 
individuality,  of  its  own  dignity,  of  its  felt  claims  to  freedom. 
He  stirs  up  the  reason;  and  a  higher  sense  of  justice  takes 
position,  and  begins  to  question  the  rights  of  despotic  rulers, 
and  to  demand  release  from  exactions  which  are  unjust  and 
oppressive.  When  these  demands  are  resisted  and  denied, 
then  comes  the  question  of  power.  If  the  reason  is  low, 
and  its  arguments  are  unreliable,  the  attempts  at  self-vindi 
cation  are  likely  to  be  premature  and  reckless.  In  the 
higher  exercise  of  reason,  two  questions  are  considered,  — 

347 


348  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

can  the  wrong  be  conquered  by  force  ?  and  are  not  moral 
means,  without  force,  due  under  the  circumstances,  and 
hopeful  of  success? 

The  founders  of  the  Great  Republic  had  passed  through 
all  these  stages,  —  first  in  England,  then  in  America.  They 
had  shown  the  higher  manifestations  of  reason  in  the  per 
sistent  struggles  of  logic  before  resistance  in  battle.  They 
had  passed  through  the  conflicts  of  the  Revolution,  and  found 
themselves  free,  in  the  sense  of  release  from  foreign  domi 
nation.  They  had,  moreover,  settled  the  form  of  govern 
ment,  determined  that  it  should  not  be  monarchical,  but 
republican;  that  it  should  not  be  irresponsible,  but  consti 
tutional  ;  that  it  should  be  democratic,  but  representative ; 
that  the  paramount  allegiance  of  the  citizen  should  be  to 
the.  General  Government,  and  all  State  authority  should 
adjust  itself  to  the  good  of  the  nation.  This  was  the  evi 
dent  purpose ;  and  it  was  undeniably  in  the  scope  and  in 
tention  of  the  Constitution  which  superseded  the  old  Arti 
cles  of  Confederation.  But  it  was  not  universally  acknowl 
edged.  It  was  contested  by  the  States-right  party,  through 
a  period  of  nearly  a  hundred  years,  with  great  ability  and 
zeal ;  and  the  opposition  to  a  true  nationality  finally  led  to 
treason  and  blood.  The  question  was  left  to  the  arbitrament 
of  the  sword ;  and  the  vindication  of  national  over  State 
sovereignty  followed  one  of  the  most  gigantic  and  cruel 
wars  of  modern  times. 

This,  however,  was  the  growth  of  liberty.  The  freedom 
of  the  individual  seemed,  at  first,  all  that  could  be  expected, 
and  almost  too  much  to  ask.  Deliverance  from  persecution 
on  account  of  religious  belief  and  practice,  from  unjust  and 
tyrannical  executions,  seemed  the  greatest  blessing  that  could 
be  conferred.  When,  however,  the  struggle  rose  to  a  com 
plete  emancipation  from  foreign  power,  and  American  inde 
pendence  had  been  proclaimed,  vindicated,  and  acknowl 
edged,  large  ideas  of  personal  rights  were  the  natural  result ; 
and  the  growth  of  national  feeling  and  intelligence  was  at 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  LIBERTY.  349 

first  slow,  revealing  only  gradually  its  organic  existence 
and  power.  When,  however,  it  rose  distinctly  to  sight,  it 
was  found  to  be  the  true  American  idea ;  and  the  feeling 
that  the  national  character  and  rights  of  the  people  must 
outgrow,  or  conquer  by  force,  all  local  and  State  assumptions 
inconsistent  with  it,  at  length  became  strong  and  irresistible. 


PERSONAL    LIBERTY. 

It  was  not  easy  to  ascertain  precisely  what  the  colonists 
had  gained.  Liberty  was  the  word  instinctively  used  to 
express  it ;  but  the  people,  generally,  were  far  from  a  clear 
apprehension  of  the  meaning  of  the  term.  The  great 
statesmen  of  the  Revolution  excluded  from  the  idea  many 
of  the  radical  and  irresponsible  notions  of  the  masses,  but 
differed  widely  as  to  what  it  did  actually  include.  Indeed, 
broad  and  comprehensive  views  of  liberty  cannot  be  claimed 
for  the  times  in  which  our  republican  institutions  had  their 
birth.  From  the  very  necessities  of  historical  civilization, 
these  must  be  an  outgrowth  from  the  radical  principles, 
obtaining  position  amid  the  life-and-death  struggles  of  a 
great  revolution. 

Reflection  is  subsequent  to  passion  or  sentiment ;  and, 
when  it  commences  its  examinations,  it  condemns  and 
excludes  much  which  feeling  asserts  and  demands.  Con 
sciousness  finds  free  volitions  within.  The  mind,  from  the 
mere  love  of  power,  exercises  itself  in  willing;  takes  excur 
sions  in  various  directions  to  show  to  itself  that  it  can  deter 
mine  one  way  and  another,  —  that  it  can  resolve  exact 
opposites.  It  receives  and  repels  influences  from  without ; 
weighs  motives,  and  first  accepts,  then  rejects  them  ;  even 
choosing  to  be  governed,  apparently,  for  the  mere  independ 
ence  of  the  thing,  by  those  which  are  felt  and  acknowledged 
to  be  by  far  the  less  in  strength  and  claims. 

This  is  primary  liberty,  the  starting-point  of  all  free  action 
and  free  institutions;  and,  in  the  perverseness  of  human 


350  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

nature,  it  is  very  likely  to  assert  boldly,  and  even  defiantly, 
the  right  to  do  wrong.  To  realize  the  full  force  of  the  im 
portant  distinction  between  the  ability  to  do  wrong  and  the 
liberty  to  do  wrong  requires  thought,  moral  culture,  and, 
finally,  regeneration.  It  is  the  province  of  discipline,  under 
divine  inspiration  and  guidance,  to  bring  out  the  conscience 
of  liberty.  Then,  when  the  soul  proposes  to  itself  free 
action,  finds  itself  acting  freely,  it  begins  to  ask,  "  Is  this 
right?"  Then  it  begins  to  realize  that  there  are  limitations 
to  freedom ;  in  other  words,  that  there  are  great  laws  of  free 
action  grounded  in  our  relations  to  other  men  and  to  God. 

JUSTICE   AND    LOYALTY    IN    LIBERTY. 

Justice  is  an  element  so  broad  and  far-reaching,  that  it  is 
not  easily  nor  soon  understood.  It  defines  itself  in  laws  for 
self-protection ;  and  this  involves  the  protection  and  rights 
of  others,  and  finally  rises  to  the  dignity  of  constitutional 
law,  assuming  to  have  found  the  fundamental  and  perma 
nent  right  as  between  man  and  man. 

But  both  the  idea  and  the  expression  of  justice  must, 
of  necessity,  be  imperfect  and  inadequate  in  the  earlier 
attempts  to  define  constitutional  rights.  Constitutions, 
therefore,  as  we  have  before  said,  are  not  made,  but  grow ; 
and  pure  justice,  as  it  is  the  rarest  and  most  precious  ele 
ment  of  fundamental  government,  so  it  is  the  least  likely 
and  the  latest  to  have  full  sway  in  the  systems  of  fallen  and 
depraved  humanity.  This  must  be  the  true  explanation  of 
the  unquestionable  but  humiliating  fact,  that  the  struggles 
of  a  hundred  years  in  this  republic  of  liberty  have  been 
over  the  question,  How  much,  or  rather  how  little,  justice 
can  we  dispense  to  man  as  man,  and  establish  a  govern 
ment  of  freedom  for  ourselves  ?  Slowly,  therefore,  has  true 
liberty  developed  itself  even  here ;  sometimes  seeming  to 
diminish  rather  than  enlarge,  to  retrograde  rather  than 
advance.  But  we  can  now  see,  that,  upon  the  whole,  the 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  LIBERTY.  351 

progress  has  been  powerful  and  really  grand.  Now  it  is 
known  and  almost  universally  felt  among  the  governing 
minds  of  America,  that  justice,  fair,  full,  impartial  justice, 
is  indispensable  to  liberty,  is  the  very  soul  of  liberty. 

Almost  as  slowly  has  the  great  fact  come  to  the  surface, 
that  true  loyalty  is  a  fundamental  element  of  liberty;  that 
we  must  be  governed  to  be  free.  Wild,  ultra  democracy 
denies  this ;  licentious  passion  denies  it :  but  calm  reason 
affirms  it,  history  asserts  it,  revelation  demands  it. 

A  republican  government  must  be  outwardly  and  formally 
a  government  by  majorities ;  and,  when  the  free  elections  of 
the  people  have  placed  a  man  in  office,  he  is  and  must  be 
the  officer  until  he  is  superseded  according  to  due  forms 
of  law.  If  it  is  alleged  that  he  is  unjust,  and  that  he  has 
transcended  or  made  a  vicious  and  oppressive  use  of  his 
power,  the  appeal  is  not  to  private  judgment,  not  to  public 
passion,  but  to  the  umpire  provided  by  the  Constitution. 
Obedience,  one  of  the  hardest  things  for  a  republican  to 
learn,  is  one  of  the  first  and  most  imperative  obligations  of 
freemen  in  a  free  government.  Rejected,  superseded  by 
individual  obstinacy  or  confederate  passion,  lawless  anarchy 
and  headlong  rebellion  must  be  the  result. 

We  say  that  a  republic  must  be  ostensibly  governed  by 
majorities ;  but  in  reality  it  is  far  otherwise.  Sad  experience 
shows  us  that  by  low  intrigue  a  small  number  of  political 
demagogues  may  dictate  candidates  and  control  elections ; 
and  that,  were  there  no  counteracting  forces,  the  govern 
ment  would  be  irredeemably  lost  amid  contending  factions, 
or  the  people  in  their  millions  subjected  to  the  merciless 
tyranny  of  a  contemptible  minority  or  a  military  despotism. 


EDUCATION   AND    RELIGION   IN   LIBERTY. 

Intelligence,  sound  and  widely  diffused,  is  not  a  mere  con 
tingency  or  accidental  fact  of  free  institutions  such  as  ours : 
it  is  a  part  of  them.  Liberty,  in  its  highest,  truest  sense, 


352  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

cannot  be  known  apart  from  it.  There  is  not  only  the 
primary  fact  that  the  people  are  the  government,  that  they 
must  therefore  be  sufficiently  educated  to  understand  the 
simple  but  mutual  principles  of  the  government,  and  the 
true  sphere  and  responsibilities  of  the  elective  franchise, 
but  they  must  be  qualified  to  grapple  with  and  triumph 
over  the  astute  scheming  of  corrupt  leaders ;  at  least  they 
must  reveal  ability  to  hurl  these  men  occasionally  from 
power,  so  as  to  compel  them,  by  their  fears,  to  a  degree  of 
caution  which  will  secure  the  liberties  of  the  people. 

But  mere  secular  learning  leaves  selfishness  undisturbed, 
or  rather  stimulates  its  growth,  and  multiplies  its  expedients 
for  mischief.  The  tendency  of  mental  increase  in  corrup 
tion  is  to  make  men  rivals  in  intrigue,  not  antagonists  to 
political  vice :  hence  the  multiplication  of  demagogues  by 
schools  of  "  philosophy,  falsely  so  called,"  has  come  to  be  a 
well-known  and  generally-recognized  fact. 

There  must,  therefore,  be  a  special  element  in  the  intel 
ligence  of  freemen;  a  distinct  controlling  animus  which 
will  make  it  broad  and  true  and  safe ;  a  spirit  of  patriotism 
which  subordinates  arid  finally  destroys  the  natural  selfish 
ness  ;  which  raises  patriotism  to  the  dignity  of  philanthropy, 
and  enthrones  justice  over  the  passions  and  the  will,  in  the 
heart,  in  the  family,  and  in  the  nation.  This  is  loyalty  to 
God,  a  principle  and  a  feeling  given  in  the  new  birth,  which, 
"  sufficiently  produced,"  exalts  the  human  to  the  sphere  of 
the  divine,  and  resolves  the  government  of  liberty  into  the 
will  of  God. 

In  our  present  mixed  state  as  to  individual  and  public 
regeneration,  only  a  slight  approximation  to  this  sublime 
standard  is  possible.  Happy  for  us  that  enough  of  this 
"  good  and  perfect  gift  from  the  Father  of  lights,"  this  "  wis 
dom  that  is  from  above,  which  is  first  pure,  then  peaceable, 
gentle,  and  easy  to  be  entreated,  full  of  mercy  and  good  fruits, 
without  partiality  and  without  hypocrisy,"  has  been  given 
to  man  to  show  its  existence,  reveal  its  power,  and  secure 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LIBERTY.  353 

our  liberties;  while  the  "earthly,  sensual,  and  devilish"  are 
sufficiently  evident  to  inspire  our  hatred  and  dread,  and 
move  the  people  to  more  general  and  earnest  heart-yearn 
ings  after  the  spirit  of  Christ  for  the  soul  of  the  nation. 
How  we  long  for  the  day  when  we  can  claim  for  the  Ameri 
can  Republic,  without  mortifying  reservations,  a  well-defined 
place  within  the  circle  of  the  divine  beatitudes !  —  "  Happy 
is  that  people  that  is  in  such  a  case ;  yea,  happy  is  that 
people  whose  God  is  the  Lord." 

Here  we  reach  a  position  from  which  we  can  announce 
the  fact,  that  government  by  a  republic  may  be  perfectly 
safe  in  the  hands  of  the  majority,  or  under  the  control  of 
the  whole  people,  swayed  by  the  power  of  a  small  minority. 
It  is  useless  for  the  American  people  longer  to  shut  their 
eyes  to  the  inevitable  fact,  that  governing  mind  is  a  crea 
tion  of  God ;  that  the  power  and  the  will  to  govern  are 
inborn  where  there  is  a  providential  designation  to  the 
functions  and  responsibilities  of  office.  Setting  aside,  as 
we  have  done,  the  vain  pretenders  whose  dishonest  usur 
pations  of  power  are  an  offence  to  God  and  man,  we  have 
risen  to  a  contemplation  of  humanity  re-formed  for  the  high 
prerogative  of  representing  God  in  the  government  of  men ; 
and  even  now  we  see  that  the  general  intelligence  is  too 
broad  and  clear-sighted  to  be  long  misled  or  misgoverned, 
and  too  largely  imbued  with  common  sense  to  refuse  to  be 
represented  or  led  by  men  of  superior  wisdom  and  goodness. 

EXTENT   AND    SPHERE    OF   LIBERTY. 

In  consequence  of  the  natural  blindness  of  souls,  it  has 
come  to  be  a  very  urgent  question,  How  far  shall  liberty 
extend?  —  who  shall  be  free?  It  is  mortifying  that  this 
could  ever  be  a  question  in  the  Great  Republic.  It  must 
be  acknowledged  that  we  did  for  a  long  time  ask,  "  May 
a  man  of  heterodox  faith  be  free?"  But  we  outgrew  our 
Prelatical  bigotry  in  Virginia  and  our  Puritanic  bigotry  in 


45 


354  THE   GKEAT  REPUBLIC. 

New  England,  and  found,  to  our  abundant  relief,  that  it  was 
perfectly  safe  to  hand  over  Anabaptists  and  State  Church 
men,  Papists,  Jews,  and  Quakers,  to  the  mercy  of  God  and 
free  inquiry. 

We  did  ask,  "May  the  tawny  Indian  and  the  swarthy 
African  be  free  ?  Must  not  liberty  be  restricted  to  the 
white  race,  and  denied  to  darker  color  ?  "  Heaven  pity  us  ! 
How  long  we  struggled  to  find  out  what  tinge  of  color  should 
mark  the  impassable  boundary  between  liberty  and  bondage ! 
and  how  grandly,  at  length,  have  we  risen  to  know  that  a 
man  is  to  be  free  because  he  is  a  man !  Let  us  boast  as  lit 
tle  as  possible  over  the  fact  that  a  part  of  us  have  reached 
this  great  plain  truth  only  in  the  last  period  of  the  nine 
teenth  century  of  the  Christian  era. 

But  the  reasons  are  now  sufficiently  evident  why  liberty, 
even  in  our  favored  country,  has  been  so  slow  of  growth. 
Including,  as  it  does,  our  own  reflective  consciousness  of 
personal  freedom,  a  rectified  conscience,  a  clear  sense  of 
justice,  a  devoted  loyalty,  a  broad  intelligence,  a  sincere 
piety  for  the  people  generally,  and  the  public  and  govern 
mental  recognition  of  the  universal  manhood  of  man,  we  may 
not  expect  the  spontaneous  growth  of  liberty,  nor  its  rapid 
development.  The  more  reason  have  we,  therefore,  to  be 
profoundly  grateful  for  the  certain  historical  evidence  of  its 
sure  and  steady  advance  to  strength  and  dominant  power  on 
this  continent. 


CHAPTER     III. 
DEVELOPMENT   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

"  Hitherto  the  world  has  assumed  some  inherent  antagonism  between  freedom  and 
centralization.  A  true  democracy  has  as  last  established  itself,  that  not  only  develops 
an  intenser  centralization  than  despotism  ever  boasted,  but  that  develops  and  also  vin 
dicates  it  by  a  completer  freedom  than  ever  before  could  be  permitted."  — PARTRIDGE. 

IT  cannot  be  said  that  society  in  America  was  ever  resolved 
into  its  original  elements.  The  first  successful  emigrants 
came  here  with  no  feeling  of  reckless  anarchy,  no  idea  of 
release  from  the  restraints  of  law.  If  there  were  some 
vicious  and  irresponsible  men  among  them,  who  fled  from 
needed  control  or  merited  punishment  at  home,  they  were 
never  strong  enough  to  overwhelm  the  stern  representatives 
of  order  placed  by  Providence  at  the  head  of  affairs.  Gov 
ernment  in  some  form  was  clearly  recognized  in  the  organi 
zations  of  companies,  in  grants  and  charters  at  home ;  and 
the  power  of  control,  however  falsely  conceived  or  unwisely 
located,  was,  from  the  first,  evident  and  vigorous.  This  was 
so  far  civilization,  in  distinction  from  barbarism. 

A   POPULAR   GOVERNMENT. 

Government  by  the  people  came  to  this  land  in  "The  May 
flower,"  and  began  at  once  a  career  of  development  which 
has  never  been  successfully  resisted.  The  idea  of  govern 
ment  by  an  oligarchy  came  to  the  South  earlier.  It  asserted 
hereditary  rights,  and  gathered  to  itself  the  power  of  king 
and  council,  nobles  and  proprietaries,  the  church  and  the 
sword.  It  antagonized  and  suppressed  the  will  of  the  peo- 

355 


356  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

pie ;  and  the  people,  in  their  turn,  stood  up  against  it  calmly, 
but  firmly,  and  wrenched  from  it  one  concession  after  anoth 
er,  until,  by  the  struggles  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  they 
overthrew  and  utterly  destroyed  it. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  people  were  the  government  in  fact, 
and  of  right.  It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  the  preten 
sions  of  oligarchy  in  America  have  always  been  subject  to 
the  will  of  the  people,  sometimes  shrinking  from  sight  to 
avoid  a  storm  and  the  wreck  of  property  interests,  and  some 
times,  with  an  ill  grace,  yielding  to  the  claims  of  constitutional 
law.  When,  however,  it  exerted  ostensible  power,  it  was 
obliged  first  to  seduce  the  people  from  their  allegiance  to 
God  and  the  right,  prostitute  them  to  its  own  level  of 
demoralization  and  injustice,  and  thus  make  them  the  fit 
instruments  of  usurpation  and  oppression. 

But  the  inchoate  United  States  were  never  without  gov 
ernment  by  the  people.  While  their  legal  relations  to  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain  were  loyally  acknowledged,  they 
arranged  promptly  and  everywhere  to  supply  the  defects  of 
the  home  government  by  the  quiet  organization  of  their  own 
power.  It  may  be  naturally  supposed  that  those  earlier  forms 
of  democratic  government  were  very  crude  and  imperfect ; 
but  whoever  studies  them  carefully  will  perceive  that  they 
contained  nearly  all  the  great  principles  of  justice  and  the 
most  profound  elements  of  constitutional  law. 

The  parent  government  of  the  Great  Republic  was  a  pure 
democracy,  —  a  government  by  all  the  people.  They  were 
few  in  number,  and  their  acts  of  legislation  were  the  voice 
of  the  whole.  Their  great  concern  was  liberty.  Oppression 
had  taught  them  so  thoroughly,  and  the  steady  light  of 
Christianity  revealed  to  them  so  clearly,  the  way  to  obtain 
it,  that  they  were  resolved  from  the  first  that  they  would 
keep  in  their  own  hands  whatever  authority  they  could 
wrest  from  the  grasp  of  the  king.  It  may  be  regarded  as 
strange  that  they  did  not  bring  with  them  a  love  of  monar 
chy  so  strong  that  it  would  be  their  first  and  only  thought, 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  GOVERNMENT.  357 

as  the  power  of  the  king  of  England  so  far  declined  as  to 
suggest  the  possibility,  and  at  length  the  necessity,  of  Amer 
ican  independence.  But  it  was  exactly  and  sternly  other 
wise.  The  entire  period  of  preparation  was,  as  we  have 
seen,  pervaded  by  the  idea  of  a  democracy.  The  public  acts 
of  the  people  all  indic'ated  the  conviction  that  they  were 
their  own  rulers;  that  no  man  was  ever  born  to  be  king 
over  them.  So  clear  and  general  and  lasting  was  this  im 
pression,  that  we  must  refer  it  to  the  providence  of  God. 

It  availed  nothing  with  the  statesmen  of  these  early  times 
to  suggest  that  all  attempts  at  republican  government  had 
been  utter  failures ;  that  the  people  were  too  ignorant  and 
selfish  to  establish  a  firm  and  enlightened  government. 
Something  within  them  said,  "  We  are  free,  and  no  man  or 
number  of  men  shall  wrest  our  liberties  from  us :  others 
could  not,  but  we  can  govern  ourselves.  Paganism  could 
form  no  bond  of  union  strong  enough  to  hold  the  republics 
of  Greece  and  Rome  together ;  but  Christianity  can  do  for  us 
what  no  other  system  of  religion  ever  did,  ever  could  do, 
for  any  people.  God  will  help  us,  and  we  can  be  free." 
They  had  heard  a  solemn  voice  pronounce  the  potent  word, 
"  Eplirata!"  and  their  eyes  were  open.  They  could  see  that 
a  new  dispensation  of  government  was  dawning  upon  the 
race ;  that  they  were  the  vanguard  of  liberty  in  a  new 
world :  and  with  the  vision  came  a  feeling  of  power  that 
was  too  mighty  for  the  despotism  of  the  old  and  dying  past. 
This  was  God,  slowly  bringing  to  the  inhabitants  of  earth 
the  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  he  is  the  Sovereign  of  na 
tions;  that  the  regeneration  originates  a  new  and  all-per 
vading  sense  of  justice  ;  and  this  alone  realized  the  idea 
and  the  fact  of  equality  among  men,  and  complete  subordi 
nation  to  the  will  of  God.  Here  it  was  to  be  demonstrated 
that  "  He  whose  right  it  is  to  reign  would  reign  until  he  had 
put  all  enemies  under  his  feet."  The  doctrine  of  liberty 
and  of  equal  rights  is  wrapped  up  in  this  announcement; 
is  utterly  and  forever  inseparable  from  it. 


358  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

But  this,  with  every  other  great  truth,  was  militant  in 
America.  It  must  fight  for  its  place  among  the  philosophies 
and  politics  of  its  times ;  and  so  it  did  through  the  genera 
tions,  achieving  its  progressive  and  final  triumphs  amid  the 
sweat  and  grime,  the  tears  and  blood,  of  battling  ages.  But 
its  triumph  is  at  length  complete.  The  people,  the  whole 
people,  are  the  acknowledged  rulers  of  the  Great  Republic. 


A   REPRESENTATIVE   GOVERNMENT. 

It  soon  became,  of  course,  impossible  for  the  people  to 
assemble  en  masse  for  purposes  of  legislation  and  adminis 
trative  law ;  and  they  were  sufficiently  sensible  to  adopt  a 
system  of  representation.  The  great  legal  maxim,  "  What 
a  man  does  by  another  he  does  himself,"  was  well  under 
stood  :  and  hence  the  great  "  town-meetings,"  which  were 
available  for  local  purposes,  became  convenient  for  the 
earliest  use  of  the  elective  franchise ;  and  the  orderly  use 
of  the  ballot  chose  men  to  whom  matters  of  general  interest 
to  neighborhoods  could  be  submitted. 

These  contiguous  colonies  had  interests  in  common ;  and 
they  could  not  meet  as  a  whole  for  the  settlement  of  colonial 
policy,  but  they  could  meet  by  their  representatives.  Hence 
conventions  and  commissions  of  various  kinds  began  to 
struggle  with  this  immense  problem  of  unity,  and  com 
menced  the  search,  through  mists  and  darkness  profound, 
for  those  subtle  principles  and  spheres  of  prerogatives 
which  belonged  to  the  whole,  and  to  separate  them  from 
duties  and  powers  which  were  local  in  their  rights  and 
necessities. 

This  was  not  only  convenient  on  account  of  numbers,  but 
it  was  indispensable  for  the  security  of  wisdom.  These  grave 
deliberations  upon  matters  vital  to  the  commonwealth  could 
thus  be  intrusted  to  men  of  calmer,  broader,  riper  thought 
than  can  be  expected  from  the  great  whole  of  any  com 
munity.  And  such  men  were  here.  Men  of  long  and  pro- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  GOVEKNMENT.  359 

found  experience  in  problems  of  State  came  with  the  earliest 
settlers ;  and  it  is  of  intense  interest  now  to  mark  the  shrink 
ing  diffidence  with  which  these  great  men  accepted  positions 
of  trust  actually  thrust  upon  them  by  the  will  and  necessities 
of  the  people. 

We  must,  however,  concede  that  the  true  idea  of  repre 
sentation  has  been  slow  in  reaching  its  exact  definitions  and 
place  in  this  Kepublic.  It  was  a  grand  propriety  that 
assumed  from  the  first  that  a  Christian  man  was,  all  other 
things  being  equal,  far  the  most  eligible  for  official  rank ; 
that  true  religion  would  qualify  a  man  for  the  better,  safer 
exercise  of  the  elective  franchise  :  but  it  was  a  narrow  judg 
ment  that  disfranchised  all  others,  and  a  still  narrower 
opinion  that  excluded  from  the  right  of  the  ballot  all  Chris 
tians,  however  pure,  unless  they  were  members  of  a  particular 
church.  Property  qualifications  were  more  naturally  sug 
gested,  but  they  were  not  consistent  with  republican  equali 
ty  of  rights;  nor  could  it  ever  be  made  to  appear  that  either 
wisdom  or  patriotism  dwelt  alone  in  the  purse.  Still  more 
absurd  was  the  notion,  that  the  right  of  the  vote  depended 
upon  the  color  of  the  skin  ;  as  though  honesty  and  fidelity, 
social  wants  and  available  intelligence,  were  of  the  com 
plexion  rather  than  of  the  soul.  And  the  extreme  of  all 
absurdity  and  injustice  was  the  idea  that  disfranchised  slaves 
should  become  the  basis  of  free  representation,  and  that  the 
same  arbitrary  minds  which  should  rob  the  black  man  of  his 
inborn  rights  should  confer  these  rights  upon  themselves. 

From  all  these  ideas,  foreign  to  the  doctrine  of  liberty,  it 
has  been  necessary  to  free  the  people.  It  may  seem  strange 
to  us  that  they  could  ever  obtain  rank  and  influence,  in  any 
part  of  our  country,  with  those  who  seemed  predestined  by 
Providence  as  the  pioneers  of  representative  liberty.  But 
we  must  again  come  to  the  remembrance  of  the  great  fact, 
so  frequently  recurring  in  these  discussions,  that  every  great 
principle  must  have  its  conflicts ;  that  this  is  the  trial  state 
for  all  political  virtue :  and  then  the  slow  development  of 


360  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  great  law  of  universal  right,  in  a  government  of  repre 
sentation  from  the  governed,  will  become  intelligible,  how 
ever  impatient  may  have  been  our  waiting. 

With  our  rapidly-increasing  millions  of  population  and 
wealth,  representation  has  not  only  become  clearer  in  truth 
and  broader  in  spirit,  but  more  extended  in  reach  and  irre 
sistible  in  effect.  In  our  municipal  and  civil  bodies,  our  legis 
lative,  judicial,  and  executive  departments  of  the  states  and 
the  nation,  representation  receives  its  contents,  significance, 
and  responsibilities  from  the  personal  rights  and  conse 
quence  of  thirty-four  millions  of  freemen,  and  all  their  vast 
interests  of  education,  religion,  and  commerce.  Our  consuls 
in  every  port,  and  our  ministers  plenipotentiary  abroad,  rep 
resent  the  moral  power  of  living,  growing  millions,  rapidly 
accumulating  wealth,  pure,  free  Christianity,  inviolable  unity, 
unparalleled  energy,  and  an  invincible  army  and  navy.  In 
this  vital  potency,  the  government  of  the  Great  Republic  is 
everywhere.  It  reaches  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  to  protect 
its  citizens,  and  seize  its  criminals.  Well  may  its  represen 
tatives  feel  that  their  country  confers  on  them  high  honor, 
and  that,  in  their  humblest  mission,  they  are  rendered  truly 
great.  Well  may  the  American  citizen  mention  his  nation 
anywhere  with  feelings  of  honorable  satisfaction  and  sus 
tained  confidence. 


A   NATIONAL    GOVERNMENT. 

A  careful  study  of  the  growth  of  American  history  will  re 
veal  the  curious  but  important  fact,  that  Providence  rendered 
necessary  all  the  essential  measures  for  organizing  liberty. 
Left  to  themselves,  the  people  would  have  been  quite  satis 
fied  with  government  by  towns  or  neighborhoods,  or,  at 
most,  of  single  colonies.  But  God  permitted  danger  to  be 
come  one  of  the  first  of  all  the  combining  forces.  They  soon 
found  it  unsafe  to  exist  in  fragmentary  communities.  The 
savages  were  too  hostile  and  powerful.  They  must  combine ; 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  GOVERNMENT.  361 

and,  to  do  this,  they  must  find  those  subtle,  common  interests 
and  rights  which  constitute  the  larger  unities. 

There  were,  moreover,  questions  of  boundary  and  juris 
diction,  not  between  themselves  merely,  but  between  the  ho 
mogeneous  English  colonists  and  the  French  from  the  North 
and  North-west,  the  Dutch  from  the  Hudson,  and  the  Span 
iards  from  the  South  and  South-west.  Encroachments  from 
all  directions  demanded  defence,  —  first  by  diplomacy,  and 
then,  as  they  thought,  by  the  sword.  Defence  required  con 
federacy ;  and,  however  obstinate  and  threatening  internal 
rivalry  and  collision,  the  pressure  of  invasion  from  with 
out  was  allowed  to  increase  until  union  was  an  absolute  ne 
cessity,  and  sectional  jealousies  were  held  in  abeyance  by 
extreme  peril  from  menacing  or  actual  hostile  invasions. 
The  English  colonies,  therefore,  went  into  the  great  French 
and  Indian  wars  a  unit,  which  was  the  foreshadowing 
and  the  actual  beginning  of  the  great  union  which  made 
them  a  nation. 

The  common  danger  from  the  tyranny  of  the  home  gov 
ernment,  as  we  have  before  seen,  tended  strongly  to  the 
same  result.  If,  when  one  class  of  dangers  subsided,  the 
colonies  showed  again  the  internal  repulsions  that  threat 
ened  to  break  the  tender  ties  which  began  to  bind  them 
together,  and  destroy  the  divine  plans  of  organic,  vital 
union,  then  God  allowed  the  prompt  development  of  new 
dangers  to  absorb  colonial  interest;  and  immediately  these 
tender,  fretted  ties  began  to  grow  again.  And  thus  it  has 
been  as  generations  have  come  and  gone.  Our  unity  has 
been  fostered  by  our  perils  from  the  rivalry  and  hostility  of 
other  nations. 

But  the  larger,  broader  unity,  which  indicated  national 
power,  appeared  and  disappeared  alternately  during  the  pe 
riod  of  preparation.  In  the  mean  time,  narrower  local 
boundaries,  on  the  basis  of  colonial  neighborhood,  began  to 
reveal  themselves  more  and  more  distinctly ;  and,  at  the 
declaration  of  independence,  thirteen  distinct  Common- 


362  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

wealths,  or  States,  appeared  with  the  forms  of  local,  inde 
pendent  governments  well  defined,  all  for  reasons  of  de 
fence  against  enemies  who  interfered  in  various  ways  with 
the  providential  purposes  of  a  free  government.  Hence 
arose  our  grand  civil  and  political  system,  —  State  con 
stitutions,  State  legislatures,  judicial  and  legislative  func 
tions,  with  their  high  incumbents,  all  occupying  their  seats 
of  power  by  the  free  election,  and  during  the  will,  of  the 
people.  To  these  original  thirteen  were  added  from  time  to 
time  the  free  civil  organizations  of  new  States,  North  and 
West,  South  and  South-west,  until  thirty-seven  States  are 
now  organic  and  vital,  with  well-defined  republican  forms  of 
government.  This  great  result,  we  have  seen,  has  arisen  from 
the  ideas  of  defence  which  first  brought  contiguous  colonies 
into  close  confederation  ;  which  made  the  protection  of  their 
own  firesides  and  property,  their  harbors  and  liberties,  first 
in  importance  and  in  order  of  time.  The  convictions  which 
gave  paramount  consideration  to  common  dangers  and  des 
tiny  arose  subsequently,  leaving  the  organizations  which 
were  first  for  local  protection  free  in  the  period  of  develop 
ment,  to  devote  themselves  to  the  advancement  of  produc 
tive  industries,  education,  and  commerce.  With  respect  to 
the  Great  Republic,  they  simply  form  component  parts  of 
an  organic  whole,  and  provide  wisely  for  all  the  advantages 
of  a  division  of  labor. 

One  of  the  evidences  of  divine  control  in  the  organization 
of  this  government  is  in  the  fact  that  actual  unity  existed 
before  it  was  known  to  the  people.  God,  who  had  called 
these  separate  colonies  to  this  virgin  land,  arranged  the 
elements  of  a  grand  Union,  far  in  advance  of  the  concep 
tions  of  man.  Common  blood,  common  sufferings,  common 
dangers,  and  a  common  destiny,  gradually  brought  to  the 
nation  of  colonists  the  great  good  sense  of  harmony,  and 
ultimately  the  unsuspected  fact  that  they  were  one  nation. 
God  had  predetermined  this  result;  and  he  would  super 
intend  all  the  jealous  rivalries,  the  bitter  sectional  animosi- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF   GOVERNMENT.  363 

ties,  which  were  in  the  way  of  its  realization.  He  would 
clear  up  the  vision  of  the  people,  and  slowly  unfold  to  their 
view  the  plan  of  a  great  organic  national  life. 

On  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  September,  1774,  the 
first  Continental  Congress  assembled  in  Carpenter's  Hall, 
Philadelphia.  There  were  forty-four  and  soon  fifty-two 
delegates  from  all  "  the  old  thirteen  "  except  Georgia.  Here 
were  many  of  the  great  founders  of  our  free  institutions, 
and  they  argued  with  the  skill  of  experienced  statesmen. 
Richard  Henry  Lee  said,  "  Our  rights  are  built  on  a  fourfold 
foundation,  —  on  Nature,  on  the  British  Constitution,  on  char 
ters,  and  on  immemorial  usages.  The  Navigation  Act  is  a  cap 
ital  violation  of  them  all."  "  There  is  no  allegiance  without 
protection,"  said  John  Jay  ;  "  and  emigrants  have  a  right  to 
erect  what  government  they  please.  I  have  always  with 
held  my  assent  from  the  position,  that  every  man  discover 
ing  land  does  it  for  the  State  to  which  he  belongs."  Roger 
Sherman  declared,  "  The  colonies  are  not  bound  to  the  king 
or  crown  by  the  act  of  settlement,  but  by  their  consent  to 
it.  There  is  no  other  legislature  over  them  but  their 
respective  assemblies.  They  adopt  the  common  law,  not 
as  the  common  law,  but  as  the  highest  reason."  "  But  Rut- 
ledge  thought  that  the  British  Constitution  gave  them  a 
sufficient  foundation;  and  Duane,  that  the  law  of  Nature 
would  be  a  feeble  support."  * 

After  a  severe  struggle,  it  was  resolved  to  vote  by  colo 
nies  ;  and  thus  the  equal  rights  of  the  future  small  States 
were  conceded.  A  plan  of  compromise  was  introduced  by 
Galloway,  proposing  a  union  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies,  "  so  ingeniously  defended,  that  even  the  clear 
headed  Jay  was  led  to  adopt  it."  This  gave  it  influence, 
and  it  only  failed  by  one  vote.  This  was  another  of  our 
providential  escapes,  not  the  last  time  that  God  interfered 
to  save  the  American  people  from  the  danger  of  compro 
mises  when  a  great  principle  was  involved. 

*  Greene,  pp.  84,  85. 


364  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

From  this  Congress  went  out  a  "bill  of  rights,"  an 
address  to  the  king,  another  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain, 
one  to  the  British  Provinces,  and  one  to  the  Province  of 
Quebec.  "  When  your  lordships,"  said  Lord  Chatham,  "  look 
at  the  papers  transmitted  to  us  from  America,  when  you 
consider  their  decency,  firmness,  and  wisdom,  you  cannot 
but  respect  the  cause,  and  wish  to  make  it  your  own."  The 
memory  of  Lord  Chatham  is  dear  to  the  heart  of  every 
American.  "  Non-importation,  non-exportation,  non-con- 
surnption"  of  British  goods  were  the  high-souled  resolves 
which  went  out  from  this  Congress.  "Negotiation,  suspen 
sion  of  commerce,  and  war,"  said  Jay,  "  are  the  only  three 
things.  War  is,  by  general  consent,  to  be  waived  at  present. 
I  am  for  negotiation,  and  suspension  of  commerce." 

The  most  important  effect  of  these  grave  deliberations 
had  been  to  reveal  and  strengthen  the  union  of  the  colo 
nies,  which  more  distinctly  indicated  the  existence  of  a  new 
nation  on  this  continent.  Josiah  Quincy  wrote,  "  Permit 
me  to  congratulate  my  countrymen  upon  the  integrity  and 
wisdom  with  which  the  Congress  have  conducted.  Their 
policy,  spirit,  and  union  have  confounded  their  foes  and 
inspired  their  friends." 

Before  adjournment,  provision  was  made  for  calling 
another  Congress.  The  War  of  the  Eevolution  commenced, 
and  the  representatives  of  the  people  were  again  called 
together.  They  met  on  the  10th  of  May,  1775,  in  the  State 
House  in  Philadelphia,  that  grand  old  Hall  of  Independence, 
still  well  preserved,  and  sacred  in  the  feelings  of  the  Ameri 
can  nation. 

This  was  the  Congress  from  which  came,  as  we  have  seen 
in  another  part  of  this  work,  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence  and  the  old  Articles  of  Confederation,  and  which  fought 
the  great  battles  of  diplomacy  resulting  in  the  acknowledg 
ment  of  our  national  independence.  It  had  been  irregularly 
constituted.  There  were  no  general  laws  of  representation, 
nor  election ;  there  was  no  constitution.  It  was  necessary, 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  GOVERNMENT.  365 

that,  by  whatever  bodies  elected,  they  should  honestly  repre 
sent  their  constituents ;  that  they  should  have  the  confidence 
of  the  people,  so  far  as  that,  willing  or  reluctant,  confiding 
or  doubting,  they  would  respect  them  as  the  rulers  of 
the  land.  It  must  be  a  voluntary  or  conceded  obedience. 
Force  could  not  be  the  method  of  law,  nor  the  means  of 
loyalty.  There  wrould  be  criticism,  just  and  unjust;  there 
would  be  wild  and  fiery  spirits  to  manage.  Men  from  dif 
ferent  regions,  with  various  prejudices,  must  yield  to  the 
government  of  men.  most  of  whom  they  had  never  known, 
They  must  surrender  many  of  their  most  cherished  opinions, 
and  go  to  slaughter  and  death  at  the  command  of  this 
body,  cautiously  assuming  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial 
responsibilities  forced  upon  them  by  invisible  power.  How 
was  all  this  to  be  done  ?  This  was  God's  question,  and 
clearly  did  he  answer  it.  He  held  the  brain  of  the  nation 
steady  during  all  these  perilous  days  and  years,  and  brought 
order  out  of  chaos,  revealing  his  governing  hand  in  the  grad 
ual  formation  and  progressive  development  of  an  organic 
nation. 

It  will,  however,  be  seen  that  the  exigencies  of  war  had 
been  the  means  of  this  political  organization  and  unity. 
For  mere  defence  and  internal  growth,  civil  governments 
had  been  instituted  in  the  different  colonies,  founding  thir 
teen  States.  But  what  was  at  first  only  resistance  to  force 
for  self-preservation  had  now  risen  to  the  dignity  of  a  war 
for  national  existence  and  rights.  God  had  so  far  made  the 
wrath  of  man  to  praise  him  as  to  compel  the  declaration  of 
independence,  as  the  result  of  long-continued  acts  of  British 
oppression;  and  at  length,  by  murderous  injustice  and  cruel 
war,  he  would  allow  the  continuance  of  oppression  under 
the  same  sovereign  control,  until  the  people  had  risen, 
through  discipline  and  blood,  to  the  power  of  self-govern 
ment;  and  the  remainder  of  wrath  he  would  restrain. 

The  return  of  peace  removed  the  outside  pressure  which 
had  forced  the  people  together.  Individual  independent 


366  THE  GHEAT    REPUBLIC. 

interests  and  sectional  jealousies,  as  we  have  seen,  rose  up 
in  anger  to  assert  their  rights ;  and  God  still  had  in  charge 
the  problem  of  consolidating  and  developing  a  political 
government  suited  to  a  great  and  free  nation,  —  a  problem 
which  rose  immediately  and  distinctly  above  the  reach  of 
human  wisdom  and  power. 


A   RESPONSIBLE   GOVERNMENT. 

The  growth  of  ideas  in  the  Republic,  from  the  first  inau 
guration  of  Washington,  is  most  remarkable;  and,  in  this 
country,  ideas  are  power.  The  exigencies  of  the  nation 
found  the  government  expansive  and  adjustable  to  a  re 
markable  degree.  Free  discussion  in  the  preliminary  assem 
blies,  the  choice  of  men  under  Providence,  notwithstanding 
the  intrigues  of  demagogues  and  the  perils  of  great  political 
crises  and  vigorous  forensic  conflicts,  with  a  certain  indispen 
sable  amount  of  broad  statesmanship,  gradually  perfected  our 
system.  The  powers  and  duties  of  the  Executive  were  care 
fully  defined  by  law,  so  that  even  the  administration  of  a 
bad  President  cannot  destroy  our  liberties.  The  cabinet 
grew  up  with  the  immense  increase  of  public  business,  and 
surrounded  the  President  with  Ministers  of  State,  of  War, 
and  of  Finance,  with  officers  in  charge  of  the  Post  Office 
and  the  business  of  the  Interior.  These,  with  the  official 
expounder  of  the  public  law,  became  the  advisers  of  the 
Executive,  the  supporters  of  his  legitimate  power,  and  the 
administrators  of  immense  departments  of  public  business. 
Their  associate  council  might  be  marred  by  the  perverseness 
of  an  incumbent ;  but  under  the  vigilant  eye  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  and  the  more  jealous  watch 
fulness  of  the  people,  long  progress  in  any  disastrous  policy 
would  be  highly  improbable,  and  ultimate  ruin  morally 
impossible.  On  the  whole,  the  guaranties  of  the  people  are 
largely  increased  by  these  combinations,  hardly  anticipated 
or  discoverable  by  the  reason  of  our  wisest  men,  and  there 
fore  the  more  evidently  the  work  of  God. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  GOVERNMENT.  367 

It  cannot  be  claimed  that  executive  power  is  yet  per 
fectly  defined,  nor  its  necessary  limits  all  clearly  known  ;  but 
a  President  of  the  United  States  has  only  to  violate  the 
spirit  of  the  Constitution,  or  intimate  a  disposition  to  tran 
scend  his  legitimate  prerogatives,  to  bring  out  with  almost 
miraculous  promptness  and  irresistible  energy  the  remedies 
lying  within  the  Constitution  and  the  intelligent  patriotism 
of  the  nation. 

The  judiciary  of  the  Republic  arose  partly  out  of  the 
experience  of  the  past  and  the  records  of  history,  but  more 
out  of  the  emergencies  and  legal  necessities  of  a  growing 
people.  Very  recent  modifications  show  that  its  forms  are 
deemed  susceptible  of  improvement ;  but  its  vital  functions 
are  unimpaired.  The  extreme  democratic  tendencies  of 
States,  making  judges  elective  directly  by  the  people,  and 
only  for  a  term  of  years,  is  yet  an  experiment,  and  may  be 
reversed.  This  measure  has  not  been  adopted  by  the 
General  Government ;  and  there  is  a  feeling  quite  general 
among  the  people,  that  the  judges  of  law  ought  to  be  lifted 
above  the  reach  of  party  power  and  political  campaigns. 
All  this,  with  every  other  contingency,  can  be  easily  brought 
to  obey  the  commands  of  experience  and  the  will  of  the 
nation. 

Collisions  between  the  different  departments  of  the  gov 
ernment  are  known  to  be  possible.  Thus  far,  however,  they 
have  been  very  rare,  and  limited  to  opinions  and  asserted 
rights,  without  the  perpetration  of  treason.  Calmly  and 
steadily  the  Government  goes  on,  however  great  the  strain 
upon  the  Constitution,  and  however  imminent  the  perils 
from  perverse  judgment  or  sectional  strife. 

The  law-making  power  of  the  people  represented  in  Con 
gress  may  overstep  the  limits  of  well-defined  powers,  only, 
however,  to  be  promptly  checked  by  the  Supreme  Court. 
The  Executive  and  Congress  may  reveal  grave  differences 
in  principle  and  policy ;  but  both  are  responsible  to  the 
judiciary,  and  all,  finally,  to  the  people.  So  far,  in  the  midst 


368  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

of  the  severest  tests  ever  endured  by  any  government,  the 
Republic  has  shown  itself  capable  of  resisting  its  enemies 
from  without,  counteracting  its  dangerous  tendencies  from 
within,  and  coming  out  of  every  struggle  with  its  principles 
better  defined,  and  its  effective  power  largely  enhanced. 
There  is,  therefore,  nothing  in  our  history  to  indicate  the 
probability  of  our  overthrow,  or  the  loss  of  our  liberties, 
by  the  abuse  of  power. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  period  of  development,  so  far  as  it 
has  advanced,  has  witnessed  the  elimination  of  many  of  our 
political  vices,  especially  those  which  tended  to  sectionalize 
our  people  and  intensify  personal  hostility ;  and  the  founda 
tions  now  appear  of  a  broader,  firmer  unity  than  has  ever 
before  seemed  possible.  Our  civil  and  political  institutions 
are  more  perfectly  assimilated ;  our  mutual  responsibilities 
are  better  defined ;  and  from  our  great  extremes,  North  and 
South,  East  and  West,  we  are  drawn  more  compactly 
together  than  at  any  former  period  of  our  history.  Our 
increasing  millions  are  becoming  more  homogeneous  in 
spirit ;  and  the  feeling  of  mutual  dependence  is  stronger  as 
events  subject  our  intelligence  and  patriotism  to  severer 
tests. 

A   STRONG     GOVERNMENT. 

History  not  unfrequently  reverses  our  judgments.  The 
most  natural  suggestion  of  a  free  democracy  was  the  largest 
possible  liberty  for  the  individual  and  for  the  local  State : 
in  other  words,  the  concessions  to  the  General  Govern 
ment,  it  was  determined,  should  be  as  few,  and  the  reserva 
tions  as  many,  as  possible.  It  is  not,  therefore,  matter  of 
surprise,  that  at  first  the  conceded  prerogatives  of  the 
nation  should  be  utterly  inadequate,  and  that  the  questions 
of  power  which  would  inevitably  arise  would  originate 
strong  and  even  angry  discussions.  The  old  controversy 
between  Federals  and  Democrats,  and  the  protracted  strug 
gle  between  State  and  National  rights,  were  most  natural, 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  GOVERNMENT.  3 ft  9 

and  really  inevitable.  Boundaries  so  obscure  as  those  be 
tween  civil  and  political  jurisdictions  must,  of  necessity,  be 
contested :  and,  so  far  as  a  due  degree  of  moderation  was 
possible  in  the  contest,  it  was  not  to  be  regretted ;  for  it 
must  be  conceded  that  distinctions  are  so  difficult,  and  sacri 
fices  of  private  and  local  rights  for  the  national  good  are  so 
exacting  upon  human  selfishness,  and,  moreover,  that  the 
danger  of  anarchy  on  the  one  hand,  and  despotism  on  the 
other,  is  so  great,  that  long-continued,  searching  discussions, 
the  severest  analysis,  such  as  can  result  from  the  collisions 
of  stern  intellects  only,  can  bring  out  the  exact  truth  which 
will  stand  the  test  of.  history,  and  render  local  and  general 
government  by  the  whole  people  practicable  and  harmo 
nious.  All  this,  we  must  freely  acknowledge,  was  too  criti 
cal  and  perilous  for  the  conduct  of  human  wisdom ;  and  yet 
the  higher  gratitude  is  inspired  for  the  superhuman  con 
trol  which  has  prevented  our  ruin,  and  gradually  revealed 
and  established  the  principles  of  our  unity  in  harmony  with 
our  complete  independence.  "  And  as,  in  every  State,  each 
town,  while  performing  some  of  the  functions  of  govern 
ment  for  itself,  and  possessing  all  the  machinery  which  the 
performance  of  them  required,  looked  to  the  State  govern 
ment  for  the  performance  of  other  functions,  and  cheerfully 
submitted  to  the  curtailment  of  municipal  authority,  and  the 
partial  subordination  which  such  relations  towards  the  State 
required ;  so  was  it  only  by  the  sacrifice  of  certain  rights 
that  the  States  could  build  up  a  central  power  strong  enough 
to  perform  for  them  those  indispensable  acts  of  general  gov 
ernment  which  they  could  not  perform  for  themselves." 

Just  as  certainly,  therefore,  as  the  plans  of  God  required 
the  establishment,  on  this  continent,  of  a  great,  free,  and  in 
dependent  nation,  so  certainly  must  personal  and  State 
claims,  inconsistent  with  this  purpose,  yield  to  the  impera 
tive  demands  of  the  General  Government. 

But  it  was  inevitable  that  the  asserted  prerogatives  of  the 

*  Greene,  p.  135. 
47 


370  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

subdivisions  of  our  great  territory  should  be  bold  and  demon 
strative.  Falsely  assuming  that  States  were  primary,  and 
that  the  authority  of  the  General  Government  was  derived 
from  the  States,  to  justify  the  denial  of  any  new  claim  of  the 
nation,  it  was  deemed  sufficient  to  show  that  the  States  sev 
erally  had  never  made  that  concession.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  General  Government  was  cautious  and  paternal,  moving 
forward  slowly,  and  even  timidly,  when  it  might  have  assert 
ed  its  rights  peremptorily  as  the  paramount  law  of  the  land. 
It  was  not  from  the  States,  but  from  the  people,  that  the  Re 
public  derived  its  powers.  Not  a  third  of  the  future  States 
had  existence  when  the  people,  by  the  choice  of  presi 
dential  electors,  and  members  of  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  formally  assumed  the  government  under  the  Consti 
tution.  While  the  House  of  Representatives,  without  which 
government  would,  of  course,  be  impossible,  came  directly 
from  the  people,  the  States,  as  such,  were  represented  by  the 
Senate.  But  the  functions  of  senators  were  derived  from  the 
people,  and  they  would  be  compelled  to  act  as  component 
parts  of  a  popular  government ;  for  the  people,  not  as  isolat 
ed  members  of  a  State,  but  as  American  citizens,  as  freemen 
having  rights  in  common  with  the  whole  American  nation, 
which  these  senators  would  be  bound  to  respect,  would 
reach  and  control  them.  Congress  would  therefore  make 
States,  not  be  dependent  upon  and  governed  by  them; 
and  when,  in  the  last  resort,  it  became  necessary  to  test  and 
forever  settle  the  question  of  relative  prerogatives,  the  peo 
ple,  as  Americans,  would  rise  up,  and  put  down  all  sectional 
assumptions  as  against  the  nation. 

It  was  necessary  not  only  that  this  security  of  the  Gov 
ernment  should  be  in  the  original  inherent  and  asserted 
rights  of  its  citizens,  regardless  of  state,  county,  city,  and 
town  boundaries,  but  gradually  the  forms  of  constitutional 
and  statute  law  must  be  adjusted  to  this  high  necessity,  so 
that  disorders  might  be  suppressed,  or  rebellion  put  down, 
in  accordance  with  the  highest  dignity  and  demands  of  pub- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF   GOVEENMENT.  371 

lie  order.  Hence  the  Constitution  expressly  declares  Con 
gress  shall  have  power  "  to  declare  war,  grant  letters  of 
marque  and  reprisal,  and  make  rules  concerning  captures  on 
land  and  water;  to  raise  and  support  armies;  to  provide  and 
maintain  a  navy;  to  make  rules  for  the  government  and  reg 
ulation  of  the  land  and  naval  forces ;  to  provide  for  calling 
forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress 
insurrections,  and  repel  invasions ;  to  provide  for  organizing, 
arming,  and  disciplining  the  militia  ;  "  finally,  "  to  make  all 
laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into 
execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested 
by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
or  in  any  department  or  office  thereof." 

These  are  fundamental  provisions  for  a  strong  govern 
ment  ;  but  the  actual  strength  of  the  government  will  de 
pend  upon  the  legislation  under  this  constitution,  and  the 
administration  of  the  laws  it  enacts.  Now,  the  history  of 
Congress  shows  the  caution  to  which  we  have  already  re 
ferred  ;  and  when  the  fears  of  the  people  were  roused,  and 
a  central  despotism  began  to  be  dreaded,  amendments  were 
adopted  which  would  secure  the  people  their  just  rights 
against  all  usurpation :  and  Congress  joined  with  the  sev 
eral  States,  to  say,  in  effect,  that  no  form  of  religion  should 
be  established  by  law ;  the  freedom  of  speech  and  the  press, 
and  the  right  of  petition,  should  not  be  abridged  ;  the  peo 
ple  should  have  a  right  to  bear  arms ;  the  houses  of  citizens 
should  not  be  invaded  by  quartering  soldiers  upon  them  in 
times  of  peace,  nor,  in  war,  contrary  to  law.  Amendments 
were  adopted  to  guarantee  the  people  against  unreasonable 
search;  to  secure  the  rights  of  justice  through  a  grand  jury, 
and  of  trial  by  a  jury  of  their  countrymen ;  to  forbid  that 
they  should  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without 
due  process  of  law ;  and  to  save  them  from  excessive  bail, 
fines,  and  cruel  and  unreasonable  punishment.  The  rights 
enumerated  should  "not  be  construed  to  deny  or  dispar 
age  others  retained  by  the  people;"  and  it  was  said  ex- 


372  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

pressly,  that  "  the  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States 
by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are 
reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people." 

Let  it  thus  be  observed,  that  with  the  highest  sense  of 
justice,  and  with  the  utmost  paternal  care,  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  guards  the  rights  of  the  people.  But 
let  it  also  be  observed,  that  it  does  this  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  reserve  and  strengthen  the  central  power  required  to  vin 
dicate  those  rights,  and  secure  the  integrity  of  the  nation  in 
violate.  For  instance,  the  right  of  the  people  to  bear  arms 
still  left  the  Articles  intact  conceding  to  Congress  the  control 
of  the  militia,  and  making  "  the  President  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the 
militia  of  the  several  States  when  called  into  actual  service 
of  the  United  States."  The  reserved  rights  not  to  be  in 
fringed  were  those  "  retained  by  the  people  ; "  and,  what  all 
fair  construction  must  allow  to  be  completely  destructive  of 
the  absurd  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty  as  against  the  Gen 
eral  Government,  the  Tenth  Article  of  Amendments  speaks 
of  "  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Consti 
tution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  (the  Constitution)  to  the  States ;  " 
or,  in  other  words,  the  powers  not  necessary  for  the  full  and 
vigorous  exercise  of  the  General  Government  "are  reserved 
to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people."  But  the  sover 
eignty  was  in  the  Constitution,  and  the  General  Government 
the  judge.  Fully  to  sustain  the  argument  of  this  chapter, 
to  show  that  this  permanent  sovereignty  of  the  nation  was 
derived  from  the  people,  and  not  from  the  States,  we  have 
only  to  refer  to  the  preamble  of  the  Constitution,  —  "  We  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect 
union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide 
for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and 
secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  posterity,  do 
ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United  States 
of  America."  "  The  people  "  ordain  the  Constitution :  the 
Constitution,  with  its  necessary  and  ample  provisions  for 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  GOVERNMENT.  373 

Amendments,  is  the  definition  of  the  powers  delegated  to  the 
United  States  by  the  people,  and  of  the  acts  which  the  States 
are  not  permitted  to  do.  All  other  powers  "  are  reserved  to 
the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people." 

In  the  light  of  these  amendments,  the  prohibition  of  all 
State  acts,  and  the  exercise  of  all  powers  which  could  in  any 
wise  interfere  with  the  permanent  sovereignty  of  the  nation, 
becomes  very  evident. 

Article  I.,  section  10,  reads, "  No  State  shall  enter  into  any 
treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation;  grant  letters  of  marque  and 
reprisal ;  coin  money  ;  emit  bills  of  credit ;  make  any  thing 
but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts ;  pass 
any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto  law,  or  law  impairing  the 
obligations  of  contracts ;  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

"  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay 
any  imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what 
may  be  absolutely  necessary  for  executing  its  inspection- 
laws  ;  and  the  net  produce  of  all  duties  and  imposts  laid  by 
any  State  on  imports  or  exports  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States ;  and  all  such  laws  shall  be 
subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  the  Congress. 

"  No  State  shall,  without  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any 
duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace, 
enter  into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State 
or  with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually 
invaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit  of 
delay." 

How  utterly  incompatible   all  this  is  with  every  act  of 
secession,  and  all  such  assumptions  of  "  State  rights  "  as  have 
been  relied  upon  to  justify   treason,  all  who   can  read  or 
•  understand  must  know. 

One  thing  more.  "  The  writ  of  habeas  corpus  "  is  a  very 
sacred  privilege ;  but  the  founders  of  our  government  fore 
saw  that  contingencies  might  arise  in  which  this  privilege 
would  seriously  interfere  with  the  administration  of  justice 
or  the  prompt  suppression  of  rebellion.  The  Constitution 


374  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

therefore  provided  that "  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus  shall  not  be  suspended,  unless  when,  in  cases  of  rebel 
lion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety  may  require  it."  Then,  of 
course,  it  may  and  ought  to  be  suspended. 

Let  the  provisions  for  an  effective  government  now  be  care 
fully  summed  up  as  follows  :  The  people  as  a  nation  are  an 
organic  unit.  They  are  so,  not  by  the  loss  of  their  individu 
ality  or  personal  rights,  but  by  the  maintenance  of  them. 
They  have  made  their  own  government,  and  are  pleased  with 
it.  They  have  thrown  around  it  such  guards,  and  so  imbued 
it  with  their  own  life,  that  no  man,  nor  number  of  men,  can 
by  any  possibility  destroy  it,  unless  by  actual  force.  It  is 
invested,  therefore,  with  the  strength  of  all  our  growing  mil 
lions,  acting  under  control  of  common  principles  and  one 
common  life.  In  its  fullest  expression,  this  is  the  will  of  God 
as  manifested  in  the  mental  constitution  and  fortified  by  rev 
elation,  —  the  free  responsible  action  of  the  human  soul. 
"  With  Christianity  came  individual  rights  as  the  necessary 
consequence  of  individual  responsibilities ;  the  right  of  decid 
ing  and  acting  for  self  in  civil  society,  as  a  necessary  conse 
quence  of  the  obligation  to  answer  for  self  at  the  bar  of 
God."  *•  How  these  freemen  have  considered  it  proper  to 
use  this  right,  we  have  seen ;  and  a  grand  consolidated  Re 
public  rises  up  before  us  as  the  result. 

It  is  now  more  distinctly  understood  than  heretofore  that 
our  government  must  be  strong  as  well  as  free.  Our  ex 
tended  domain,  and  still  more  extended  commercial  and  dip 
lomatic  relations,  suggest  it,  and  the  ambition  of  sectional 
leaders  demonstrates  it.  The  government  of  the  United 
States  is  strong  in  the  freedom,  the  affections,  the  union,  the 
moral  power,  of  its  people  :  hence  it  is,  that,  when  the  exi 
gencies  of  the  nation  demand  it,  immense  armies,  sustained 
by  inexhaustible  resources  of  wealth,  intelligence,  and  vir 
tue,  can  be  commanded  with  unprecedented  promptness,  and 
concentrated  in  unparalleled  energy.  If  the  people  find 

*  Greene,  p.  109. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  GOVERNMENT.  375 

obstructions  in  their  way,  they  remove  them.  If  usurpers 
attempt  to  destroy  their  national  unity,  they  crush  them  ac 
cording  to  due  forms  of  law.  When  enemies  become  peni 
tent  and  harmless,  the  sovereign  people  are  magnanimous. 
This  is  what  we  mean  by  a  strong  government.  When  all 
citizens,  in  time  of  danger,  are  soldiers  and  patriots  by  in 
stinct,  and  the  government  is  invested  with  full  power  to 
command  them  at  discretion,  and  the  reign  of  God  over  the 
career  and  destiny  of  the  Kepublic  is  the  most  sacred  faith 
of  the  people,  we  may  well  adopt  the  words  at  the  beginning 
of  this  chapter:  "A  true  democracy  has  at  last  established 
itself,  that  not  only  develops  an  intenser  centralization  than 
despotism  ever  boasted,  but  that  develops  and  also  vindicates 
it  by  a  completer  freedom  than  cou'ld  ever  before  be  permit 
ted." 

On  the  fourth  day  of  July,  1776,  the  grandest  fact  in  history 
was  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence.  Less  than 
a  hundred  years  have  passed ;  and  the  exclamation,  "  I  am  an 
American  citizen,"  has  become  the  proudest  claim  and  surest 
guaranty  possible  to  a  human  being. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES. 

"  The  more  a  man  is  versed  in  business,  the  more  he  finds  the  hand  of  Providence 
everywhere."  —  CHATHAM. 

THE  field  to  be  surveyed  in  this  chapter  is  very  large. 
The  facts  condensed  from  a  great  variety  of  sources  are 
of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  American  people,  and 
fundamental  to  our  argument.  The  materials  are  ample  for 
a  volume ;  but  those  which  properly  belong  to  this  historical 
discussion  may  be  brought  within  the  compass  of  a  few 
pages. 

Ii>€s  not  material  from  which  census  of  American  products 
we  gather  our  figures.  The  decade  now  passing,  and  ending 
with  1870,  will  furnish  many  startling  facts,  showing  the 
growth  of  the  country  during  the  great  war  of  emancipa 
tion,  which  will  increase  the  scope  of  the  argument,  bringing 
out  the  plans  and  acts  of  God  in  the  great  American  system. 
We  have,  however,  now  before  us  more  than  we  are  likely  to 
comprehend  or  appreciate. 


PRODUCTS    OF    THE    SOIL. 

The  soil  is  the  firsf  grand  source  of  American  wealth. 
Farming  is  the  most  natural  and  most  important  occupation 
of  large  numbers  of  our  people.  The  census  of  1860  shows, 
that,  out  of  8,217,000,  more  than  3,000,000  were  engaged 
in  this  department  of  industry.  The  proportion  exceeds 
one-third  of  all  heads  of  families  and  others  laboring  for 
themselves.  In  the  year  above  named,  there  were  improved 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.       37 J 

lands,  116,110,720  acres;  lands  enclosed,  but  not  improved, 
244,101,818  acres;  outside  lands,  a  large  proportion  tillable, 
1,466,969,862  acres. 

The  farms  of  the  Republic  in  1850  were  estimated  at 
$3,271,575,000;  in  1860,  $6,645,045,000,  — an  increase  of 
a  hundred  and  three  per  cent  in  ten  years. 

It  cannot  be  claimed  that  agriculture  has  reached  any 
thing  like  perfection  in  the  United  States.  The  farms  are 
so  large,  so  many  productions  are  so  nearly  spontaneous, 
and  the  lands,  with  even  negligent  cultivation,  produce  so 
abundantly,  and  withal  the  price  of  labor  is  so  high,  that  the 
people  generally  lack  the  stimulus  felt  in  England  to  make 
the  most  of  every  foot  of  ground.  Enough  progress,  it  is 
true,  has  been  made  in  agricultural  chemistry,  and  the  use 
of  fertilizers,  to  show  that  American  lands  respond  to  the 
various  modes  of  scientific  farming  as  generously  as  the 
most  highly-cultivated  lands  of  Europe,  and  to  show  that 
the  capabilities  of  the  soil  are  practically  without  limits. 
But  our  productions,  notwithstanding  our  negligence  in 
cultivation,  and  waste  in  harvesting,  are  actually  enormous. 
The  following  tables  show  the  produce  of  1860  :  — 

Wheat,             bushels,  .         .         .         ..   173,104,924 

Indian  Corn,          , 838,792,740 

Oats,                      „  172,643,185 

Barley,                   „  .         .         ..        .       15,825,898 

Buckwheat,            „  .         .         .         .       15,571,818 

Pease  and  Beans,  „  .         .         .         .       15,061,995 

Rye,                       „  21,101,380 

Potatoes,                „  111,148,867 

Sweet  Potatoes,      „  42,095,026 

Clover-seed,           „  956,188 

Grass-seed,             „  900,040 

Flax-seed,               „  .         .         .         .             566,867 

Wine,                gallons,  ....         1,627,242 

Cane  Molasses,       „  15,000,000 

Maple        „           „  1,597,000 

Sorghum    „           „  6,749,123 

Wool,               pounds,  ....       60,264,913 

48 


378 


THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 


Butter,                pounds,   . 
Cheese                    ,, 

.     460,000,000 
.     103,663  927 

10,991  996 

Flax,                      ,, 

4,720,145 

Tobacco,                  ,, 
Rice,                       ,, 

.     434,209,461 
.     187,167  032 

Ginned  Cotton,       ,,          .          . 

.  2,104,096  500 

Silk  Cocoon,           ,, 

11  944 

Maple-sugar,           ,, 

.       40,120,205 

.     230,982,000 

Honey,                     ,, 
Beeswax,                 ,, 

.       23,366,357 
1,322,787 

Hay,                     tons, 
Hemp,                     ,, 
Orchard  Produce,           value,  dollars, 
Market          ,,                        ,,          ,, 
Animals  slaughtered,           ,,          ,, 
Home-made  Manufactures,  ,,         ,, 

.       19,083,896 
74,493 
.       20,000,000 
16,159,498 
.     213,618,692 
.       24,546,876 

It  ought  to  be  stated  that  the  most  rapid  increase  of 
products  from  the  soil  is  in  our  great  North-west.  Take  a 
few  facts  in  illustration  of  this  unparalleled  growth.  Grain 
and  flour  were  shipped  from  Milwaukie,  Wis.,  as  follows :  — 


Year. 

1841 

1845 

1850 

1852 
1855 
1860 
1862 


Bushels. 

4,000 

143,260 

820,033 

1,772,753 

3,758,900 

9,995,000 

18,712,380 


Shipments  eastward  from   Michigan  ports,  chiefly  from 
Chicago  :  — 


Year. 

1858 
1859 
1860 
1861 
1862 
1863 


Bushels. 

27,879,293 
25,829,753 
43,211,448 
69,489,113 
78,214,675 
74,710,664 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.       379 

"  The  production  of  grain  in  the  North-western  States 
of  America  is  estimated  to  have  increased  from  218,463,583 
bushels  in  1840  to  642,120,366  bushels  in  1860.  The  eight 
food-producing  States  west  of  the  Lakes  embrace  an  area 
of  262,549,000  acres,  of  which  only  52,000,000  acres  were 
under  cultivation  in  1860.  Having  regard  to  the  rapid 
progress  of  cultivation,  and  the  immense  extent  of  territory 
remaining  to  be  tilled,  I  think  it  is  not  to  be  questioned  that 
there  is  ample  room  and  scope  for  increased  production ;  in 
fact,  I  look  upon  the  exportation  of  grain  from  these  States 
as  only  to  be  limited  by  want  of  facilities  for  transporta 
tion."  * 

California,  so  recently  considered  valuable  only  for  its 
extensive  gold-fields,  now  raises  large  quantities  of  grain  in 
excess  of  the  wants  of  her  population.  "  In  1861,  the  export 
of  wheat  from  San  Francisco  amounted  to  2,379,617  bushels, 
valued  at  $2,550,820 ;  and  the  export  of  flour  to  186,455 
barrels,  valued  at  $1,001,894.  In  1863,  California  is  esti 
mated  to  have  produced  11,664,000  bushels  of  wheat,  and 
5,293,000  bushels  of  barley." 

In  1866,  large  numbers  on  the  Atlantic  slope  received 
their  bread  for  months  from  the  vast  and  splendid  ranches 
of  California,  where  an  average  of  forty  bushels  of  wheat  to 
the  acre  is  not  at  all  unusual.  In  cereals,  vegetables,  and 
fruit,  the  productions  of  this  State  are  unrivalled,  and  almost 
incredible. 

California  is  one  of  the  greatest  grazing  countries  in  the 
world.  Its  foot-hills  and  mountains  are  covered  with  wild 
oats,  which  furnish  a  very  rich  food  for  cattle,  horses,  and 
sheep.  On  the  coast,  and  far  back  into  the  interior,  the 
various  grains  and  grasses  cure  on  the  stalk ;  and  the  cattle 
grow  fat  on  them  during  the  long  drought  of  the  summer. 
The  cattle-ranches  take  in  thousands  of  acres  each,  on  the 
mountains,  of  such  land  as  would  be  of  no  value  in  the 
East ;  while  the  vast  old  Spanish  ranches,  leagues  in  extent, 

*  Resources  and  Prospects  of  America,  by  Sir  Morton  Peto,  pp.  56-58. 


380  THE    GREAT   .REPUBLIC. 

cover  the  valleys,  and  are  occupied  by  thousands  of  sheep 
and  cattle,  under  the  care  of  "  herders,"  who  stay  with  them 
constantly.  In  1863,  there  were  3,000,000  sheep  in  Cali 
fornia,  since  which  the  flocks  have  increased  immensely. 
The  number  of  horses  in  this  State  advanced  in  ten  years 
from  27,719  to  160,610.  Cattle  have  increased  in  propor 
tion  ;  and  in  every  class  of  domestic  animals  are  included 
some  of  the  best-blooded  stock  in  the  world. 

In  the  United  States,  in  1860,  we  numbered  87,000,483 
useful  live  animals,  estimated  at  $1,089,329,915.  Our 
immense  grazing-fields  are  therefore  easily  converted  into 
wealth,  in  the  form  of  wool,  hides,  butter,  cheese,  &c.  This 
resource  of  the  United  States  is  capable  of  indefinite 
increase. 

Our  vast  surplus  of  Indian  corn  is  easily  converted  into 
ready  money  by  fattening  our  herds  of  swine.  Exact  esti 
mates  here  are  difficult;  but  it  is  approximately  true  to  say, 
that,  in  the  year  of  the  last  census,  some  3,000,000  twere 
slaughtered,  their  estimated  value  being  $35,000,000.  To 
this  sum  add  $15,000,000,  the  cost  of  packing  and  trans 
portation,  and  this  one  department  of  trade  reaches  $50,- 
000,000 ;  while  the  value  of  all  the  animals  slaughtered 
in  the  United  States  in  1860  amounted  to  $213,000,000. 

The  products  of  the  great  Southern  staples  deserve  special 
mention.  Cotton,  spinning-jennies,  and  Whitney's  cotton- 
gin,  connect  us  with  the  largest  industries  of  the  world.  In 
1820,  we  produced  430,000  bales  of  cotton ;  in  1850,  2,755,- 
257  bales  ;  in  1860,  4,675,770  bales,  or  2,104,096,500  pounds. 
The  cash  value  of  this  product,  from  1850  to  1855,  amounted 
to  $491,477,517. 

MANUFACTURES   AND    MACHINES. 

We  are  not  professedly  a  manufacturing  people.  The 
country  is  too  large,  there  are  too  many  departments  of 
productive  industry,  and  labor  is  too  high.  Our  citizens 
are,  moreover,  too  much  averse  to  routine  and  fixed  posi- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.       381 

tions  to  make  the  best  use  of  their  mechanical  powers.  -In 
Europe,  restrictions  to  certain  trades  amount  almost  to  caste, 
and  in  Asia  quite.  The  father's  employment  becomes  that 
of  the  son,  and  so  on,  generation  after  generation.  The 
boy  sees  little  but  his  father's  trade,  knows  little  else.  He 
begins  to  learn  it  by  observation  as  soon  as  he  is  capable  of 
intelligent  perception.  He  grows  up  with  fellow-craftsmen, 
hears  hardly  any  thing  else,  and,  at  a  lawful  age,  sits  down 
to  his  seven-years'  trade  as  a  matter  of  course.  England  is 
in  this  way  turned  into  one  vast  workshop.  Hence,  also, 
the  great  skill  in  manufacturing  costly  fabrics  acquired  in 
France,  Belgium,  Germany,  and  Thibet. 

But  it  is  quite  otherwise  in  America.  Here,  if  the  boy 
does  not  like  the  trade  of  his  father  (and  he  is  pretty  sure  not 
to  like  it),  he  immediately  looks  for  something  else  ;  and 
hereditary  skill  and  experience  are  very  generally  lost.  If 
he  does  not  take  a  fancy  to  the  occupation  he  has  chosen,  he 
dashes  off,  and  tries  something  else.  Then  there  is  a  species 
of  personal  ambition  and  pride  which  is  quite  American  ;  and, 
though  it  may  lead  to  good  results  in  some  instances,  it  is 
very  likely  to  be  injurious.  Every  child  expects  to  rise 
higher  than  his  parents.  He  knows  he  has  better  oppor 
tunities  for  education.  He  wishes  a  more  elevated,  or 
at  least  a  more  lucrative,  employment.  He  has  no  idea, 
therefore,  of  settling  down  on  the  old  homestead,  and  making 
a  life-drudgery  of  his  father's  trade.  He  will  be  off  for  the 
West,  or  to  the  city,  or  to  the  gold-fields  of  California.  He 
has  an  idea  that  he  may  be  in  the  Legislature  or  Congress 
yet ;  that  he  shall  come  back,  a  governor  or  president,  to 
visit  his  parents,  and  confer  honor  upon  them  in  their  old 
age.  At  least,  lie  expects  to  become  a  great  merchant  and 
a  millionnaire,  a  lawyer,  minister,  doctor,  school-teacher,  or 
politician,  and  in  some  way  rise  to  distinction  and  useful 
ness,  or,  at  the  very  worst,  get  his  living  by  his  wits. 

Now,  these  changing,  experimenting,  rushing  tendencies 
produce  a  few  great  men,  but  many  more  failures.  They 


382  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

give  vigor  and  rapidity  of  development  to  the  nation,  but, 
it  may  be  feared,  at  the  expense  of  solid  virtue  and  patient 
perfection.  If  a  hundred  to  one  of  our  young  men  would 
be  content  with  the  avocations  of  honest  industry  to  which 
they  are  suited,  there  would  be  much  more  stability  and 
happiness,  and  a  much  stronger  development  of  the  mind 
and  heart  and  wealth  of  the  nation. 

But,  at  all  events,  it  may  be  asked,  "How  are  a  large 
relative  number  of  splendid  mechanics  and  a  manufacturing 
people  to  be  made  of  our  hot-brained  American  youth?" 
It  may  be  fairly  answered,  that  this  is  impossible.  But  there 
will,  nevertheless,  be  a  real  and  considerable  success  from 
American  genius  and  tact,  and  an  ample  accession  of  trained 
artisans  from  abroad.  So  far  has  this  providential  arrange 
ment  for  compensation  proceeded,  as  to  make  our  past 
highly  respectable,  and  to  render  all  necessary  independ 
ence  certain  in  the  future. 

The  manufacture  of  cotton  fabrics  in  the  United  States 
has  increased  rapidly.  New  England,  in  1860,  employed 
3,959,297  spindles,  using  237,844,854  pounds  of  cotton, 
producing  goods  valued  at  $80,301,535;  the  Middle 
States,  861,661  spindles,  75,055,666  pounds,  value  of  goods, 
$26,272,111 ;  in  the  remaining  States,  this  class  of  fabrics 
manufactured  amounted  to  $8,564,280.  In  the  whole 
country,  we  employed  that  year  45,315  males  and  73,605 
females,  making  118,920  operatives;  an  increase  of  20,964 
in  ten  years.  The  value  of  our  cotton  manufactures  for 
the  year  was  $115,137,926  ;  an  advance  of  76  per  cent  since 
1850. 

In  the  manufacture  of  woollen  and  mixed  goods,  in  1860, 
we  employed  a  capital  of  $35,520,527 ;  28,780  males,  and 
20,120  females;  639,700  spindles,  and  16,075  looms,  work 
ing  up  80,000,000  pounds  of  wool,  with  16,008,625  of  cotton. 
The  value  of  the  raw  material  was  $40,360,300 ;  and  of  the 
manufactured  goods,  $68,865,963  ;  an  increase  of  fifty-one 
per  cent  in  ten  years. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.        383 

"The  total  value  of  domestic  manufactures  (including 
fisheries  and  the  products  of  the  mines),  according  to  the 
census  of  1850,  was  $1,109,106,616.  The  product  of  the 
same  branches  for  the  year  ending  June  1,  I860,"  would 
reach  "  an  aggregrate  value  of  nineteen  hundred  millions  of 
dollars ;  an  increase  of  more  than  eighty-six  per  cent  in 
ten  years,  exceeding  the  increase  of  even  the  white  popu 
lation  by  a  hundred  and  twenty-three  per  cent." 

Our  various  manufactories  have  thus  given  "  employment 
to  about  -1,100,000  men  and  285,000  women,  or  1,385,000 
persons ;  and  direct  support  to  4,847,500  persons,  or  nearly 
one-sixth  of  the  entire  population." 

These  facts  exalt  our  manufacturing  interests,  far  above 
the  popular  estimate,  to  the  first  rank  of  importance  among 
the  industries  of  the  country. 

Extensive  manufactures  carry  with  them  a  large  amount 
of  machine-making.  Our  ample  steam  and  water  power 
are  made  extensively  available  by  our  skilful  machinists  for 
the  production  of  enormous  wealth.  "  The  construction  of 
hydraulic  machinery,  of  stationary  and  locomotive  steam- 
engines,  and  all  the  machinery  used  in  mines,  mills,  fur 
naces,  forges,  and  factories,  in  the  building  of  roads,  bridges, 
canals,  railways,  &c.,  and  for  all  other  purposes  of  the 
engineer  and  manufacturer,"  produced  returns  from  "ma 
chinists'  and  millwrights'  establishments,  in  1850,  amounting 
to  $27,998,344;  and  in  1860,  not  including  the  sewing- 
machine,  to  $47,118,550." 

The  proud  distinction  of  inventing  the  sewing-machine 
belongs  to  America.  It  is  an  invention  of  the  greatest  prac 
tical  importance.  "  It  has  opened  avenues  to  profitable  and 
healthful  industry  for  thousands  of  industrious  females,  to 
whom  the  labors  of  the  needle  had  become  wholly  unre- 
munerative,  and  injurious  in  their  effects."  The  manufac 
ture  and  sale  of  the  machines  has  become  a  lucrative  busi 
ness.  In  1860,  in  nine  States,  116,330  machines  were  made, 
worth  $5,605,345.  In  1861,  we  exported  machines  to  the 
amount  of  over  $61,000. 


384  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

The  value  of  clothing  made  in  twelve  States  and  the 
District  of  Columbia  rose,  chiefly  by  the  power  of  this  in 
valuable  machine,  from  $43,678,802  in  1850  to  $64,002,975 
in  1860;  an  increase  of  $20,324,173,  or  seventy-three  per 
cent,  in  ten  years. 

The  rapid  progress  of  the  Americans  in  the  invention 
of  labor-saving  machines,  largely  employed  in  the  various 
departments  of  husbandry,  is  worthy  of  special  attention. 

Though  the  honor  of  inventing  and  bringing  first  to 
practical  use  the  threshing-machine  belongs  fairly  to  the 
Scotchmen  Michael  Menzies  and  Andrew  Meikle,  the  idea 
soon  thoroughly  seized  the  practical  American  mind.  In 
1833,  a  strange  instrument,  invented  by  Obed  Hussey  of 
Ohio,  it  was  said,  "  cradled  wheat  as  fast  as  eight  persons 
could  bind  it."  Within  the  brief  period  which  has  since 
elapsed,  inventions  and  improvements  in  machinery  have 
wrought  a  complete  revolution  in  the  despatch  and  economy 
of  farming  in  America.  Fairs  and  exhibitions  have  greatly 
stimulated  the  spirit  of  invention;  and  "the  Great  Exhibi 
tion  of  1851 "  placed  American  implements  for  farming  uses 
at  the  head  of  the  world. 

In  1850,  the  value  of  our  manufactures  in  this  depart 
ment  amounted  to  $6,842,611.  In  1860,  the  amount  rose 
to  $17,802,514 ;  an  increase  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  per 
cent. 

The  value  of  agricultural  implements  employed  in  the 
United  States  in  1860  reached  $246,118,141.  You  may 
add  for  wagons,  carts,  and  wheelbarrows,  $11,796,991  ;  mak 
ing  an  aggregate  of  $257,915,132.  Cotton-gins,  hoes,  shovels, 
spades,  and  forks,  are  omitted. 


PRECIOUS   METALS. 

"On  the  nineteenth  day  of  January,  1848,  ten  days  before 
the  treaty  of  Guadaloupe  Hidalgo,  James  W.  Marshall,  while 
engaged  in  digging  a  race  for  a  sawmill  at  Caloma,  about 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.       385 

thirty-five  miles  eastward  from  Sutter's  Fort,  found  some 
pieces  of  yellow  metal,  which  he  and  the  half-dozen  men 
working  with  him  supposed  to  be  gold."  He  collected  a 
large  number  of  specimens,  and  submitted  them  to  Isaac 
Humphrey,  an  experienced  miner  from  Georgia,  who  saw  at 
a  glance  the  evidence  of  "  rich  diggings."  He  went  to  the 
locality  of  Marshall's  discovery,  and  immediately  commenced 
washing  out  the  precious  metal,  making  an  ounce  or  two  a 
day.  Others,  of  course,  promptly  joined  him,  using  pans,  or 
"  rockers  "  of  their  own  construction.  On  the  15th  of  March, 
the  following  announcement  was  made  in  the  California 
paper  at  San  Francisco  :  — 

"  In  the  newly-made  raceway  of  the  sawmill  recently 
erected  by  Capt.  Sutter,  on  the  American  Fork,  gold  has 
been  found  in  considerable  quantities.  One  person  brought 
thirty  dollars  to  New  Helvetia,  gathered  there  in  a  short 
time."  This  vast  country  now  belonged  to  the  United 
States ;  and  Americans  were  beginning  to  look  through  it  to 
see  what  were  the  prospects  for  future  wealth  in  this  new 
addition  to  the  Great  Republic.  Of  course,  the  above 
announcement  produced  a  stir  among  them;  and,  on  the 
29th  of  May,  the  same  paper  announced  its  suspension,  and 
said,  "  The  whole  country  from  San  Francisco  to  Los  Ange 
les,  and  from  the  seashore  to  the  base  of  the  Sierra  Nevada, 
resounds  with  the  sordid  cry  of6  Gold,  gold,  gold  ! '  while  the 
field  is  left  half  planted,  the  house  half  built,  and  every  thing 
neglected  but  the  manufacture  of  picks  and  shovels,  and 
the  means  of  transportation  to  the  spot,  where  one  man 
obtained  a  hundred  and  twenty-eight  dollars'  worth  of  the 
real  stuff  in  one  day's  washing ;  and  the  average  for  all 
concerned  is  twenty  dollars  per  diem." 

From  this  the  excitement  spread  abroad  through  every 
part  of  the  United  States  and  in  foreign  countries ;  and  1849 
became  distinguished  as  the  year  of  the  hcgira  to  the  New 
Eldorado,  and  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  the  wealth  of 
the  United  States  and  the  basis  of  commerce. 


386  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

The  processes  adopted  for  obtaining  the  precious  metal 
illustrated  the  American  genius.  Scientific  mining  was  not 
known.  But  various  inventions  and  unparalleled  enter 
prise  supplied  all  defects.  The  pan,  the  rocker,  the  torn, 
the  flume,  the  shaft,  the  tunnel,  the  prospecting,  the  wander 
ing  and  rushing  from  place  to  place,  the  ditches,  the  dams, 
the  turning  of  rivers,  the  quarrying  of  quartz,  the  stamps, 
the  blankets,  the  vats,  the  races,  the  quicksilver,  the 
blasting,  the  hydraulics,  and  innumerable  other  methods  of 
gathering  the  shining  dust,  all  indicated  the  passionate  vio 
lence  and  the  unconquerable  energy  of  the  American  people. 
Towns  sprang  up  in  the  gulches  and  on  the  foot-hills  ;  the 
beds  of  rivers  were  explored  for  miles  and  miles ;  whole  re 
gions  were  torn  up  by  the  blast,  the  pick,  the  shovel,  and  the 
hose ;  hills  and  small  mountains  were  literally  blown  or  washed 
to  pieces ;  and  the  mining-belt  stretched  the  length  of  the 
Pacific  coast,  and  far  up  on  the  Sierras.  Europeans  and 
Asiatics  mingled  in  the  strife  ;  and  the  population  of  the 
State  increased  with  unprecedented  rapidity. 

Mining  processes  have  at  length  become  much  more  regu 
lar  and  economical.  New  inventions  have  superseded  not 
only  the  rustic  implements  of  1849  and  1850,  but  the  best 
heretofore  known  ;  and  though  many  of  the  metallurgic  pro 
cesses  established  by  science  have  yet  to  be  introduced  for 
separating  the  precious  metals  from  their  ores,  and  exhaust 
ing  the  localities  prematurely  abandoned,  it  must  be  admitted, 
that,  as  a  whole,  the  processes  of  mining  for  gold  and  silver 
have  advanced  rapidly  under  the  inventive  genius  of  the 
American  mind. 

The  discovery  of  silver  in  Washoe  is  an  event  of  historic 
importance.  Gold  was  found  in  Gold  Canon,  a  little  tribu 
tary  of  Carson  River,  in  1849.  Miners,  however,  did  not  like 
the  locality.  There  was  so  much  silver  mixed  with  the  gold 
as  to  reduce  the  price  of  dust  to  from  ten  to  twelve  dollars 
per  ounce,  whereas  "  that  obtained  from  the  western  slope  of 
the  Sierra  usually  sold  for  seventeen  or  eighteen  dollars." 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.       387 

In  1859,  a  quartz  lode  was  found  on  what  is  now  known 
as  Goldhill.  "  Two  months  later,  some  miners,  in  following 
up  a  placer-bed  in  which  the  gold  was  mixed  with  about  an 
equal  weight  of  silver,  came  on  the  lode  from  which  the 
metal  had  been  washed  down."  This  was  the  famous  "  Coin- 
stock  Lode,"  the  discovery  of  which  formed  Virginia  City 
and  the  State  of  Nevada,  and  introduced  a  new  era  in  the 
mining  wealth  of  the  continent.  "  It  is  now  the  most  pro 
ductive  mineral  vein  in  the  world.  A  strip  of  land  six 
hundred  yards  wide,  and  three  miles  long,  yields  $12,000,000 
annually."  James  Walsh,  an  intelligent  quartz-miner  from 
Grass  Valley,  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  detect  the  real 
value  of  the  "  dark-gray  stone  "  found  here,  a  ton  and  a  half 
of  which  he  sent  to  San  Francisco,  where  it  was  sold  for 
$3,000  per  ton.  He  and  some  of  his  friends  bought  four- 
fifths  of  1,800  feet  for  $22,000,  or  $14  a  foot.  So  rapidly 
did  the  estimate  of  this  claim  rise,  that,  before  the  end  of 
the  year,  its  market-value  was  $1,000  a  foot.  "  The  silver- 
panic  "  in  Washoe  soon  exceeded  the  former  gold-panic  in 
California.  Discoveries  in  Esmeralda,  Humboldt,  Reese  River, 
and  other  localities,  followed,  and  at  length  the  mines  which 
gave  new  impulse  and  development  to  Oregon  and  Wash 
ington,  and  founded  the  Territories  and  future  States  of 
Idaho  and  Montana. 

Let  the  following  estimates,  made  by  the  superintendent 
of  the  mint  at  San  Francisco,  indicate  the  results  of  these 
various  discoveries,  and  this  unparalleled  energy. 

Gold  and  silver  from  California,  Oregon,  Nevada,  and 
Washington  Territory :  — 

1861  .                 $43,391,000 

1862 49,370,000 

1863 52,500,000 

1864 63,450,000 

1865 70,000,000 

The  second  report  of  J.  Ross  Brown,  just  finished,  gives 
as  the  product  of  gold,  the  last  year,  $70,000,000;  and  of 
Nevada  silver,  $19,000,000. 


388  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

The  estimate  for  1866  is  as  follows:  — 

California      .                   ....  $25,000,000 

Montana 18,000,000 

Idaho 17,000,000 

Colorado 17,000,000 

Nevada 16,000,000 

Oregon 8,000,000 

Other  sources 5,000,000 

Total        .         .         .     $106,000,000 

In  the  mean  time,  the  capital  in  business  circulation 
in  California  must  have  been  in  the  neighborhood  of 
$30,000,000,  and  some  $10,000,000  are  shipped  annually  to 
the  mines  to  pay  current  mining-expenses.  In  a  recent 
financial  crisis  in  Europe,  the  power  of  American  wealth 
from  the  mines  appeared,  in  the  export  from  San  Francisco 
of  $12,000,000  of  gold  and  stiver  in  sixty  days.  The  first 
eight  months  of  1866,  the  shipments  of  specie  from  San 
Francisco  amounted  to  $27,729,010.  It  is  safe  to  consider 
our  gold-fields  and  silver-mines  practicably  inexhaustible. 

Some  idea  of  "the  importance  of  the  gold  and  silver 
mines  of  the  Pacific  coast  on  the  national  welfare  "  may  be 
obtained  from  the  fact,  that  "  the  product  of  these  metals, 
for  a  single  year,"  exceeds  in  amount  all  the  gold  and 
silver  in  the  national  treasury,  and  in  all  the  banks  in  all 
the  States :  - 

Bullion  in  the  Treasury,  Aug.  1,  18G5  .  .  .  $61,000,000 

Banks  at  New  York,  at  same  date,  held  .  .  5,000,000 

Banks  at  Boston  and  Philadelphia          .  .  .  600,000 

National  Banks  in  the  United  States       .  .  .  1,600,000 

State  Banks,  outside  of  those,  estimated  .  .  .  1,500,000 

Amounting  in  the  aggregate  to     .          .       $69,700,000 

Whereas  the  products  of  the  mines  of  the  Pacific  coast  in 
1866  amount  to  at  least  $106,000,000. 

The  whole  "  amount  of  treasure  manifested  for  exporta 
tion  from  San  Francisco"  from  1849  to  1865,  inclusive,  was 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.        389 

$740,832,623.  To  this  must  be  added  some  $50,000,000 
in  use  in  the  Pacific  States  and  Territories ;  for  gold  jewelry, 
silver  plate,  and  specimens  of  nuggets  and  rich  ores,  say 
$5,000,000  ;  gold-dust  buried  by  miners  in  distant  camps, 
some  $5,000,000  more.  Dust,  coin,  and  bars  carried  away 
by  miners,  and  not  manufactured,  must  swell  this  additional 
amount,  in  sixteen  years,  to  $200,000,000.  In  round  num 
bers,  therefore,  the  yield  of  precious  metals  from  our  Pacific 
fields,  in  sixteen  years,  must  have  risen  to  the  enormous 
sum  of  $1,000,000,000. 

We  must  now  glance  at  the  mining  regions  east  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  These  include  portions  of  the  Territories 
of  New  Mexico,  Colorado,  and  Montana ;  Minnesota,  north 
west  of  Lake  Superior,  and  upon  the  eastern  slope  of  the 
Alleghany  range;  the  States  of  Georgia,  South  Carolina, 
North  Carolina,  Virginia,  and  Maryland ;  and  recently  gold 
has  been  found  in  New  Hampshire.  The  yields  from  the 
various  auriferous  and  argentiferous  localities  in  these  States 
and  Territories  cannot  be  accurately  ascertained. 

The  deposits  of  gold  at  the  United-States  mint  and  its 
branches,  between  1804  and  1866,  from  the  States  traversed 
by  the  Appalachian  gold-field,  are  reported  as  follows :  — 

Virginia $1,570,182.82 

North  Carolina 9,278,627.67 

South  Carolina 1,353,663.98 

Georgia 6,971,681.50 

Alabama 201,734.83 

Aggregate     .         .         .     $19,375,890.80 

If  we  assume,  what  is  doubtless  true,  that  about  an  equal 
amount  passed  into  manufactures  or  foreign  commerce,  with 
out  deposit  for  coinage,  the  aggregate  production  would 
be  about  $40,000,000,  of  which  fully  three-fourths,  or 
$30,000,000,  was  mined  between  1828  and  1848. 

Nuggets  were  found  in  North  Carolina  from  1799  to  1835, 
varying  from  a  pound  and  a  half  to  twenty-eight  pounds. 


390  THE  GREAT  BEPUBLIC. 

"The  auriferous  veins  of  Colorado  are  represented  to 
be  from  six  inches  to  nine  feet  in  width.  Gov.  Evans 
claims,  that,  in  most  of  the  lodes  now  worked,  the  quartz 
rock  yields  an  average  of  thirty-six  dollars  per  ton,  but  that 
a  production  threefold  greater  may  be  expected  when  the  re 
duction  of  ores  reaches  the  perfection  of  a  scientific  assay." 

From  Montana,  the  yield  was  estimated  as  follows :  — 

1863  .         .         .                 .         .         .  $2,000,000 

1864 5,000,000 

1865 6,000,000 

1866  .                                                     .  12,000,000 


Amounting  to    .  .    $25,000,000 

"  The  assays  of  argentiferous  galena  have  exhibited  results 
from  $100  to  $1,700  per  ton." 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  the  vast  fields  of  wealth 
in  the  newer  portions  of  our  country  remain  to  be  thoroughly 
explored. 

It  is  carefully  estimated  that  the  production  of  gold  and 
silver  in  the  world  in  1866  amounted  to  $210,000,000,  of 
which  $80,000,000  were  from  the  United  States.  By  com 
parison  with  the  foregoing,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  figures 
relating  to  our  country  are  far  below  the  facts. 

Copper  is  an  immense  source  of  wealth  in  the  United 
States.  The  copper  regions  of  Lake  Superior  have  long 
been  famous  the  world  over.  Eecent  discoveries  on  the 
Pacific  coast  have  brought  out  enormous  accessions  to  this 
wealth.  Some  of  these  deposits  were  known  before  California 
became  a  State  of  the  Eepublic.  Dr.  Trask,  however,  State 
geologist  from  1851  to  1854,  brought  forward  evidence  that 
valuable  copper  ore  was  found  in  nearly  every  county. 
Nothing  of  importance  was  done  toward  the  development 
of  these  mines  until  1860,  when  Hiram  Hughes  discovered 
the  famous  Napoleon  Mine  among  the  Gopher  Hills  in  Cala- 
veras  County.  Not  understanding  the  character  of  his  dis 
covery,  he  sent  "  a  lot  of  the  ore  to  San  Francisco,  where 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.       391 

it  was  pronounced  thirty  per  cent  copper  ore,  and  worth 
about  a  hundred  and  twenty  dollars  per  ton."  The  copper 
excitement  then  commenced ;  and  it  has  raged  at  different 
times  up  to  the  present,  fairly  equalling,  if  not  exceeding, 
the  excitement  from  the  discovery  of  gold  and  silver. 

The  most  important  mining  districts  from  which  ores  have 
been  exported  are  Copperopolis,  Table  Mountain,  Napoleon, 
Lancha  Plana,  Campo  Seco,  and  Copper  Hill,  in  Calaveras 
County,  the  Newton  in  Cosumnes,  Hope  Valley  in  Ama- 
dor  County,  the  Buchanan  in  Fresno  County,  the  Osos  in 
San  Louis  Obespo  County,  the  Soledad  in  Los  Angeles 
County,  the  Rockland  in  Oregon,  the  Pea-vine  in  Nevada, 
the  Favorita  and  Sauce  in  Lower  California,  and  the  Wil 
liams  Fork  in  Arizona. 

Of  these,  the  best  developed,  and,  thus  far,  the  most  pro 
ductive,  are  the  Copperopolis  Mines,  in  Salt-spring  Valley, 
Calaveras  County,  about  thirty-five  miles  nearly  east  from 
Stockton.  u  The  lode  on  which  the  Union,  Keystone,  Em 
pire,  Calaveras,  and  consolidated  mines  are  located,  passes 
through  this  valley,  in  the  direction  of  north,  30  Q  west.  It 
has  been  more  or  less  developed  for  about  fifteen  miles. 
There  seem  to  be  four  other  nearly  parallel  lodes,  from  a 
few  feet  to  six  miles'  distance  from  the  main  lode.  This 
cupriferous  belt  has  been  traced,  with  comparatively  slight 
interruptions,  from  this  valley  to  the  American  River;  its 
general  course  being  about  north,  15°  west." 

66  The  Union  "  contains,  in  all  probability, "  the  largest  body 
of  yellow  sulphurets  of  copper  ever  discovered."  The  stock 
holders  have  never  been  obliged  to  pay  assessments.  In 
December,  1862,  it  paid  a  dividend  of  $11,000  a  share ;  and, 
"during  the  year  1863,  the  dividends  amounted  to  $20,000 
per  share,  clear  of  all  expenses."  Since  this  time,  the  yield 
has  been  prudently  withheld  from  the  public.  It  is  alleged, 
that,  "  in  the  winter  of  1863,  the  firm  paid  Mr.  Reed,  one  of 
the  original  locators,  $60,000  in  cash  for  nine  hundred  and 
seventy-eight  feet."  "  In  1864,  Mr.  Hardy,  another  of  the 


392  THE    GKEAT   REPUBLIC. 

original  locators,  it  is  stated,  sold  his  interest  in  the  mine  to 
the  same  firm  for  $650,000."  The  extent  of  wealth  and 
business  in  these  copper-mines  is  such  as  to  justify  the  con 
struction  of  a  railroad  to  Stockton,  thirty-five  miles,  chiefly 
for  freight. 

Doubtless  many  other  mines  of  this  valuable  ore  are  to  be 
developed,  adding  to  the  increasing  wealth  of  the  Pacific 
States.  The  lodes  are  innumerable,  and  practically  inexhaust 
ible. 

OTHER  MINERALS  AND  ORES. 

Quicksilver  is  very  abundant  in  California.  "  Cinnabar  is 
the  only  valuable  ore  of  the  mercury  of  commerce,  which  is 
prepared  from  it  by  sublimation.  It  is  a  sulphide  (sulphuret) 
of  mercury,  composed,  when  pure,  of  quicksilver  82.21,  sul 
phur  13.8 ;  in  which  case  it  is  a  natural  vermilion,  and  iden 
tical  with  the  vermilion  of  commerce."  There  are  mines 
of  cinnabar  at  Almaden,  near  Cordova,  in  Spain,  Idria  in 
Upper  Carmithia,  in  China,  Japan,  and  in  Pluanca  Yilica  in 
South  Peru.  One  of  the  richest  mines,  however,  thus  far 
discovered,  is  at  New  Almaden,  some  thirteen  miles  from 
San  Jose*,  Cal.  Prof.  B.  Sillirnan,  jun.,  states  that  "  a  charge 
of  101,000  pounds,  of  which  70,000  were  composed  of  this 
rich  ore,  31,000  pounds  of  '  granza,'  or  ordinary  ore,  and 
48,000  pounds  of  adobes,  worth  four  per  cent,  making  a  total 
charge  of  105,800  pounds,  yielded,  on  the  day  of  our  visit, 
460  flasks  of  mercury,  at  seventy-six  pounds  and  a  half  to 
the  flask." 

The  ore  mined  and  reduced  in  18r  j  amounted  to  16,000 
tons,  or  31,948,400  pounds ;  yieldir  _,  47,194  flasks,  or  3,604,- 
46  5  J  pounds,  of  quicksilver. 

During  ten  months  of  1866,  the  product  of  quicksilver 
from  this  mine  was  30,029  flasks. 

Large  quantities  are  used  in  the  mines  of  California;  but 
the  extent  of  the  yield  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that 
quicksilver  was  exported  from  New  Almaden  to  New  York, 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES. 


393 


Great  Britain,  Mexico,  China,  Peru,  Chili,  Central  America, 
Japan,  Australia,  Panama,  and  Victoria,  V.  I,  as  follows  :  — 


1859 
I860 
1861 
1862 
1803 
1864 
1865 


3,399  flasks. 

9,448  „ 

35,995  „ 

33,745  ,, 

26,014  „ 

36,918  „ 
47,194 


Other  mines  add  to  this  production  of  wealth :  — 


Guadaloupe,  average  flasks  per  month 
New  Idria,         ,,  ,,       ,,        ,, 

Knox  and  Redington,  ,,        ,, 


150 
500 

300 


We  must  be  content  with  a  simple  catalogue  of  the  prin 
cipal  mineral  species  hitherto  recognized  in  California  and 
the  adjoining  States  and  Territories  :  — 


Actinolite. 

Alabaster. 

Andalusite. 

Antimony  (sulphuret). 

Antimony,  ochre. 

Agates  and  carnelian. 

Arsenic. 

Arsenolite. 

Asbestos. 

Azurite  (blue  carbonate  of  copper), 

Biotite. 

Bitumen. 

Blende, 

Borax. 

Boracic  acid. 

Carbonate  of  magnesia. 

Cassiterite. 

Cerusite  (carbonate  of  lead). 

Chalcedony. 

Chalcopyrite  (yellow  copper-ore). 

Chloride  of  silver. 

Chrysocolla  (silicate  of  copper). 

60 


Chromic  iron. 

Chrysolite. 

Cinnabar. 

Corundum. 

Copper,  native. 

Copper  glance. 

Derbyshire  spar. 

Diallogite  (carbonate  of  manganese). 

Diamond. 

Dolomite. 

Embolite. 

Emerald  nickel. 

Feldspar. 

Fluorspar. 

Galena  (sulphuret  of  lead). 

Garnet. 

Gold  (crystalline). 

Gold  and  tellurium. 

Gray  copper-ore. 

Graphite. 

Gypsum. 

Hematite  (specular  iron-ore). 


394 


THE   GKEAT  REPUBLIC. 


Hessite. 

Hornblende . 

Hyalite. 

Idocrase. 

Iodide  of  mercury. 

Ilmenite. 

Iron-ores. 

Iridosmine. 

Iron  pyrites. 

Jasper. 

Kerargyrite. 

Lignite. 

Lirnonite. 

Made. 

Magnesite  (carbonate  of  magnesia). 

Magnetite. 

Malachite  (green  carbonate  of  copper). 

Manganese,  oxide. 

Manganese,  carbonate  of. 

Mercury. 

Mercury,  iodide  of. 

Mispickel. 

Molybdate  of  lead. 

Molybdenite. 

Mountain  cork. 

Nickel. 

Orthoclase. 

Opal,  —  semi-opal. 

Pearl  spar. 

Petroleum. 

Platina. 

Proustite  (light-red  silver-ore). 

Pyrargyrite  (dark-red  silver-ore). 


Pyrolusite. 

Pyrophyllite. 

Pyroxene. 

Pyromorphite  (phosphate  of  lead). 

Pyrrhotine  (magnetic  pyrites). 

Quartz. 

Red  oxide  of  copper. 

Ruby  silver  (pyrargyrite). 

Salt-rock  salt. 

Schorl-selenite. 

Selenide  of  mercury. 

Silver,  native. 

Silver  (telluret  of). 

Smoky  quartz. 

Sphene. 

Stephanite  (brittle  sulphuret  of  sil.). 

Stibnite. 

Stroymeyerite. 

Sulphur. 

Sulphuret  of  silver. 

Sulphuret  of  iron. 

Telluret  of  silver. 

Tetrahedrite  (gray  copper). 

Tellurium  and  gold  (tetradymite). 

Tin-ore  (oxide  of  tin). 

Topaz. 

Tourmaline. 

Tremolite. 

Tungstate  of  manganese. 

Variegated  copper-ore. 

Vitreous  copper. 

Zinc. 


Coal  is  found  in  sufficient  quantities  on  the  Pacific  slope  to 
be  of  great  importance.  It  is  not  of  the  best  quality.  The 
carboniferous  formations  from  which  the  coals  of  Pennsyl 
vania  and  the  Mississippi  Valley  are  taken  do  not  exist  on  the 
Pacific  slope ;  but  coal  has  been  found  in  all  the  other  great 
groups  of  rocks.  "  The  brown  coal  of  Germany,  of  nearly 
the  same  geological  age  as  that  of  the  Oregon  mines,  has 
been  worked  for  many  years  with  profit."  Bellingham  Bay, 


Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

23,045 

40,955 

8,635 

65,905 

29,035 

21,305 

40,625 

41,655 

36,265 

39,085 

44,330 

52,135 

54,600 

48,955 

50,495 

45,675 

26,815 

74,760 

48,375 

13,127 

66,177 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.       395 

in  the  extreme  north-west  of  Washington  Territory,  furnishes 
coal  of  compensating  quality  and  quantity.  The  quality  of 
that  taken  from  Coos  Bay  is  above  the  average  on  the  coast. 
Considerable  quantities  have  also  been  brought  into  the 
San-Francisco  market  from  Monte  Diabolo.  The  growth 
and  promise  of  the  coal-trade  on  the  Pacific  coast  may  be 
indicated  by  the  following  estimate  of  imports  into  San 
Francisco  since  1860: — 

Foreign  Co*ls.  Eastern.  Domestic. 

1860 

1861 

1862    .    . 

1863 

1864 

1865 

1866  (last  nine  months) 

These  figures  show  a  very  large  relative  increase  of  coals 
in  use  from  the  Pacific  coal-fields;  a  tendency  which  is 
likely  to  increase. 

But  the  great  coal-regions  of  the  United  States  are  in  the 
East,  and  chiefly  in  Pennsylvania. 

Anthracite  "  coal  was  first  employed  at  a  forge  in  Wyo 
ming  Valley,  close  to  the  scene  of  its  production,  by  a 
blacksmith,  in  1775.  In  1778,  a  nailer  in  the  same  place  is 
known  to  have  employed  it  in  his  factory ;  and,  twenty  years 
after  (that  is,  in  1808),  he  contrived  a  grate  for  burning  it 
as  fuel  in  his  house.  It  was  not,  however,  until  1829,  that 
any  extensive  mining  operations  were  commenced  at  that 
most  appropriately  named  village,  Carbondale ;  which,  about 
1832,  began  to  send  regular  supplies  of  coals  to  Philadel 
phia.  The  construction  of  railroads,  the  increase  of  popula 
tion,  and  the  consequent  increase  in  the  price  of  other 
articles  of  fuel,  soon,  however,  stimulated  the  supply  of 
coal."  * 

*  Sir  Morton  Peto,  173-175. 


Tons. 

States. 

Tons. 

2,690,786 

Iowa    . 

.     41,920 

1,265,600 

Alabama 

.     10,200 

728,400 
473,360 

Washington  . 
Missouri 

.       5,374 

.      3,880 

438,000 

Rhode  Island 

.      3,800 

285,765 
165,300 
101,280 

Michigan 
Georgia 
Arkansas 

.      2,320 
.      1,900 
200 

396  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

Bituminous  coal  first  appeared  in  Philadelphia  in  1845 ; 
and,  in  1860,  the  quantity  "  raised  "  in  the  United  States  was 
6,218,080  tons.  The  sources  of  this  supply  were  as  follows  :  — 

States. 

Pennsylvania    . 
Ohio 
Illinois 
Virginia  . 
Maryland 
Kentucky 
Tennessee 
Indiana    . 

Now,  add  to  this  the  amount  of  anthracite  coal  from  Penn 
sylvania,  —  8,115,842  tons,  —  and  you  have  the  aggregate  of 
"  coals  raised  in  the  United  States  in  1860, 14,333,992  tons." 

For  the  sake  of  comparison,  we  give  the  following  coal 
produce  of  the  world  during  the  same  year,  or  from  the  re 
turns  nearest  that  year  :  — 

Tons. 

Great  Britain 71,979,765 

United  States          .....  14,333,922 

Prussia,  Saxony,  and  Hanover          .         .  12,000,000 

Belgium 8,900,000 

France 7,900,000 

Spain 3,000,000 

Japan,  China,  Borneo,  and  Australia         .  2,000,000 

British  Possessions,  North  America  .         .  1,500,000 

Austrian  Empire 1,162,900 

Russian  Empire 1,500,000 


Grand  Total         ....       121,000,000 

Of  this  large  amount,  14,333,922  tons  from  the  United 
States  must  be  regarded  as  a  small  proportion,  especially  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  our  territory  includes  "  nearly  three- 
fourths  of  the  coal-areas  of  the  principal  coal-producing 
countries  of  the  world." 

It  must  be  considered,  however,  that  our  country  yet  in- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.       397 

eludes  immense  forests  of  excellent  fuel.  Wood  is  more  or 
less  available  everywhere,  and  abundant  in  many  portions 
of  our  States :  as  this  diminishes,  and  as  railways  and  steam 
navigation  increase,  facilitating  and  cheapening  the  passage 
of  freight,  our  immense  and  inexhaustible  coal-fields  will  be 
proportionally  developed,  and  this  source  of  wealth  largely 
increased. 

Petroleum,  or  rock-oil,  has  been  known  to  exist  for  a  long 
period.  In  Sicily,  the  Island  of  Zante,  and  on  the  shores  of 
the  Caspian,  on  the  banks  of  the  Irrawaddy,  and  in  the  col 
ony  of  Trinidad,  this  article  has  been  found  and  used,  but 
not  in  such  quantities  as  to  attract  general  attention. 

In  America,  the  most  remarkable  discoveries  have  been 
recently  made ;  and,  by  American  enterprise,  it  has  become 
an  article  of  great  commercial  importance  :  while  the  phe 
nomena  connected  with  its  production  are  objects  of  great 
interest,  and  astonishing  even  to  men  of  science. 

The  Indians  are  said  to  have  known  of  rock-oil  in  Oil- 
creek  Valley,  and  used  it  for  medicinal  purposes.  An  arti 
cle  in  "The  Massachusetts  Magazine,"  as  early  as  1791,  de 
scribed  the  locality,  and  stated  that  soldiers  collected  oil  at 
the  springs,  and  found  it  to  be  good  for  rheumatism  and  a 
gentle  purgative. 

But  Mr.  Patterson  of  Pennsylvania  first  converted  this 
production  to  a  practical  use  for  lubricating  the  machinery 
of  a  cotton:factory  in  Pittsburg.  This  was  in  1845.  Some 
ten  years  later,  the  Pennsylvania  Rock-oil  Company  was 
formed  in  New  York,  with  Professor  Silliman  at  its  head. 
The  company  collected  surface-oil  only,  until  1858,  when 
Col.  Drake  commenced  sinking  a  well.  After  one  failure, 
he  "struck  oil"  at  a  depth  of  seventy-one  feet.  "On  the 
tools  being  withdrawn,  oil  rose  to  within  five  inches  of 
the  surface.  This  well  yielded  at  once  four  hundred,  and 
afterwards  a  thousand,  gallons  a  day." 

Another  excitement  now  came  on,  equalling,  if  not  ex 
ceeding,  the  rage  for  gold  and  silver  and  copper  in  Califor- 


398  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

nia.  Lands  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Drake  Well  rose  to 
fabulous  prices.  Wells  were  sunk  in  great  numbers.  Some 
"  prospectors "  sunk  fortunes  in  sinking  wells ;  but  others 
rose  suddenly  from  extreme  poverty  to  affluence  in  a  day. 
The  first  "  flowing  well "  was  on  the  farm  of  a  poor  man  by 
the  name  of  Funk.  Oil  was  struck  in  June,  1861 ;  and  the 
well  immediately  began  to  pour  out  two  hundred  and  fifty 
barrels  a  day.  It  flowed  on  for  fifteen  months,  and  then 
ceased.  Another,  on  the  Tarr  Farm,  "  yielded  two  thousand 
barrels  daily ;  and  the  Empire  Well  yielded  three  thousand 
barrels  daily." 

It  was  now  difficult  to  obtain  vessels  for  the  oil,  and  vast 
quantities  flowed  away  in  "  Oil  Creek."  A  glut  in  the  mar 
ket  resulted  ;  but  this  was  temporary.  Prospecting  went 
on ;  new  discoveries  followed.  Towns  and  cities  sprang  up 
as  if  by  magic.  Flat-boats  and  various  craft  went  4down 
the  Alleghany  freighted  with  oil ;  and  the  Atlantic  and 
Great  Western  Railway  was  driven  forward  with  great  en 
ergy  to  reach  the  "  oil  regions,"  and  claim  its  share  in  the 
enormous  "  carrying  "  profits  of  this  new  and  wonderful  dis 
covery. 

"  Corey,"  a  poor  farm,  became  a  central  city.  In  four 
years,  it  reached  some  10,000  inhabitants;  had  "nearly 
twenty  banks,  and  two  newspapers."  "  The  quotations  made 
in  the  oil  exchange  at  Corey,  whether  of  oil,  gold,  or  bread- 
stuffs,  influenced  Wall  Street,"  and  its  business  rose  to  some 
$15,000,000  annually.  All  this  in  four  years.  Oil  City, 
and  especially  Pithole,  rose  to  the  rank  of  rivals  in  excite 
ment  and  business. 

Of  course,  great  fluctuation  would  occur  in  this  novel  busi 
ness.  Many  would  expend  thousands,  and  even  millions, 
and  fail  to  find  the  flowing  oil.  Some  of  the  most  pro 
ductive  wells  would  become  "sullen,"  irregular,  and  then 
cease  to  flow.  Thousands  would  bitterly  rue  the  day  when 
they  invested  their  all  in  oil ;  while  the  sudden  affluence  of 
others  would  throw  upon  the  Fifth  Avenue  and  into  Sara 
toga  a  new  race  of  aristocrats. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTERNAL  RESOURCES.       3Q9 

The  statistics  of  this  trade  are  yet  quite  imperfect.  Some 
idea  of  its  growing  importance  may  be  obtained,  however, 
from  the  exports  of  a  few  years.  They  were  as  follow  :  — 

Year.  Gallons. 

1862  ....  .  10,887,701 

1863 .  28,250,721 

1864  .....  .  31,792,972 

1865  ...  .  42,273,508 

The  yield  of  the  entire  oil-district  of  Pennsylvania  was 
estimated  from  80.600  to  90,000  barrels  a  week ;  say  400,000 
barrels  per  annum.  "  The  quantity  forwarded  from  the 
stations  of  the  Atlantic  and  Great  Western  Kailway  was  533 
barrels  in  1863,  and  675,028  barrels  in  1864."  «  The  aver 
age  prices  show  a  heavy  rise,  despite  the  largely-increased 
production  : "  — 

PETROLEUM  IN  NEW  YORK,  PER  GALLON. 

In  1860,  Crude,  28  cents.  .  1864,  41  cents. 

„     Refined,  28     ,,  .         „  39     „ 

,,         ,,        in  bond,  44     ,,  .         ,,  65     ,, 

„       free,  51     „  „  74     „ 

The  supply  must  be  considered  inexhaustible;  while  the 
demand  will  inevitably  increase,  adding  another  source  of 
enormous  wealth  to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

Iron  is  an  indispensable  agent  of  civilization.  To  have 
left  the  territory  of  the  United  States  destitute  of  this  valu 
able  metal  would  not  agree  with  the  theory  of  this  book, 
that  God  had  predetermined  to  constitute  here  a  large,  free, 
and  independent  nation.  No  such  strange  omission  or  con 
tradiction  can  occur  in  the  divine  puposes  and  action.  Who 
ever  from  the  beginning  entertained  the  true  idea  of  the 
plans  of  Providence  must  have  expected  to  find  here  abun 
dant  supplies  of  a  material  without  which  independence 
would  have  been  quite  impossible. 

Iron-ore,  fit  for  all  the  ordinary  uses  of  industry,  and 
capable  of  being  wrought  into  the  finest  of  steel,  is  abundant 


400  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

in  America.     The  following  table  shows  the  work  done  in 
the  several  States  during  the  year  1860  :  — 


States. 

Tons  ore  mined. 

Tons  pig  iron. 

Value. 

New  Hampshire 
Vermont 

1,000  1 
4,500) 

3,224 

$92,910 

Massachusetts  . 

25,000 

13,700 

403,000 

Connecticut 

20,700 

11,000 

379,500 

New  York 

.     176,375 

63,145 

1,385,208 

Pennsylvania   . 

.  1,706,476 

553,560 

11,427,379 

New  Jersey 

.        57,800 

29,048 

574,820 

Maryland 

.       79,200 

30,500 

739,600 

Ohio 

.     228,794 

94,647 

2,327,261 

Indiana  . 

. 

375 

9,375 

Michigan 

17,900 

10,400 

291,400 

Wisconsin 

4,500 

2,000 

40,000 

Missouri 

42,000 

22,000 

575,000 

Kentucky 

73,600 

23,362 

534,164 

Virginia 

.       23,217 

9,096 

251,173 

Tennessee 

53,220 

18,417 

457,000 

Total  . 

.  2,514,282 

884,474 

$19,487,790 

Product  in  1850 

. 

. 

13,491,898 

Difference  (41.4  per  cent)     ....     $5,995,892 

Look  at  these  figures.  Here  are  884,474  tons  of  pig-iron 
prepared  in  a  single  year,  worth  $19,487,790.  Contrasted 
with  the  year  1850,  it  is  an  advance  of  nearly  $6,000,000. 
"  Bar  and  other  rolled  iron  amounted  to  406,298  tons,  of  the 
value  of  $22,248,796  ;  an  increase  of  39.5  per  cent  over  the 
united  products  of  the  rolling  mills  and  forges,  which,  in  1850, 
were  of  the  value  of  $15,938,786.  This  large  production  of 
over  one  and  a  quarter  million  of  tons  of  iron,  equivalent  to 
ninety-two  pounds  for  each  inhabitant,  speaks  volumes  for 
the  progress  of  the  nation  in  all  its  industrial  and  material 
interests.  The  manufacture  of  iron  holds  relations  of  the 
most  beneficial  character  to  a  wide  circle  of  important  inter 
ests,  intimately  affecting  the  entire  population.  The  proprie 
tors  and  miners  of  ore,  coal,  and  limestone  lands ;  the  owners 
and  improvers  of  woodlands,  of  railroads,  canals,  steamboats, 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTEENAL  KESOUECES.        40 1 

ships,  and  of  every  other  form  of  transportation ;  the  pro 
ducers  of  food,  clothing,  and  other  supplies ;  in  addition  to 
thousands  of  workmen,  merchants,  and  capitalists,  and  their 
families, — have  directly  participated  in  the  benefits  resulting 
from  this  great  industry.  It  has  supplied  the  material  for 
an  immense  number  of  founderies,  and  for  thousands  of 
blacksmiths,  machinists,  millwrights,  and  manufacturers  of 
nails,  hardware,  cutlery,  edged  tools,  and  other  workers  in 
metals,  whose  products  are  of  immense  aggregate  value, 
and  of  the  first  necessity.  The  production  of  so  large  a 
quantity  of  iron,  and  particularly  of  bar-iron,  and  the 
demand  for  additional  quantities  from  abroad,  tell  of  the 
progress  of  the  country  in  civil  and  naval  architecture  and 
all  the  engineering  arts ;  of  the  construction  of  railroads  and 
telegraphs,  which  have  spread  like  a  net  over  the  whole 
country;  of  steam  engines  and  locomotives;  of  spinning, 
weaving,  wood  and  metal  working,  milling,  mining,  and  other 
machinery ;  and  of  all  the  multiform  instruments  of  science, 
agriculture,  and  the  arts,  both  of  peace  and  of  war ;  of  the 
manufacture  of  every  conceivable  article  of  convenience  or 
luxury  of  the  household,  the  field,  or  the  factory."  The  aggre 
gate  statistics  of  iron  exhibit  the  extent  to  which  the  general 
condition  of  the  people  has  been  improved  by  this  great  agent 
of  civilization  during  the  ten  years  embraced  in  this  retrospect. 

"  The  materials  for  the  manufacture  of  iron-ore,  coal,  and 
other  fuel,  water-power,  &c.,  are  so  diffused,  abundant,  and 
cheap,  that  entire  independence  of  foreign  supplies  appears 
to  be  alike  desirable  and  attainable  at  no  distant  period;" 
practicable,  we  may  add,  at  any  time  determined  by  the 
convenience  or  political  economy  of  the  American  people. 

Technical  chemistry  is  just  beginning  to  reveal  its  power 
to  enhance  the  wealth  and  comfort  of  our  people.  Its  prod 
ucts  in  1850,  exclusive  of  white  lead,  ochres,  paints,  var 
nish,  glue,  perfumes,  cements,  pot  and  pearl  ashes,  &c., 
amounted  to  nearly  $5,000,000  ;  since  which  time,  this 
practical  science  has  made  rapid  advances. 


51 


402  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Gas  manufactured  for  illumination  and  other  purposes 
amounted,  in  a  single  year,  to  5,000,000,000  cubic  feet, 
worth  about  $13,000,000. 

Salt  was  manufactured  in  1860  as  follows  :  — 

States.  Bushels.  Value. 

Massachusetts  .         .  30,900  7,874 

New  York     .                 .  7,521,335  1,289,511 

Pennsylvania  .         .  604,300  154,264 

Ohio     ....  1,744,240  276,879 

Virginia         .  .         .  2,056,513  478,684 

Kentucky      .  .         .  69,665  21,190 

Texas  .         .  120,000  29,800 

California      .  44,000  7,100 


Total      .  12,190,953          $2,265,302 

In  1850,  we  employed  340  establishments  in  the  manufac 
ture  of  salt,  producing  $2,177,945  in  value  of  this  article, 
indispensable  for  culinary  and  other  purposes. 

These  created  supplies  are  all  marvellous,  and  equally  so 
are  the  exact  adjustments  of  our  developing  resources  to 
the  wants  of  our  growing  population.  Well  does  Mr.  Ken 
nedy  speak  of  "  that  beneficent  law  of  compensation  which 
pervades  the  economy  of  Nature,  and,  when  one  provision 
fails  for  her  children,  opens  to  them  another  in  the  exhaust- 
less  storehouse  of  her  material  resources,  or  leads  out  their 
mental  energies  upon  new  paths  of  discovery  for  the  supply 
of  their  own  wants.  Thus,  when  mankind  was  about  to 
emerge  from  the  simplicity  of  the  primitive  and  pastoral 
ages,  the  more  soft  and  friable  metals  no  longer  sufficed  for 
the  artificer ;  and  veins  of  iron-ore  revealed  their  wealth  and 
use  in  the  supply  of  his  more  artificial  wants,  and  became 
potent  agents  of  his  future  progress.  When  the  elaboration 
of  the  metals  and  other  igneous  arts  were  fast  sweeping  the 
forests  from  the  earth,  the  exhaustless  treasures  of  fossil-fuel, 
stored  for  his  future  use,  were  disclosed  to  man ;  and,  when 
the  artificial  sources  of  oil  seemed  about  to  fail,  a  substitute 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  INTEKNAL  EESOUECES.       403 

was  discovered,  flowing  in  almost  perennial  fountains  from 
the  depths  of  these  same  carboniferous  strata." 

Now,  let  the  reader  pause,  and  inquire,  "Whence  are 
all  these  wonderful  adaptations,  these  various  elements  of 
national  prosperity  ?  Who  formed  this  continent  with  a 
variety  so  vast,  and  materials  so  rich  for  the  development  of 
a  great  population  ?  "  God,  let  us  reverently  answer,  formed 
the  land,  with  its  immense  agricultural  resources.  He  made 
the  silver  and  the  gold.  His  are  the  cattle  upon  a  thousand 
hills.  It  would  seem  that  no  man  could  be  so  much  an 
atheist  as  to  deny  to  Omnipotent  Power  the  glory  of  this 
splendid  creation.  Just  as  unworthy  of  us  would  be  the 
denial  of  his  omniscient  wisdom  in  the  exact  adjustment 
of  so  fine  a  portion  of  a  large  continent  to  the  purposes  of 
a  great  free  people  ;  in  the  wide  and  improbable  combina 
tions  which  brought  our  ancestors  here,  and  gave  them  -the 
energy  to  grapple  with  the  formidable  difficulties  of  a  new 
country,  conquer  their  liberties,  and  then  turn  themselves 
so  promptly  and  vigorously  to  the  avocations  of  peaceful 
industry ;  in  the  inspirations  of  genius,  seen  in  their  inven 
tions,  the  growth  of  inquiry,  with  population  leading  to  a 
system  of  railroads,  telegraphs,  and  internal  commerce,  so 
vast  as  to  outrun  the  calculations  of  enthusiasts,  and  bewil 
der  the  political  economists  of  other  nations.  Who  but  God 
could  have  foreseen  the  gathering  of  these  thirty-four  mil 
lions  here  in  an  era  so  momentous  in  the  history  of  the 
race,  and  provided  for  it  ?  made  them  the  representatives 
of  principles  so  vital  to  the  civilization  of  the  world,  and 
imbued  them  with  the  spirit  and  energy,  the  high  moral 
qualities,  necessary  to  defend  and  develop  them  ?  drawn 
attention,  at  the  right  time,  to  the  concealed  treas 
ures  of  a  continent,  and  produced  the  business  energy  to 
develop  them  ?  We  know  absolutely  that  such  wisdom 
and  power,  such  combinations  and  achievements,  are  not 
the  prerogatives  of  mere  man.  With  what  gratitude,  there 
fore,  should  we  ascribe  them  to  Him  whose  are  "  the  king- 


404  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

dom  and  the  power  and  the  glory  for  ever" !  How  thankfully 
should  we  acknowledge  the  Providence  which  has  infused 
into  the  minds  of  so  large  a  number  of  this  great  nation 
the  spirit  of  true  Christian  enterprise  and  Protestant  liberty, 
and  given  to  the  purest  forms  of  Christianity  in  the  world 
the  disposal  of  all  these  immense  resources !  Surely  the 
infidelity  which  would  refuse  here  to  acknowledge  and 
reverence  the  Infinite  Being  would  be  most  impious,  and 
deserving  of  signal  retribution. 


CHAPTER   V. 
DEVELOPMENT  OF   COMMERCE. 

"  The  consequences  will  be  favorable   to  all   Christendom,  to  Europe,  to  the  whole 

world."  —  OXENSTIERN. 

THE  commerce  of  this  country  has  great  providential 
advantages.  Our  extended  coastline  includes  innumerable 
bays,  river-entrances,  and  harbors,  so  that  the  shipping  of 
the  world  can  reach  our  Atlantic  and  Pacific  States  with  the 
greatest  convenience.  External  commerce  seems  thus  to 
have  been  indicated  by  the  Creator  of  this  continent  upon 
a  scale  of  greatness  corresponding  with  the  purpose  of  estab 
lishing  here  a  large  and  prosperous  nation.  God  makes 
only  what  he  wants.  The  exercise  of  his  creative  power 
might  therefore  be  studied,  with  the  reasonable  hope  of 
ascertaining,  to  a  great  extent,  the  plans  of  his  providence. 
True,  his  acts  are  largely  prospective.  For  ages,  the  pur 
poses  of  his  special  creations  may  remain  unavailable  and 
unappreciated :  they  are,  however,  thus  the  stronger  evi 
dences  of  his  omniscient  control.  As  the  exigencies  of  a 
nation  arise,  the  urgent  demands  of  progressive  civilization 
appear.  How  instructive  and  inspiring  to  find  that  they 
have  been  all  anticipated  by  the  foresight  of  the  great 
Creator;  that  He  whose  wisdom  is  infinite,  even  in  the 
original  formation  of  a  continent,  provided  amply,  and  in 
the  most  minute  detail,  for  every  emergency  of  the  coming 
ages !  This  must  be  God.  No  finite  power  or  wisdom  could 
possibly  produce  such  results;  and  surely  nothing  could  be 
more  grateful  to  the  intelligent  mind  than  the  recognition 
of  this  most  important  fact. 

405 


406  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 


VALUE    OF    EXPORTS. 

It  is  not  much  more  than  two  centuries  since  our  exports 
were  a  small  quantity  of  furs,  sassafras,  clapboards,  and 
wainscoting,  and  a  little  corn  and  tobacco ;  hardly  enough  to 
deserve  a  name  in  the  commerce  of  the  world,  and  yet 
enough,  as  we  have  seen,  to  rouse  the  jealousy  of  England, 
and  secure  arbitrary  requisitions  on  the  trade  of  the  colonists 
for  the  support  of  the  crown. 

The  following  figures  will  indicate,  imperfectly  however, 
the  development  of  the  country  in  the  materials  of  trade. 
From  1847  to  1860,  our  exports  were  as  follows:  — 

From  Products  of  1847.  1850.  1855.  1860. 

The  sea     .  .  $3,468,033  $2,824,818  $3,516,894  $4,156,480 

The  forest  .  5,996,073  7,442,503  12,603,837  13,738,559 

Agriculture  .         .  68,450,383  26,547,158  42,567,476  48,451,894 

Tobacco    .  .  7,242,086  9,951,023  14,712,468  15,906,547 

Cotton      .  .  53,415,848  112,315,317  88,143,844  191,806,555 

Manufactures  .         .  10,476,345  20,136,967  28,833,299  39,803,080 

Raw  produce  .         .  1,526,076  1,437,680  2,373,317  2,279,308 

Specie  and  bullion      .  62,620  18,069,580  53,957,418  56,946,851 

The  increase  in  national  resources  and  wealth  is  thus 
shown  to  be  constant  and  very  rapid.  The  discovery  and 
development  of  the  gold-mines  in  California  serve  largely  to 
explain  a  remarkable  advance  in  our  exports  for  the  year 
1851.  They  rose  from  $151,000,000  to  $218,000,000. 

In  1862,  we  supplied  foreign  countries  with  American 
products  as  follows  :  — 

Great  Britain $105,898,554 

France 26,014,181 

British  North  America 18,652,012 

Hamburg  and  Bremen       .         ...         .         .  12,672,646 

Spanish  West  Indies 10,626,642 

British  West  Indies          ' 6,928,527 

China  and  Japan 4,328,506 

Brazil     ....                          .                  .  2,748,249 


DEVELOPMENT  OF   COMMEECE.  407 

British  East  Indies  and  Australia       ....  $3,520,663 

Holland  and  her  Possessions     ...                   .  3,237,022 

Belgium 3,192,691 

Hayti  and  St.  Domingo 3,088,108 

New  Granada  and  Venezuela    .....  2,968,871 

British  Possessions  in  the  Mediterranean     .         .         .  1,859,460 

Mexico                    .    « 1,840,720 

Italy      .                  1,560,361 

Chili      .         .                  . 1,010,051 

Denmark  and  Danish  West  Indies      ....  1,007,667 

Liberia  and  Ports  in  Africa 994,112 

Spain  and  Canary  Islands          .....  990,449 

Buenos  Ayres  and  Argentine  Republic        .         .         .  974,279 

French  West-India  Colonies 924,515 

Portugal  and  her  Colonies 708,029 

Peru     .         . 571,652 

Sandwich  Islands 496,983 

Turkey . .  444,397 

Uruguay 290,259 

Russia  .                  .     % 153,471 

Central  America     .         .         .         .                  .         .  115,640 

Pacific  Islands 100,414 

Sweden  and  Norway 78,773 

Austria 35,615 

Total  ....         $213,069,519 

When  we  consider  the  facts  brought  forward  in  this  chap 
ter  showing  the  resources  of  the  American  Republic,  we 
are  impressed  with  the  conviction,  that  we  have  but  just 
fairly  entered  upon  our  great  career  of  commercial  pros 
perity.  The  increase  of  our  population,  and  the  consequent 
demands  for  home  consumption,  can  in  no  way  keep  pace 
with  the  rapid  development  of  our  agricultural,  mineral,  and 
mechanical  resources.  It  is  fair  to  conclude,  that,  as  the  rate 
of  increase  in  exports  has  been  thus  far  largely  in  advance  of 
population,  our  exports  are  to  advance  with  our  increase 
of  industrial  citizens  and  the  consequent  increased  develop 
ment  of  our  resources.  To  estimate  the  future,  the  relations 
of  submarine  telegraphy  and  steam  navigation  to  commerce 
must  be  carefully  considered. 


408  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

IMPORTS    AND    EXPORTS. 

The  laws  of  exchange  must,  of  course,  extend  to  distant 
continents  and  islands,  and  tend  strongly  to  make  neighbor 
hood  of  nations.  In  our  growing  civilization,  we  must  want 
articles  produced  or  manufactured  by  other  people,  and  they 
must  want  the  productions  of  our  land  and  industry.  Equi 
table  exchange  of  commodities  would  hence  become  desirable. 
This  is  the  great  function  of  external  commerce.  But  even 
a  superficial  view  of  such  a  country  as  ours  would  suggest 
the  superabundance  of  the  necessary  means  of  life  and  hap 
piness,  and  abundance  of  many  of  the  luxuries  of  life,  from 
our  own  soil  and  mines  and  handicraft ;  and  that,  though  the 
doctrines  of  "  free  trade "  were  to  become  the  law  of  the 
land,  the  "  balance  of  trade  "  ought  to  be  largely  in  our  favor. 
And  so  it  unquestionably  would  be,  were  it  not  for  the  grow 
ing  follies  and  prodigality  of  our  people.  Preference  for 
foreign  over  American  fabrics-  and  wares  of  equal  and  even 
superior  value,  and  the  extravagance  of  fashions  dictated  in 
a  foreign  capital,  discourage  home  manufactures,  and  run  up 
a  heavy  account  against  us  in  European  markets.  A  protec 
tive  tariff,  however  high,  has  thus  far  shown  but  little  power 
to  combat  these  American  vices,  and  make  up  the  losses 
they  produce.  Our  policy  in  this  respect  has  not  been  suf 
ficiently  settled  and  steady  to  determine  historically  the 
results  of  protection  as  compared  with  free  trade. 

The  following  table  will  be  valuable  to  our  readers,  as  it 
will  show  the  amount  of  our  foreign  trade  for  some  seven 
teen  years,  and  the  proportion  of  imports  and  exports  for 
the  same  time  :  — 

Years.  Imports.  Exports. 

1844  .  .  .  $108,435,035  $111,200,046 

1845  .  .  .  117,254,564  114,646,606 

1846  .  .  .  121,691,797  113,488,516 

1847  .  .  .  146,545,638  158,648,622 

1848  .    154,998,928      154,032,131 


DEVELOPMENT  OF   COMMERCE.  409 

Years.  Imports.  Exports. 

1849  .        .        $147,851,439        •    $145,755,820 

1850  .  .  .  178,138,318  151,898,720 

1851  .  .  216,224,932  218,381,011 

1852  .  .  .  212,945,442  209,658,366 

1853  .  .  .  167,978,647  230,976,157 

1854  .  .  .  304,562,381  278,241,064 

1855  .  261,468,520  275,156,846 

1856  .  .  .  314,639,942  326,964,908 

1857  .  .  360,890;i41  362,960,682 

1858  .  .  .  282,613,150  324,644,421 

1859  .  .  338,765,130  356,789,462 

1860  .  .  .  362,163,941  400,122,296 

It  thus  appears  that,  our  trade  with  foreign  nations  ad 
vanced  steadily  on  the  whole,  and  very  nearly  quadrupled, 
during  this  growing  period  of  our  history ;  reaching  in  a 
single  year  the  enormous  sum  of  $762,286,237,  and  showing 
a  balance  in  our  favor  of  $37,958,355. 

Our  exports  from  the  products  of  agriculture  are  rapidly 
increasing.  They  reached,  in  1861,  $101,655,000  ;  and  in 
1862,  $124,561,000.  This  indicates  the  future  commercial 
greatness  of  our  favored  country.  The  youngest  of  the 
great  nations,  we  have  already  outstripped  all  but  one.  Great 
Britain  alone  exceeds  us. 

During  the  late  war,  the  fluctuation  in  the  value  of  gold 
rendered  it  difficult  to  estimate  the  commerce  of  the  coun 
try.  It  is,  however,  very  creditable  to  our  people,  that  in 
1865  they  imported  only  $234,000,000,  saving  $128,000,- 
000  as  compared  with  1860.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  trade 
rose  again  very  rapidly:  so  that,  during  the  fiscal  year 
ending  June  30, 1866,  our  exports  (specie  value)  amounted 
to  the  unprecedented  sum  of  $415,965,459,  and  our  imports 
(specie  value)  to  $423,975,036  ;  declared  value,  $437,640,354. 
The  same  year  we  received  customs-duties,  $179,046,651; 
being  forty-one  per  cent  of  the  total  imports.  It  thus  ap 
pears  that  a  protective  tariff  is  convenient  as  a  method  of 
adjusting  our  balance-sheet  in  trade  with  nations  abroad. 

52 


410  THE  GREAT  KEPUBLIC. 


INTERNAL    COMMERCE. 

Only  a  limited  view  of  our  commercial  activity  can  be 
obtained  from  the  estimates  of  our  foreign  trade.  Vast  as  this 
is,  it  is  very  greatly  exceeded  by  the  traffic  among  ourselves. 
The  immense  extent  and  variety  of  our  country,  with  an  in 
dustrious,  enterprising  population,  amounting  in  the  aggre 
gate  to  34,605,882  souls,  must  produce  an  internal  trade  of 
very  great  magnitude. 

Mr.  W.  E.  Baxter,  member  of  the  British  Parliament,  in 
his  book  on  America  says,  "  It  is  astonishing  to  observe  the 
vast  quantities  of  produce  in  course  of  transit  throughout  the 
country.  Huge  steamboats  on  the  Mississippi  and  the  Ala 
bama  are  loaded  to  the  water's  edge  with  bales  of  cotton. 
Those  on  the  Ohio  are  burdened  with  barrels  of  pork,  and 
thousands  of  hams.  Propellers  on  the  lakes  are  filled  with 
the  finest  wheat  from  Wisconsin  and  Michigan.  Canal-boats 
in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  are  deeply  laden  with  flour. 
Railroad-wagons  are  filled  with  merchandise,  and  locomo 
tives  struggle  in  the  Western  wilds  to  drag  trains  richly 
freighted  with  the  productions  of  every  country  under  the 
sun.  The  United  States  reminded  me,  sometimes,  of  a  great 
ant-hill,  where  every  member  of  the  community  is  either 
busy  carrying  a  burden  along  a  beaten  pathway,  or  hasten 
ing  away  in  search  of  new  stores  to  increase  the  national 
prosperity." 

In  1860,  our  internal  sail  tonnage  and  our  enrolled  and 
licensed  tonnage  reached  nearly  3,000,000  tons.  "  Such  an 
amount  of  tonnage  shows  an  immense  internal  traffic.  If 
we  multiply  it  by  ten,  we  shall  not  get  at  more  than  the 
average  result  of  the  deliveries  of  goods  by  American  ves 
sels  employed  in  navigation  of  limited  duration  and  ex 
tent."  :  This  estimate  makes  our  internal  trade  between 
our  States  and  Territories,  east  and  west,  north  and  south, 
about  equal  to  that  of  Great  Britain  with  all  her  provinces. 

*  Sir  Morton  Peto's  Resources  of  America,  p.  224,  et  seq. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  COMMERCE.  411 

It  must  be  observed  that  our  means  of  carrying  commodi 
ties  for  trade  among  ourselves  are  very  inadequate.     The 
business  enlarges  so  rapidly  as  to  make  it  apparently  impos 
sible  to  reach  the  demand  by  the  utmost  capacity  of  our 
vessels,  cars,  and   wagons.      Wind   and   steam   and   horse 
power  are  all  in  requisition  to  carry  westward  "  groceries, 
including  sugar  and  salt,  dry-goods,  hardwares,  empty  bar 
rels,  machinery  and  castings,  soda,  pearl  and  pot  ash,  earthern- 
ware,  boots,  shoes  and  hats,  copper,  tin  and  lead,  drugs,  medi 
cines,  and  dies,  furniture  and  oil-cloth,  crockery,  green  and 
dried  fruits,  rolled  iron,  hemp  and  cordage,  brown  sheeting 
and  bagging,  marble,  cement,  lime  and  plaster,  paper,  rags, 
and  stationery,  oysters,  nails  and  spikes,  salted  meats  and 
fish,  tobacco  and  cigars,  and   carriages  and  wagons ; "  and 
eastward,  "  agricultural  products,  cotton,  corn,  flour,  seeds, 
live  stock,  butter,  cheese,  and  eggs,  poultry,  pork,  beef,  and 
other  meats  (both  fresh  and  salted),  lard  and  tallow,  ma 
nure,  lumber,  malt,  petroleum,  hides,  lead,  raw  tobacco,  and 
wool  and  woollen  yarn."     There  is,  moreover,  an  immense 
trade  in  staves,  of  which  there  were  brought  into  Buffalo 
alone,  in  1862,  30,500,000,  and  lumber  amounting  to  125,- 
000,000  feet.      Ores  shipped  on  Lake  Superior  the  same 
year  were  worth  $4,000,000.     "The  imports  of  lake  fish  at 
Buffalo,  in  1860,  amounted  to  26,655  barrels."     Enterprise 
is  straining  every  nerve  to  provide  for  this  internal  carrying- 
trade.     From  1850  to  1860,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan, 
and  Wisconsin  extended  their  railroads  from  1,275  miles  to 
nearly  10,000  miles  ;  adding  more  than  8,000  miles  in  ten 
years.     Corresponding  increase  is  seen  in  all  directions ;  and 
yet  our  thoroughfares  are  literally  choked  with  freight,  the 
product  of  American  lands,  ingenuity,  and  industry. 

A  glance  at  the  California  trade,  via  Panama,  will  help 
the  reader  to  an  idea  of  what  is  going  on  in  this  country ; 
and  yet  it  may  be  considered  impossible  fully  to  grasp  and 
comprehend  it.  We  have  been  at  work  in  earnest  on  the 
Pacific  coast,  only  since  1849 ;  and  more  than  a  thousand 


412  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

vessels  annually  enter  and  clear  at  the  port  of  San  Francisco. 
The  trade  with  China,  Japan,  Europe,  and  the  islands  of  the 
Pacific,  is  growing  to  large  proportions ;  but  the  principal 
business  is  with  the  old  States.  The  travel  and  transpor 
tation  over  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  in  the  year  ending  30th 
of  September,  1862,  may  be  seen  in  the  following  figures  :  — 

Passengers  towards  the  Pacific,       21,456          Towards  Atlantic,     9,706 

Gold  „  $4,444,268  „  $34,605,407 

Silver     *>  „  „  14,286,935 

Jewelry  „  $578,062 

American  mails  „  232,886  Ibs.  „  31,964  Ibs. 

English  mails  „  35,565    „  „  10,127    „ 

Extra  baggage  „  345,547    „  „  217,901    „ 

Freight  by  weight  „  54,758,378    „  „  20,061,601    „ 

Freight  by  measure  ,,  737,684ft  „  32,279ft. 

A  careful  study  of  this  table  will  show  that  the  passengers 
chiefly  go  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific;  while  the  gold 
and  silver,  in  much  the  largest  quantities,  move  from  the 
Pacific  to  the  Atlantic  coast.  Keturns  from  Panama  show 
that  transactions  between  the  Pacific  coast  and  other  parts 
of  the  United  States,  in  1862,  amounted  to  $40,000,000. 

Of  course,  the  war  has  interfered  with  the  current  of  trade  ; 
but  it  has  opened  up  new  sources  of  wealth,  and  stimulated 
the  business  energy  of  the  people.  As  the  country  south 
returns  to  its  industrial  pursuits,  and  the  equilibrium  of  gov 
ernment  is  restored,  the  free  action  of  trade  will  show  a 
large  advance  beyond  the  figures  we  have  submitted.  There 
will,  however,  be  no  change  in  the  argument.  I  repeat, 
it  is  not  material  from  what  particular  period  our  facts  are 
taken ;  for  the  data  above  are  so  large  as  to  baffle  our  com 
prehension.  The  inevitable  increase  of  the  future  can  hardly 
add  to  the  strength  of  our  convictions.  Already,  and  every 
where,  the  provisions  for  a  vast  population,  and  the  devel 
opment  of  a  great  Christian  civilization,  rise  immeasurably 
above  all  finite  power,  and  reveal  the  plans  and  acts  of  God 
in  the  constitution  and  moral  purposes  of  this  new  creation. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  COMMERCE.  413 


SHIPPING. 

It  is  an  obvious  suggestion,  that  a  commerce  so  vast  must 
require  a  large  amount  of  shipping.  The  following  facts 
will  show  this  interest  as  it  was  in  American  hands  before 
the  civil  war :  The  estimate  given  in  the  last  census  shows 
that  our  tonnage,  at  the  end  of  the  fiscal  year  1851,  was 
3,772,439  tons.  If  to  this  we  add  the  tonnage  since  built, 
and  officially  reported  as  3,589,200  tons,  it  will  show  a  total 
of  7,361,639  tons.  But  our  loss  in  ten  years,  by  decay, 
wreck,  and  other  causes,  was  1,821,827  ;  leaving,  as  actually 
reported  June  30,  1861,  5,539,812  tons.  Of  this  amount, 
"  the  State  of  New  York  owned  1,740,940  tons,  or  nearly 
thirty  per  cent  of  the  whole.  During  the  same  fiscal  year, 
the  tonnage  built  was  233,194  tons ;  of  which  New  York 
built  46,359  tons,  or  nearly  twenty  per  cent."  Maine  took 
the  lead  as  a  ship-building  State ;  New  York  was  the  second ; 
Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  and  other  States,  followed. 

The  immense  value  of  this  large  property  in  tonnage 
owned  by  our  people  in  1861,  both  as  a  source  of  temporary 
profit  to  the  owners  and  as  an  active  means  of  extending 
abroad  and  at  home  the  commerce  and  manufactures  of  the 
country,  can  scarcely  be  over-estimated.  Assuming  the  aver 
age  value  per  ton  at  forty  dollars,  the  worth  of  this  ton 
nage  may  be  stated  at  $221,592,480. 

"The  superior  capacity  and  very  fine  character  of  the 
American  merchant-ships  will  be  appreciated  by  all  who 
remember  the  beautiful  class  of  sailing-vessels  which  were 
formerly  on  the  New- York  and  Liverpool  stations  as  what 
were  called  liners.  Those  vessels  were  the  very  best  ves 
sels  of  their  class,  and  they  no  doubt  acquired  wide  celebrity 
for  American  shipping."  "The  fame  of  these  celebrated 
vessels  has  enabled  the  Americans  not  only  to  possess  them 
selves  of  the  largest  proportion  of  the  emigration-trade,  but 
also  to  lay  on  lines  of  packets  between  Havre,  Marseilles, 
Hamburg,  Rio  de  Janeiro,  Bahia,  Panama,  the  West  Indies, 


414  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

and  various  parts  both  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans." 
This  compliment  from  an  intelligent  Englishman  (Sir  Morton 
Peto),  fine  as  it  is,  only  partly  indicates  the  facts  as  they 
were,  and  may  yet  be  again  under  a  wise  and  paternal 
policy  upon  the  part  of  the  government. 

It  is,  however,  matter  of  profound  regret  that  the  course 
of  certain  Englishmen  and  the  British  Government  made 
our  valuable  merchant-marine  the  prey  of  pirates  under  the 
rebel  flag,  and  nearly  swept  American  vessels  from  the  seas. 
The  effect  has  been  a  severe  depression  of  the  business 
of  ship-building,  and  the  transfer  of  a  vast  proportion  of  the 
American  carrying- trade  to  English  bottoms.  The  high 
prices  of  materials  and  labor,  and  the  taxation  resulting 
from  the  war,  render  it  impossible  for  the  American  ship 
builders  and  merchants  to  reclaim  these  lucrative  occupa 
tions,  and  restore  our  commerce  to  its  legitimate  channels. 
The  solution  of  this  problem  is  yet  to  come  from  the  fruitful 
resources  of  the  American  mind. 

The  business  of  the  United  States  upon  the  ocean,  large 
as  it  has  been,  is  destined  to  extend  itself  to  such  propor 
tions  as  to  place  the  Great  Eepublic,  at  no  distant  day,  at  the 
head  of  commercial  nations.  Her  merchant-marine,  under 
the  direction  of  sound  political  economy  and  the  protection 
of  her  powerful  navy,  is  destined  to  be  still  more  in  the 
future  than  in  the  past  the  admiration  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
DEVELOPMENT    OF    THE    WAR-POWER. 

"  I  was  born  among  the  hardy  sons  of  the  ocean,  and  I  cannot  so  doubt  their  courage 
or  their  skill.  If  Great  Britain  ever  obtains  possession  of  our  present  little  navy,  it  will 
be  at  the  expense  of  the  best  blood  of  the  country,  and  after  a  struggle  which  will  call  for 
more  of  her  strength  than  she  has  ever  found  necessary  for  a  European  enemy."  —  STORY. 

WAR  is  a  great  evil,  a  crime,  indeed,  when  it  assumes 
the  form  of  aggression  upon  the  rights  or  safety  of  a  nation ; 
but  force  in  defence  of  the  right  against  force  in  the  wrong 
is  an  absolute  necessity  and  a  high  moral  right.  In  watch 
ing  the  progress  of  a  country,  it  is  therefore  indispensable  to 
mark  the  development  of  its  power  to  defend  itself  and 
enforce  its  just  demands.  The  war  of  1812  sufficiently 
tested  this  question. 

It  was  to  be  expected  that  the  wars  of  Napoleon  with 
England  and  nearly  the  whole  of  Europe  would,  in  some 
way,  involve  the  United  States.  Our  commercial  relations 
were  extensive;  and  the  "  orders  in  council "  of  Great  Britain, 
and  the  famous  Berlin,  Milan,  and  Bayonne  decrees  by 
Napoleon,  mutually  retaliatory,  and  designed  to  cripple 
each  other,  had  the  effect  of  despotic  assaults  upon  the 
international  rights  of  neutrals,  and  were  exceedingly  dis 
astrous  to  the  commerce  of  the  United  States.  The  em 
bargo,  the  non-intercourse  and  non-importation  acts  of  Con 
gress,  were  intended  for  self-defence ;  but  the  tendency  of 
the  whole  was  to  compel  the  Republic  to  choose  between  the 
two  great  belligerents,  or  to  come  into  collision  with  both. 

The  Republicans,  under  the  lead  of  Jefferson,  were  exceed 
ingly  hostile  to  England,  but  inclined  to  favor  France.  The 


415 


416  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Federalists  were  opposed  to  war,  especially  with  England. 
The  election  of  Madison  to  the  high  office  of  President  was 
a  triumph  of  the  Republican,  or  new  Democratic  party,  and 
a  precursor  of  war.  The  judgment  of  Mr.  Madison  was 
against  it;  but  influenced,  it  was  alleged,  by  the  hope  of  a 
second  term,  he  was  carried  foward  by  the  current,  and  be 
came  gravely  responsible  for  the  final  decision. 


SELF-RESPECT    OF    THE   NATION. 

No  sovereign  power  can  with  safety  allow  the  violation 
of  its  flag.  The  redress  may  not  be  in  open  hostilities; 
prudence  may  require  delays :  but  remonstrance  and  ener 
getic  protests  at  least  should  show  that  the  government 
understands  its  rights,  and  will  protect  its  citizens. 

Our  merchantmen,  denied  the  freedom  of  the  ocean,  for 
bidden  on  the  one  hand  to  carry  English  goods  to  any 
European  port,  and,  on  the  other,  to  carry  goods  of  any 
description  which  had  not  been  examined  in  England, 
were  sure  to  be  victimized  by  the  French  or  the  English. 
The  British  insisted  on  the  right  of  forcible  search  for 
articles  contraband  of  war;  which  was,  of  course,  a  high 
indignity  to  free  Americans  upon  the  seas.  Under  pretence 
of  some  violation  of  "  orders  in  council,"  —  which  orders 
America  held  to  be  in  violation  of  international  law,  and 
therefore  not  binding,  —  our  merchantmen  were  seized,  and 
the  rights  of  property  sacrificed. 

The  true  remedy  was,  no  doubt,  a  very  difficult  question. 
The  United  States  could  not  venture,  unprepared,  to  declare 
war ;  and  the  contest  between  parties  rendered  any  decision 
doubtful  in  policy  at  home  and  in  effect  abroad.  The  expe 
dient  of  an  embargo  on  foreign  vessels  seemed  to  be  natural, 
but  it  was  destructive  to  our  own  trade ;  and,  as  it  aided 
Napoleon  in  his  attempts  to  destroy  the  commerce  of  Great 
Britain,  it  was  tolerated  by  France,  and  regarded  as  virtually 
hostile  to  England.  The  purposes  of  the  embargo  were,  to  a 


DEVELOPMENT  OF    THE  WAR-POWER.  417 

large  extent,  impracticable,  as  our  navy  was  not  capable  of 
enforcing  it,  and  the  administration  shrank  from  the  responsi 
bilities  of  war.  But  the  self-respect  of  the  nation  rose  with 
the  increase  of  dangers ;  and  more  stringent  enforcement  acts 
were  passed,  which  made  our  own  merchants  cry  out  in  dis 
tress,  but  which  indicated  the  purpose  of  the  government  to 
compel  England  at  least  to  respect  our  flag.  It  seemed  a 
severe  deprivation  to  the  American  people  ;  but  Congress 
passed  the  non-intercourse  and  non-importation  acts,  which, 
so  far  as  it  was  possible  to  enforce  them,  would  deny  to 
those  who  refused  our  rights  on  the  seas  and  in  foreign  ports 
the  benefits  of  American  markets,  and,  distressing  as  it  was, 
began  a  new  era  in  the  development  of  home  resources  and 
the  protection  of  home  industry. 

There  was  another  grievous  wrong  in  the  pretensions  of 
England.  She  denied  to  her  citizens  the  right  of  expatria 
tion.  She  claimed  the  right  of  impressing  into  the  British 
service  all  English-born  subjects,  wherever  found.  To  en 
force  this  claim,  also,  she  assumed  the  right  of  search ;  and 
for  this  purpose,  our  ships,  dominated  by  British  guns,  were 
arrested  on  the  high  seas;  and,  with  no  careful  discrimination 
as  to  the  real  citizenship  of  the  men,  they  were  taken  vio 
lently  from  under  our  flag,  and  consigned  to  an  odious  war- 
service  or  to  loathsome  prisons.  That  so  gross  an  outrage 
would  be  long  endured  by  a  people  of  courage  and  spirit 
could  not  be  reasonably  expected,  and  great  efforts  at  some 
accommodation  were  made  by  England.  She  was  by  no 
means  anxious  for  an  additional  war. 

A  large  number  of  impressed  sailors  in  the  British  navy 
claimed  to  be  American  citizens,  and  the  right  of  England 
to  coerce  them  was  assumed  ;  while  they  must  prove  that 
they  were  American  citizens,  or  suffer  the  penalties  due  to 
deserters  from  his  Majesty's  service.  When  the  war  com 
menced,  twenty-five  hundred  of  these  men  affirmed  their 
American  rights,  and,  refusing  to  fight  against  their  country, 
"  were  committed  to  Dartmoor  and  other  prisons."  The 


418  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

British  Government  alleged  as  an  excuse  for  this  enormous 
wrong,  that,  if  they  did  not  compel  the  services  of  these 
men,  half  their  naval  force  might  set  up  the  claim  to  be 
American  citizens.  This,  while  it  is  a  fallacy  that  would 
excuse  any  acts  of  aggression  and  injustice  whatsoever 
against  other  nations,  was,  to  say  the  least,  a  poor  compli 
ment  to  British  patriotism.  The  Americans  expressed  no 
fears  of  this  kind  with  regard  to  their  citizen  soldiers  or 
sailors. 

There  was,  obviously,  but  one  alternative,  —  England  must 
repeal  her  "  orders  in  council,"  and  desist  from  her  insults  to 
the  flag  of  the  United  States  by  her  forcible  search  for  goods 
contraband  of  war  and  the  impressment  of  seamen,  or  she 
must  accept  war.  The  former  she  declined  to  do ;  the  latter 
she  dreaded  :  she  would  therefore  negotiate. 

Lord  Erskine  was  well  disposed  toward  America.  He 
agreed  with  our  representative  here  upon  a  treaty  which 
would  have  averted  the  war ;  but,  when  it  was  sent  home 
for  confirmation,  Canning  rejected  it.  This  was  matter  of 
severe  mortification  to  the  president,  and  the  greatest  annoy 
ance  to  the  people  :  for  the  administration  had  relaxed  the 
stringency  of  retaliatory  measures ;  and  the  people,  for  a 
brief  time,  rejoiced  in  the  opening  prospects  of  commerce, 
and  relief  from  the  perils  of  war.  There  seemed,  however, 
now  no  way  to  avoid  the  dreaded  conflict ;  and  war  was 
declared  by  Congress  on  the  18th  of  June,  1812. 

With  an  army  numbering  on  paper  36,700,  but  an  actual 
force  of  only  10,000  men,  half  of  whom  were  raw  recruits, 
we  were  now  at  war  with  a  powerful  nation.  On  the  water, 
"we  had  three  first-class  frigates, ' The  President,'  'The  Consti 
tution,'  and  'The  United  States;'  'The  Congress'  and  'Essex,' 
frigates  of  the  second  class;  'The  John  Adams/  which  was 
soon  laid  up  as  unfit  to  cruise ;  'The  Wasp'  and  'The  Hornet/ 
sloops-of-war;  'The  Argus/  ' Siren/  'Nautilus/  'Enterprise/ 
and  'Vixen/  brigs.  Three  second-class  frigates,  'The  Chesa 
peake/  '  Constellation/  and  '  John  Adams/  were  undergoing 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  THE  WAR-POWER.  419 

i 

repairs.  These,  with  a  hundred  and  seventy  gunboats,  and 
three  old  frigates  too  rotten  to  be  repaired,  constituted  the 
entire  American  navy."  : 

Our  population,  however,  had  largely  increased.  The  third 
census  (1810)  showed  that  the  United  States  numbered 
5,862,093  free  whites;  1,191,364  slaves  ;  all  others,  186,446  ; 
making  a  population  of  7,239,903  souls.  We  had,  in  effect, 
therefore,  more  than  twice  the  strength  of  the  nation  in  our 
Revolutionary  struggle  with  Great  Britain  ;  and  our  antago 
nist,  worried  by  her  death-struggles  with  Napoleon,  was  still 
fighting  for  supremacy  on  the  Continent,  and  the  suppression 
of  what  she  deemed  a  colossal  and  destructive  revolutionary 
power. 

SANDWICH    AND    QUEENSTOWN. 

Henry  Dearborn  was  appointed  first  major-general,  with 
command  of  the  Northern  Department.  Hull,  Governor  of 
Michigan  Territory,  was  made  a  brigadier-general,  and  with 
some  eighteen  hundred  men,  the  militia  of  his  own  Territory 
included,  undertook  the  conquest  of  Canada,  a  territory  then 
including,  in  the  Upper  and  Lower  Provinces,  some  four  hun 
dred  thousand  people.  It  was  very  discouraging  that  his  ves 
sel  of  supplies  was  overhauled  and  captured  at  Fort  Amherst- 
burg.  He,  however,  moved  on  as  far  as  Sandwich.  In  the 
absence  of  McArthur's  detachment,  he  now  numbered  some 
eight  hundred  men.  He  was  about  to  be  attacked  by  Brock 
with  seven  hundred  and  thirty  regulars  and  militia,  and  six 
hundred  Indians  under  the  renowned  Tecumseh.  "  Though 
he  at  first  refused,"  he  at  length  responded  to  a  challenge  to 
surrender,  thus  saving  "  the  effusion  of  blood  ; "  and  as  a  mat 
ter  of  prudence,  if  not  necessity,  included  McArthur's  com 
mand  among  the  prisoners  of  war  handed  over  to  the  British. 
This,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  not  a  very  encouraging  com 
mencement  of  the  war. 

About  the  9th  of  October,  Commodore  Elliot,  taking  com- 

*  Hildreth,  2d  Series,  iii.  364,  365. 


420  THE   GKEAT   REPUBLIC. 

rnand  on  Lake  Erie,  succeeded  in  cutting  out  "The  Adams  "and 
"  The  Caledonia  "  from  under  the  guns  of  Fort  Erie.  This 
brought  up  the  spirits  of  the  troops  along  the  frontier,  and  they 
were  anxious  to  make  another  attack  upon  Canada.  Gen.  Van 
Rensselaer  determined  to  gratify  them,  and  selected  Queens- 
town  as  the  point  of  attack.  Every  movement,  however, 
showed  a  want  of  preparation  for  the  brave  attempt.  As  the 
supply  of  boats  was  entirely  inadequate,  he  could  only  pass 
over  two  or  three  hundred  men,  who  were  exposed  to  a 
galling  fire  from  a  battery  sweeping  the  river  and  the 
American  shore.  Col.  Van  Rensselaer,  a  relative  of  the 
general,  soon  fell,  severely  wounded ;  but  he  gave  orders  to 
storm  the  battery,  which  was  promptly  and  gallantly  done  by 
Capt.  Ogilvie  and  Capt.  Wool,  and  the  British  were  driven 
into  a  stone  house.  Gen.  Brock,  who  came  up  hastily, 
was  slain.  While  the  enemy  held  the  stone  house,  and 
annoyed  our  little  army  with  a  musketry-fire,  some  five  or 
six  hundred  more  Americans,  with  a  single  piece  of  artillery, 
got  across  the  river.  For  the  want  of  tools,  no  intrench- 
ments  were  attempted. 

In  the  mean  time,  a  body  of  Indians  rushed  out  from  the 
woods,  and  assailed  a  straggling  body  of  militia,  who  fled 
before  them,  producing  a  serious  panic  in  the  American 
forces ;  but  our  citizen-soldiers  were  brave,  and,  as  they 
always  have  done,  began  on  the  battle-field  to  learn  how 
to  fight.  Lieut-Col.  Scott,  who  had  crossed  as  a  volunteer, 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  few  regulars,  and  promptly  re 
pulsed  the  Indians. 

The  British  general,  Sheafe,  now  advanced  from  Fort 
George ;  and  the  sound  of  his  musketry  alarmed  the  militia 
on  the  American  side,  and  they  denied  the  right  of  their 
commanders  to  lead  them  into  Canada.  Our  forces,  engaged 
in  attempting  to  fall  back  to  the  river,  were  thrown  into 
confusion,  and  compelled  to  surrender. 

We  had  lost  in  this  ill-managed  affair,  in  killed,  wound 
ed,  and  prisoners,  a  thousand  men ;  the  British,  about  a 
hundred. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  WAR-POWER.  421 

Neither  party  seemed  anxious  to  go  on  with  the  war. 
Negotiations  for  peace  were  attempted,  it  must  be  admitted,  in 
good  faith.  The  British  "  orders  in  council "  had  been  quietly 
repealed ;  but  their  obstinate  adherence  to  the  right  of  search, 
and  the  impressment  of  seamen  taken  violently  from  under 
our  flag,  rendered  all  negotiations  fruitless.  Nothing  could 
be  more  aggravating  to  a  free  and  honorable  nation.  "  Up 
wards  of  six  thousand  cases  of  alleged  impressments  were 
recorded  in  the  Department  of  State ;  and  it  was  estimated 
that  at  least  as  many  more  might  have  occurred  of  which  no 
information  had  been  received.  Castlereagh  himself  admitted, 
on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Commons,  that  an  inquiry  insti 
tuted  early  in  the  preceding  year  had  discovered  in  the 
British  fleet  thirty-five  hundred  men  claiming  to  be  impressed 
Americans."*  Federalists,  as  well  as  Democrats,  felt  the 
galling  effects  of  this  bitter  wrong ;  and  the  war-spirit  rose  in 
the  Republic,  though,  as  a  nation,  we  were  never  united  in 
the  war. 

NAVAL   ENGAGEMENTS. 

Commodore  Rogers  had  collected  in  the  harbor  of  New 
York  as  many  vessels  of  our  little  navy  as  possible,  and,  upon 
the  declaration  of  war,  moved  out  promptly  to  sea.  "  The 
Constitution,"  Capt.  Hull,  attempting  to  join  Rogers,  fell  in 
with  the  British  squadron,  and,  after  a  desperate  race  of 
four  days,  escaped  into  Boston.  Without  waiting  for  orders, 
he  at  once  put  to  sea,  making  a  fearless  cruise  in  search  of 
the  Jamaica  fleet.  Not  meeting  with  any  adventure  equal 
to  his  ambition,  he^  returned ;  and,  cruising  in  the  Gulf  of 
St.  Lawrence,  lie  spied  "  The  Guerriere,"  an  English  war- 
frigate,  Capt.  Dacres.  The  prospect  of  an  engagement  was 
immediately  clouded  by  the  appearance  of  three  other  hos 
tile  ships  and  a  brig.  A  chase  soon  began,  —  one  of  the  most 
exciting  and  remarkable  in  history.  Capt.  Hull  found  him 
self  in  the  midst  of  the  squadron  of  Commodore  Broke, 

*  Hildreth,  2d  Series,  iii.  349. 


422  THE  GEEAT  REPUBLIC. 

with  three  sail  on  his  starboard  quarter,  and  three  more 
astern.  It  was  not  a  question  whether  "  The  Constitution  " 
alone  could  fight  the  whole  British  squadron,  but  whether 
her  commander  and  men  had  skill  and  energy  enough  to 
baffle  all  the  efforts  of  the  British  squadron  to  bring  on  an 
engagement.  This  desperate  nautical  contest  commenced 
on  Friday,  July  17;  and  at  length,  after  exhausting  all  the 
skill  and  power  at  their  command,  "  the  English  ships  all 
hauled  to  the  northward  and  eastward,  fully  satisfied,  by  a 
trial  that  had  lasted  nearly  three  days  and  as  many  nights, 
under  all  the  circumstances  that  can  attend  naval  manoeu 
vres,  from  reefed  topsail  to  kedging,  that  they  had  no  hope  of 
overtaking  their  enemy."  * 

"  The  Constitution,"  after  a  daring  cruise,  which  showed 
that  she  was  neither  worried  nor  intimidated,  went  into  port 
to  prepare  for  further  adventures. 

In  the  mean  time, "  The  Essex,"  Capt.  Porter,  soon  after  the 
departure  of  Rogers,  got  to  sea,  and  took  valuable  prizes 
almost  at  her  leisure.  Among  them  was  the  frigate 
"Minerva,"  thirty-six  guns,  conveying  a  large  number  of 
British  troops,  about  a  hunclred  and  fifty  of  whom  were 
made  prisoners. 

"  A  few  days  after  this  success,  '  The  Essex  '  made  a 
strange  sail  to  windward."  As  she  was  disguised  as  a  mer 
chantman,  the  stranger  bore  down  upon  her  fearlessly,  and 
opened  fire;  when  suddenly  "The  Essex"  "knocked  out 
her  ports,  and  opened  upon  the  enemy."  Surprised  and 
panic-stricken,  the  Englishmen  "  left  their  quarters,  and  ran 
below."  Capt.  Porter  took  easy  possession  of  his  prize, 
which  proved  to  be  "  his  Majesty's  ship  '  Alert/  Capt. 
Langham,  mounting  twenty  eighteen-pound  cannon,  and 
with  a  full  crew." 

Let  us  now  return  to  "  The  Constitution."  She  had  gained 
a  world-wide  reputation  for  the  naval  skill  of  her  commander 
and  men  in  avoiding  an  unequal  combat  with  a  whole  Brit- 

*  Cooper's  Naval  History  of  the  United  States,  p.  256. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  WAR-POWEB.  423 

ish  squadron.  She  was  restless  for  a  fight  with  some  worthy 
antagonist,  with  a  fair  chance  to  test  her  prowess  in  battle. 
For  this  she  did  not  have  to  wait  long.  She  fell  in  with  a 
daring  craft,  evidently  searching  for  her.  Both  parties  pre 
pared  for  action.  Firing  a  few  guns  as  they  approached, 
and  moving  dexterously  to  prevent  being  raked,  they  seemed 
willing  to  fight  at  close  quarters. 

"  At  six  o'clock,  the  enemy  bore  up,  and  ran  off  under  his 
three  topsails  and  jib,  with  the  wind  on  his  quarter.  As 
this  was  an  indication  of  a  readiness  to  receive  his  antago 
nist  in  a  fair  yard-arm  and  yard-arm  fight, '  The  Constitu 
tion  '  immediately  set  her  maintop-gallant-sail  and  foresail 
to  get  alongside.  At  a  little  after  six  o'clock,  the  bows  of  the 
American  frigate  began  to  double  on  the  quarter  of  the 
English  ship ;  when  she  opened  with  her  forward  guns,  draw 
ing  slowly  ahead  with  her  greater  way,  both  vessels  keeping 
up  a  close  and  heavy  fire  as  their  guns  bore.  In  about  ten 
minutes,  or  just  as  the  ships  were  fairly  side  by  side,  the 
mizzen-mast  of  the  Englishman  was  shot  away ;  when  the 
American  passed  slowly  ahead,  keeping  up  a  tremendous 
fire  and  luffed  short  round  the  bows  of  the  enemy  to  pre 
vent  being  raked.  In  executing  this  manoeuvre,  the  ship 
shot  into  the  wind,  got  sternway,  and  fell  foul  of  her  antago 
nist.  While  in  this  situation,  the  cabin  of '  The  Constitution ' 
took  fire  from  the  close  explosion  of  the  forward  guns  of 
the  enemy,  who  obtained  a  small  but  momentary  advantage 
from  his  position.  The  good  conduct  of  Mr.  Hoffman,  who 
commanded  in  the  cabin,  soon  repaired  this  accident ;  and  a 
gun  of  the  enemy's,  that  threatened  further  injury,  was  dis 
abled.  As  the  vessels  touched,  both  parties  prepared  to 
board.  The  English  turned  all  hands  up  from  below,  and 
mustered  forward  with  that  object;  while  Mr.  Morris,  the 
first  lieutenant,  with  his  own  hands  endeavored  to  lash  the 
.ships  together.  Mr.  Alwyn,  the  master,  and  Mr.  Bush, 
the  lieutenant  of  the  marines,  were  upon  the  taffrail  of 
k  The  Constitution '  to  be  ready  to  spring.  Both  sides  now 


424  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

sufferer]  by  the  closeness  of  the  musketry ;  the  English 
much  the  most,  however.  Mr.  Morris  was  shot  through  the 
body,  the  bullet  fortunately  missing  the  vitals ;  Mr.  Alwyn 
was  wounded  in  the  shoulder;  and  Mr.  Bush  fell  by  a  bullet 
through  the  head.  It  being  found  impossible  for  either 
party  to  board  in  the  face  of  such  a  fire,  and  with  the  heavy 
sea  that  was  on,  the  sails  were  filled ;  and,  just  as  '  The  Con 
stitution  '  shot  ahead,  the  foremast  of  the  enemy  fell,  carry 
ing  down  with  it  his  mainmast,  and  leaving  him  wallowing 
in  the  trough  of  the  sea  a  helpless  wreck."  * 

Re-adjusting  his  ship,  and  taking  a  raking  position,  Capt. 
Hull  saw  the  English  Jack  hauled  c!owrn  from  the  stump  of 
the  mizzen-mast,  and  the  great  battle  was  over.  His  prize 
was  "  The  Guerriere,"  Capt.  Dacres,  one  of  his  most  persistent 
antagonists  in  the  remarkable  contest  of  naval  skill,  so  re 
cently  terminating  in  one  of  our  greatest  naval  triumphs. 

"  The  Constitution  "  was  soon  refitted,  and  ready  for  sea ; 
while  "  '  The  Guerriere  '  was  completely  dismasted,  had 
seventy-nine  killed  and  wounded,  and,  according  to  the 
statement  of  her  commander  in  his  defence  before  the  court 
which  tried  him  for  the  loss  of  his  ship,  she  had  received  no 
less  than  thirty  shot  as  low  as  five  sheets  of  copper  beneath 
the  bends."  All  this  had  occurred  within  two  hours,  the 
whole  period  of  the  engagement ;  and  the  most  destructive 
execution  must  have  been  within  thirty  minutes. 

It  is  vain,  at  this  distance  of  time,  to  attempt  to  describe 
the  joy  of  the  American  people  as  the  news  of  this  great 
naval  triumph  flew  over  the  land.  It  was  hailed  as  decisive 
evidence  that  the  boasted  superiority  of  the  British  on  the 
seas  was  at  an  end. 

This  impression  was  deepened  by  the  grand  victory  of 
Commodore  Decatur,  in  "  The  United  States,"  over  "  The 
Macedonian,"  thirty-eight  guns,  Capt.  Garden,  after  a  most 
desperate  engagement,  in  which  "  The  Macedonian,"  a  beauti 
ful  ship  with  forty-nine  guns,  was  almost  literally  cut  to 

*  Cooper's  Naval  History  of  the  United  States,  pp.  258,  259. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  WAK-POWER.  425 

pieces.  The  terrific  conflict  in  which  "The  Wasp,"  Capt. 
Jones,  triumphed  over  and  captured  "  The  Frolic,"  Capt. 
Whinyates,  heightened  the  enthusiasm  of  the  American 
people,  and  produced  most  important  moral  effects  bearing 
upon  the  historical  power  of  the  two  nations. 

Our  first  naval  defeat  was  on  the  first  day  of  June,  1813, 
when  "  The  Chesapeake  "  was  captured  by  "  The  Shannon/' 
after  a  most  heroic  struggle  on  both  sides. 

Subsequent  engagements  were  numerous,  great  gallantry 
being  displayed  on  both  sides,  the  results  varying,  but, 
upon  the  whole,  very  clearly  vindicating  the  prophetic 
judgment  of  Story,  placed  at  the  head  of  this  chapter. 

CAMPAIGNS    FROM    THE    WEST    AND    EAST. 

Harrison,  rallying  troops  for  the  defence  of  Indiana  with 
out  regard  to  form,  was  made  a  brevet  major-general  of 
Kentucky.  On  his  way  to  the  scene  of  action,  information 
reached  him  from  Washington  that  Winchester  had  been 
placed  in  command ;  while  he,  with  the  rank  of  a  brigadier- 
general,  was  to  defend  Indiana  and  Illinois.  The  West, 
however,  already  beginning  to  be  a  power  in  the  nation, 
demanded  and  secured  the  appointment  of  Harrison  to  the 
chief  command  of  the  Western  army,  now  raised  to  the 
nominal  force  of  ten  thousand  men. 

Harrison  was  brave  and  active.  He  determined  to  destroy 
some  hostile  Indian  settlements,  and  then  by  a  bold  dash,  if 
possible,  recover  Detroit.  But  the  crude  masses  of  volun 
teers  under  his  command,  not  having  yet  learned  to  obey, 
were  not  an  army ;  and  his  plans  were  frustrated.  Capt. 
Taylor  now  appears,  foiling  with  skill  and  bravery  the  attack 
of  the  Indians  upon  Fort  Harrison,  on  the  Wabash.  It  is 
interesting  to  see  these  two  future  presidents  in  their  young 
manhood  thus  gallantly  coming  into  the  field  together. 
They  were  both  to  display  great  generalship,  endure  severe 
trials,  rise  high  in  popular  favor,  be  exalted  to  the  first  place 


5i 


426  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

of  distinction  in  the  Republic,  if  not  in  the  world,  and  both 
to  fall  by  death  soon  after  their  respective  inaugurations. 

Gen.  Dearborn  attempted  a  demonstration  in  the  direction 
of  Montreal,  which  evidently,  for  want  of  capacity  in  the 
commander,  became  a  disastrous  failure.  Smyth,  after  his 
valorous  and  "  grandiloquent  proclamations,"  made  another 
disgraceful  failure  on  the  Niagara  frontier. 

In  the  winter  of  1813,  Harrison  made  his  second  attempt 
to  reach  Detroit.  As  a  preliminary  measure,  Winchester 
was  ordered  to  occupy  the  Rapids.  He  reached  this  objec 
tive  point  without  casualty,  and  was  immediately  drawn  into 
an  attempt  to  relieve  Frenchtown,  where  our  little  army  was 
attacked  by  Proctor  from  Maiden.  Winchester  was  taken 
prisoner,  and  induced  to  surrender  his  command.  The  bar 
barous  treatment  of  the  prisoners  from  the  British  and  their 
Indian  allies  disgraced  their  victory.  The  advancing  troops 
of  Harrison  met  the  fugitives  from  Frenchtown ;  and,  pru 
dently  abandoning  his  plan  of  attacking  Maiden,  he  was 
compelled  to  content  himself  for  the  present  by  fortifying 
the  Rapids,  named,  for  the  governor  of  Ohio,  Fort  Meigs. 
As  an  evidence,  however,  of  the  confidence  of  the  govern 
ment,  he  was  soon  raised  to  the  rank  of  major-general. 

Jackson  now  appears  in  the  South,  taking  the  responsibility 
of  disobeying  orders,  that  he  might  perform  a  great  act  of 
humanity  in  marching  his  men  four  hundred  and  sixty  miles 
back  to  Nashville  and  disbanding  them  near  their  homes. 
Wilkinson  had  contrived,  without  bloodshed,  to  get  possession 
of  the  fort  at  Mobile ;  the  only  "  victory  "  on  land  we  have 
been  permitted  to  record  since  the  success  of  Capt.  Taylor 
at  Fort  Harrison. 

In  the  summer  of  1813,  the  gallant  Perry  moved  the 
small  nucleus  of  his  fleet  out  into  Lake  Erie.  W7ith  nine  ves 
sels  and  fifty-five  guns,  he  confronted  the  British  squadron, 
commanded  by  Capt.  Barclay,  with  six  vessels  and  sixty- 
three  guns.  Having  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  Harrison's 
men  on  board,  he  aimed  to  reach  and  assault  the  fort  at  Mai- 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  THE  WAR-POWER.  427 

den.  The  two  fleets  met ;  and,  after  a  desperate  engagement 
of  three  hours,  every  ship  of  the  British  squadron  struck  to 
the  victorious  Perry.  He  now  promptly  converted  such  of 
his  prizes  as  were  manageable  into  transports,  and  conveyed 
Harrison's  troops  across  the  lake.  Proctor,  consulting  his 
prudence,  burned  the  fort  at  Maiden,  and  commenced  his 
retreat.  Harrison  was  once  more  on  his  way  to  Detroit.  In 
two  days  he  overtook  Proctor's  rear,  and  captured  all  his 
stores  and  ammunition.  The  main  body  of  the  British,  some 
eight  hundred  in  number,  were  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle 
"  near  the  Moravian  town,"  with  Tecumseh  and  his  Indians 
on  the  right  in  a  swamp.  Johnson  with  his  mounted  men 
rushed  upon  them  with  such  fury,  that  they  were  completely 
overpowered,  threw  down  their  arms,  and  surrendered. 
"  Proctor  and  his  suite,  with  some  two  hundred  men,  escaped 
by  timely  flight."  *  The  Indians  fought  desperately;  but  the 
renowned  Tecumseh  was  slain,  probably  by  Johnson's  own 
hand,  and  his  braves  were  killed  or  dispersed. 

It  was  now  the  spring  of  1814  ;  and  the  war  party  in  Eng 
land  rose  in  spirits  as  the  British  had  triumphed  over  the 
great  Napoleon,  and  they  demanded  the  exemplary  chastise 
ment  of  the  democrats  of  America.  The  veterans  of  the 
English  army  were  to  be  brought  over  for  this  purpose. 

Brown,  now  a  major-general,  was  a  man  of  courage  ;  and 
Scott,  now  a  brigadier,  stood  by  his  side,  burning  with  desire 
to  prove  that  the  Americans  were  competent  to  resist  and 
conquer  the  British  regulars.  They  obtained  permission  to 
attempt  another  invasion  of  Canada.  This  expedition  re 
sulted  in  the  severe  battle  of  Bridgewater,  or  Lundy's  Lane. 
Crossing  the  lake  from  Buffalo  on  the  2d  of  July,  our  army 
of  about  three  thousand  five  hundred  men  had  the  good  for 
tune  to  receive  the  surrender  of  Fort  Erie.  Scott  advanced 
with  intrepidity  to  attack  the  British  under  Biall ;  and  a 
smart  but  brief  engagement  drove  the  enemy  from  his  in- 
trenchments,  from  Chippewa,  and  from  Queenstown,  with  the 

*  Hildrcth,  2d  Scries,  iii.  437,  438. 


428  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

loss  of  some  five  hundred  men,  while  the  loss  of  the  Ameri 
cans  was  about  three  hundred.  Fort  George,  however,  still 
manned  by  the  British,  was  promptly  re-enforced ;  and  both 
parties  prepared  for  a  severe  conflict. 

On  the  25th  of  July,  Scott,  with  a  thousand  men,  fear 
lessly  advanced,  and  suddenly  encountered  the  whole  of 
Riall's  army.  In  a  brief  time,  near  a  third  of  Scott's  force 
had  fallen  before  the  terrific  fire  of  the  enemy.  Scott,  how 
ever,  again  and  again  rallied  his  men  to  the  onset.  By  his 
orders,  Major  Jessup  reached  the  enemy's  rear,  and  pressed 
him  severely,  making  many  prisoners;  among  them  Gen. 
Riall,  retiring,  severely  wounded,  from  the  front.  "  Brown 
now  came  up  with  Ripley's  brigade,  which  was  ordered 
between  Scott  and  the  enemy."  The  British  park  of  artil 
lery,  raised  to  nine  pieces,  was  the  key  of  his  position ;  and 
Col.  James  Miller  was  ordered  to  storm  it,  which  he  did  in 
gallant  style,  driving  the  artillery-men  from  their  guns  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Ripley  brought  up  the  Twenty- 
third,  and  secured  the  guns.  Porter's  volunteers  promptly 
supported  him  on  the  right;  and  Jessup  soon  reached  the 
front,  routing  a  British  brigade  on  his  way. 

The  enemy,  now  re-enforced  by  Drummond,  made  a  des 
perate  effort  in  the  darkness  of  the  night  to  recover  their 
guns.  The  Americans,  however,  were  on  their  guard  ;  and, 
after  three  terrific  assaults,  the  British  recoiled  from  their 
fire  and  bayonets,  and  retired  from  the  field  of  slaughter. 

Brown  and  Scott,  severely  wounded,  were  compelled  to 
retire,  leaving  all  the  regimental  officers  wounded,  and  seven 
hundred  and  forty-three  men  dead  or  wounded.  The  loss 
of  the  British  was  eight  hundred  and  seventy-eight.  The 
Americans  had  at  length  risen  to  the  greatness  of  the  emer 
gency.  They  had  fought  a  desperate  battle,  and  gained  a 
decisive  victory  ;  but,  for  the  want  of  horses,  they  could 
not  take  away  their  trophies,  and  retired,  under  command  of 
Ripley,  to  care  for  their  wounded.  The  British,  unopposed, 
returned  to  the  battle-ground,  and  reclaimed  their  guns. 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  THE   WAR-POWER.  429 


WASHINGTON  AND    BALTIMORE. 

About  the  middle  of  August,  "  a  new  and  large  British 
fleet,"  commanded  by  Cockburn,  appeared  in  the  Chesapeake, 
bearing  four  thousand  of  Wellington's  veterans  under  Ross. 

President  Madison  at  length  began  to  realize  the  danger, 
and  to  show  an  utter  incapacity  to  make  provisions  against 
it.  Gov.  Winder  of  Maryland  made  the  best  dispositions  in 
his  power  for  the  defence  of  his  State,  and  especially  of  Balti 
more.  But,  by  the  20th,  the  Potomac  was  blockaded,  and  the 
main  fleet  had  ascended  the  Patuxent  as  far  as  Benedict, 
and  landed  Ross,  with  forty-five  hundred  men,  within  fifty 
miles  of  Washington.  Without  horses,  these  indefatigable 
soldiers  and  sailors  inarched  through  the  heat,  which  was 
to  them  almost  insufferable,  dragging  three  pieces  of  light- 
artillery,  and  carrying  munitions  of  war.  On  this  dreadful 
march,  exhausted  and  encumbered  as  they  were,  they  might, 
it  would  seem,  have  been  cut  to  pieces  without  difficulty ;  but, 
quite  unopposed,  they  reached  Bladensburg  on  the  24th,  in 
no  condition  to  commence  an  engagement.  At  that  instant, 
the  Americans  should  have  made  the  attack  with  vigor,  and 
by  sudden  victory  saved  their  capital  and  the  honor  of  the 
nation.  We  cannot  avoid  thinking,  that  if  Brown  and  Scott 
with  the  men  of  Lundy's  Lane,  or  Jackson  from  New  Orleans, 
had  been  in  command,  this  would  have  been  done;  but  the 
president  and  other  civilians  and  amateur  warriors  were 
there  to  distract  the  counsels  of  Winder  and  his  officers,  and 
communicate  their  fears  to  the  men. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  British,  ready  to  sink  from  fatigue, 
were  led  on  to  the  attack  :  the  battle  of  Bladensburg  was  lost, 
and  the  veterans  of  Wellington  marched  into  Washington. 
The  Capitol,  the  President's  House,  and  all  the  public  build 
ings  but  the  Patent  and  General  Post  Offices,  were  committed 
to  the  flames.  Valuable  papers  and  the  public  library  were 
consumed,  —  a  piece  of  Vandalism  which  nothing  in  civilized 
warfare  could  excuse. 


430  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

It  would  seem  that  Providence  had  now  placed  the  Repub 
lic  at  the  disposal  of  England.  But  strange  events  indicated 
an  opposite  result.  A  tremendous  tornado  came  on,  add 
ing  to  the  horrors  of  war,  and  seeming  to  threaten  the 
Capitol  with  completed  destruction.  The  British  column 
about  to  fire  the  only  remaining  government  building, 
alarmed  at  the  gathering  forces  of  Nature,  now  marshalled  by 
God  himself  as  if  to  do  a  work  which  the  confused  army  had 
failed  to  do,  fled  to  the  nearest  edifices  for  protection,  many 
of  which  were  dashed  to  the  ground  by  the  fury  of  the  storm, 
burying  numbers  of  men  amid  their  ruins.  Then  an  explo 
sion  at  Greenleaf 's  Point,  more  likely  providential  than  acci 
dental,  killed  or  wounded  nearly  a  hundred  more  of  these 
grim,  fearless  warriors:  and  the  exaggerated  fears  of  the 
British  commander  assumed  that  a  formidable  "  army  of 
indignant  citizen-soldiers  were  mustering  on  the  Heights  of 
Georgetown,"  and  large  forces  were  gathering  from  the 
South,  to  overwhelm  him  before  he  could  escape  their  just 
vengeance ;  and  he  hastened  his  men  toward  their  ships  at 
Benedict,  where  he  embarked  with  the  satisfaction  of  a 
retreating  enemy  rescued  from  imminent  perils,  when,  in 
point  of  fact,  there  had  been  no  army  on  his  track ;  and 
it  was  twenty-four  hours  before  the  frightened  Americans 
could  gather  courage  enough  to  venture  on  to  Capitol  Hill, 
and  disarm  some  sixty  British  invalids  left  in  care  of  the 
wounded. 

God,  no  doubt  for  purposes  of  discipline,  suffered  this  ex 
treme  mortification  to  a  proud,  presumptuous  people,  and 
then  directly  interfered  to  prevent  a  subjugation  which 
would  have  endangered  his  own  purposes. 

In  less  than  two  weeks,  the  British  fleet  came  up  the 
Chesapeake,  landed  their  army  at  North  Point,  and  made  a 
bold  combined  attack  upon  Baltimore ;  expecting,  doubtless, 
no  more  formidable  obstacles  in  the  way  of  its  intended 
destruction  than  they  had  found  in  approaching  the  doomed 
capital.  But  from  the  indications  at  Washington  in  the 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE   WAR-POWER.  431 

midst  of  the  conflagration,  and  the  prompt  action  of  good 
sense  and  courage,  arraying  ten  thousand  men  for  the  de 
fence  of  Baltimore,  it  was  evident  God  had  at  length  said  to 
these  hitherto  invincible  men,  "Thus  far,  and  no  farther." 
A  severe  engagement  and  a  brave  defence,  in  which  the 
British  Gen.  Ross  was  slain,  soon  resulted  in  the  retreat  of  the 
British  army.  Taking  advantage  of  rain  and  darkness,  they 
re-embarked,  and  left  the  Baltimoreans  to  their  triumphs. 
"The  Star-spangled  Banner,"  written  by  Key  on  board  a 
British  ship,  where  he  was  forcibly  detained  during  the 
action,  commemorates  in  fitting  strains  the  rising  heroism  of 
America  represented  on  the  bloody  field  of  Baltimore. 


PLATTSBURG. 

We  may  now  again  turn  our  eyes  to  the  North.  Other 
veterans  from  the  wars  with  Napoleon  came  to  join  in 
the  conquest  of  America.  Prevost,  on  the  1st  of  Septem 
ber,  advanced  upon  Plattsburg  with  ten  thousand  men. 
McDonough's  squadron  had  providentially  just  anchored  in 
Plattsburg  Bay.  Macomb  with  three  thousand  men,  includ 
ing  many  invalids,  had  been  left  in  command  of  the  town. 
Volunteers  from  New  York  and  Vermont,  to  the  number  of - 
three  thousand,  now  came  at  his  call  to  join  his  little  army ; 
but  what  could  be  the  hope  of  resistance  to  the  formidable 
force  which  Prevost  led  up  to  the  attack  ?  Nothing,  unless 
God  should  interfere.  Prevost  menaced  Macomb  in  front,  but 
sent  a  strong  force  to  ford  the  river  above.  Now,  while  they 
are  searching  for  the  ford,  let  us  turn  our  eyes  to  the  lake. 

"The  British  fleet,  commanded  by  Commodore  Downie, 
consisted  of  a  new  ship  of  thirty-seven  guns,  a  new  brig  of 
sixteen,  the  two  sloops  captured  from  the  Americans  the 
year  before,  and  mounting  eleven  guns  each,  besides  twelve 
gunboats,  —  ninety-five  heavy  guns  to  the  whole  squadron, 
which  was  manned  by  a  thousand  seamen  from  Quebec."  * 

*  Hildrcth,  2d  Scries,  iii.  518,  519,  ct  seq. 


432  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

McDonough's  squadron  consisted  of  "The  Saratoga,"  twenty- 
six  guns,  the  brig  "Eagle,"  twenty  guns,  the  schooner 
"  Ticonderoga,"  seventeen  guns,  the  schooner  "  Preble,"  seven 
guns,  and  ten  gunboats.  With  his  largest  vessels,  he  lay 
directly  across  the  harbor,  his  gunboats  forming  a  second 
line  against  the  intervals  between  the  ships.  Downie  was 
thus  obliged  to  attack  "  bows  on,  which  he  did  gallantly, 
reserving  his  fire  till  he  came  to  close  action."  His  largest 
vessel  was  soon  crippled,  and  hastily  anchored  beyond  the 
reach  of  harm.  A  '•  British  sloop  standing  on  to  gain  a 
raking  position  was  so  disabled,  that  she  drifted  down  on  the 
American  line,  and  was  taken."  Another,  driven  from  her 
berth,  drifted  ashore.  The  American  schooner  "  Preble  "  was 
then  driven  from  her  anchorage,  and  "The  Ticonderoga" 
was  vigorously  attacked  and  completely  disabled  on  one 
side  ;  but  McDonough,  by  "  winding,"  brought  the  other  side 
to  bear.  Downie,  attempting  to  imitate  him,  failed ;  and 
after  a  brave  action,  lasting  two  hours  and  a  half,  the  British 
Hag  was  lowered.  The  victory  was  complete.  Prevost, 
hearing  of  this  result,  abandoned  his  search  for  the  ford,  and 
retreated  with  his  army  of  veterans  in  a  panic,  leaving  his 
wounded  and  much  of  his  baggage  and  stores  behind. 

In  the  mean  time,  Brown,  shut  up  in  Fort  Erie,  had  sent 
pressing  messages  to  Izard  for  re-enforcements.  Taking  a 
strong  force,  and  leaving  the  glory  of  defending  Plattsburg 
to  Macomb,  he  marched  off  toward  the  Niagara  frontier. 
Before  he  reached  Fort  Erie,  however,  the  lion-hearted  Brown 
had  determined  upon  a  sortie.  Issuing  at  mid-day  with  his 
chosen  men,  he  "  surprised  the  British  batteries  some  two 
miles  in  advance  of  their  camp,  exploded  their  magazines, 
and  spiked  their  guns ;  took  some  four  hundred  prisoners ; 
and  skilfully  retired,  having  inflicted  upon  the  enemy  a  loss 
of  nearly  a  thousand  men.  Drummond,  as  soon  as  he  could 
move,  raised  the  siege,  and  retired  behind  the  Chippewa."  * 

*  Hildreth.  2d  Series,  iii.  520,  521. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  WAR-POWER.  433 


NEW    ORLEANS. 

The  indomitable  Jackson  had  taken  the  responsibility  to 
resist  an  attack  of  the  British  on  Fort  Bowyer,  in  which  they 
were  aided  by  the  Spanish  and  Indians.  This  was  a  ma 
terial  point,  as  its  capture  would  not  only  open  a  harbor  to 
the  French  privateersmen  from  Barataria  Bay,  but  it  would 
give  the  British  a  fair  opportunity  to  approach  New  Orleans. 
Jackson  rallied  the  militia,  and,  without  regard  to  men  or 
money,  poured  a  destructive  fire  into  the  British  squadron, 
burned  up  their  best  ship, "  The  Hermes,"  and  sent  the  whole 
fleet  away  in  haste,  with  the  loss  of  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
two  men.  Lafitte,  the  leader  of  the  buccaneers,  rejected 
with  disdain  the  offer  of  an  honorable  rank  for  himself  and 
his  outlaws  in  the  British  army ;  and,  shrewdly  conducting  „ 
his  intrigues,  gave  himself,  with  all  his  valuable  information, 
to  the  Americans.  This  enabled  them  to  set  forward  an 
expedition  from  New  Orleans,  under  Commodore  Patterson, 
for  an  attack  upon  the  pirates.  The  expedition  was  com 
pletely  successful,  the  Americans  capturing  ten  vessels,  with 
twenty  guns. 

The  blaze  of  light  from  Plattsburg,  Fort  Erie,  and  Mobile 
Bay,  and  the  triumphs  on  the  sea  of  "  The  Peacock "  and 
"The  Wasp,"  were,  however,  soon  clouded.  The  latter, 
after  a  hard  battle  with  "  The  Avon  "  (which  she  conquered 
and  sunk)  and  taking  several  prizes,  must  have  gone  down 
alone,  as  she  was  never  heard  from  after;  and  Chauncey  was 
shut  up  by  Yeo  in  Sackett's  Harbor.  We  had  not,  at  this 
time,  a  national  vessel  at  sea. 

Izard's  boastful  expedition,  with  six  thousand  men,  against 
Drummond,  behind  the  Chippewa,  completely  failed.  Think 
ing  that  the  confinement  of  Chauncey's  fleet  at  Sackett's  Har 
bor,  and  of  Brown  in  command  there,  would  leave  the  British 
at  full  liberty  to  re-enforce  Drummond,  he  refused  to  attack, 
blew  up  Fort  Erie,  and  retired. 

Discontent,  which  now  became  general,  especially  in  New 


434  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

England,  gave  additional  strength  to  the  Federalist  opposi 
tion,  and  culminated  in  the  famous  Hartford  Convention. 
We  greatly  needed  a  decisive  victory. 

New  Orleans  now  seemed  a  doomed  city.  A  formidable 
British  fleet  approached,  bearing  four  thousand  sailors  and 
marines  and  twelve  thousand  veterans,  "  commanded  by 
Packingham,  Kean,  Lambert,  and  Gibbs,  able  and  experi 
enced  generals  of  Wellington's  late  Peninsular  army ;  whence, 
also,  the  troops  had  mostly  been  drawn."  : 

Jackson,  upon  returning  to  New  Orleans,  found  every  thing 
in  confusion.  The  defences  he  had  commenced  were  in 
dilapidation.  The  squadron  on  the  water  was  entirely 
inadequate,  and  really  no  army  was  at  his  command 
But  his  daring  genius  and  indomitable  will  supplied  every 
thing.  He  soon  made  drilled  soldiers  of  raw  recruits,  now 
gathering  at  his  call,  of  the  citizens  of  New  Orleans,  who 
knew  him  too  well  to  refuse  to  drill  when  he  ordered,  and 
of  "the  noble-hearted,  generous  free  men  of  color,"  who 
sprang  to  arms  with  the  greatest  alacrity  when  he  announced 
their  hearty  welcome :  he  made  soldiers  even  of  Lafitte  and 
his  fugitive  buccaneers,  and  of  the  convicts  whom  he  released, 
all  of  whom  became  orderly  and  daring  warriors  under  the 
inspiration  of  one  powerful  mind. 

When  the  British  landed  two  thousand  light  troops,  under 
Kean,  from  the  Bayou  Benevenu,  about  fifteen  miles  from 
New  Orleans,  Jackson  found  himself  at  the  head  of  five 
thousand  men  of  all  kinds,  only  about  a  thousand  of  whom 
were  regulars.  He  did  not  wait  for  the  enemy  to  approach, 
but  left  Carroll  and  the  Louisiana  militia  in  charge  of  the 
city,  and  moved  at  once  to  the  attack. 

Coffee,  who,  by  forced  marches,  came  up  in  time  with 
his  brigade,  was  sent  to  the  right.  Jackson  moved  directly 
upon  the  enemy  in  front,  and  the  schooner  "  Caroline " 
opened  upon  his  left.  Night  had  come  on ;  but  the  impetu 
ous  Jackson  would  not  wait  for  the  day.  The  battle  raged 

*  Ilildreth,  2d  Series,  iii.  559. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  WAR-POWER.  435 

furiously  until  the  British  found  security  from  further 
assault  between  the  old  and  the  new  levee.  Jackson,  having 
astonished  Wellington's  veterans  by  the  vigor  and  skill  of 
his  attack,  and  taught  them  caution,  which  gave  him  time, 
retired  within  his  main  lines  of  defence.  The  enemy  wait 
ing  fo'r  re-enforcements  from  the  fleet,  Jackson  used  every 
moment  in  strengthening  his  works.  His  rampart  was  con 
structed  of  cotton-bales :  the  ditch  in  front  was  broad  and 
deep,  and  both  were  extended  into  the  swamp.  The  British 
sent  hot  shot  into  our  ship  "  Caroline,"  and  burned  it  to  the 
water's  edge  ;  but  "  The  Louisiana "  was  towed  away,  and 
saved  for  future  action. 

The  next  day,  the  enemy  opened  furiously  upon  Jackson's 
line  "  with  artillery,  bombs,  and  Congreve  rockets : "  but  they 
were  answered  so  frightfully  by  the  five  heavy  guns  of  the 
Americans,  and  the  raking  fire  of  "  The  Louisiana,"  that  fur 
ther  advance  was  impossible ;  and,  after  seven  hours'  des 
perate  fighting,  the  British  retired. 

Just  at  this  crisis,  Jackson  had  to  direct  his  attention  to 
the  city ;  and  as  there  seemed  danger  of  a  pusillanimous  sur 
render  under  orders  of  the  legislature,  then  in  session,  he 
despatched  Clayborne  to  watch  them,  who,  though  governor, 
acting  under  martial  law,  promptly  obeyed  Jackson's  orders. 
He,  believing  he  was  conforming  to  the  iron  will  of  his  com 
mander,  "  placed  a  military  guard  at  the  door  of  the  hall,  and 
broke  up  the  legislative  assembly." 

The  intrepid  general  then  scoured  the  city  for  shrinking 
cowards,  ordered  a  registration  of  all  the  male  inhabitants, 
and  went  on  with  his  fortifications.  He  directed  Gen.  Mor 
gan  to  erect  defences  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  similar 
to  those  on  the  left,  and  his  orders  were  obeyed.  The  Ken 
tucky  militia,  two  thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty  strong, 
arrived ;  and,  though  only  part  of  them  had  arms,  the  rest 
were  ordered  to  the  works. 

On  the  eighth  day  of  January,  1815,  the  grand  final  attack 
of  the  British  was  made,  under  command  of  Sir  E.  Packing- 


436  THE   GEEAT  REPUBLIC. 

ham  in  person.  Thornton  was  directed  to  make  a  night- 
attack  upon  Morgan  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  which 
he  did  with  bravery ;  and,  Morgan's  militia  becoming  un 
steady,  this  attempt  was  successful.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
main  British  force,  under  Packingham,  covered  by  the  terrific 
fire  of  six  eighteen-pounders,  advanced  with  the  degrading 
cry  of  "booty  and  beauty"  as  their  watchword.  The  col 
umn  moving  by  the  river  carried  an  advanced  American 
redoubt,  the  guns  of  which  had  raked  the  whole  British 
lines  as  they  came  up.  The  main  column,  commanded  by 
Gibbs  and  Kean,  was  hurled  against  Carroll's  division,  near 
est  the  swamp.  The  storming-party  encountered  the  ditch, 
and  fell  in  large  numbers  before  the  unerring  aim  of  the 
American  sharpshooters  and  the  belching  fires  of  nine  pieces 
of  heavy  artillery.  They  could  not  endure  this  storm  of 
death.  They  staggered  and  recoiled.  Sir  Edward,  in 
attempting  to  rally  them,  was  slain  ;  Gibbs  fell,  mortally 
wounded  ;  Kean  was  dangerously  wounded ;  and  Lambert, 
succeeding  to  the  command,  withdrew  his  mangled  forces, 
calling  back  Thornton  from  his  advantageous  position  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river.  The  battle  of  New  Orleans  was 
gained,  apparently,  by  the  heroism  and  intrepidity  of  one 
great  man,  and  the  brave  troops  under  his  command  ;  but 
God,  who  "  maketh  wars  to  cease  from  the  ends  of  the  earth," 
had  determined  to  end  this  frightful  contest,  and  usher  in 
the  era  of  peace. 

The  joy  with  which  the  people  hailed  the  announcement 
of  the  treaty,  agreed  to  by  commissioners  and  ratified  by  the 
British  Government,  indicated  their  decided  aversion  to  the 
war;  while  the  administration,  by  waiving  utterly  the  great 
question  of  the  right  of  search,  to  resist  which  the  war  was 
commenced,  made  sufficient  acknowledgment  of  the  highest 
indiscretion,  either  in  declaring  war,  or  in  consenting  to  a 
peace  which  did  not  secure  the  only  grave  point  in  dispute. 
The  glorious  victory  of  Jackson  alone  saved  the  president 
and  the  war  Democrats  from  overwhelming  disgrace. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  WAR-POWER.  437 

In  the  mean  time,  it  had  fully  appeared,  on  the  land  and 
on  the  sea,  that  the  war-power  of  the  Republic  was  in  the 
people ;  that  it  was  not  in  the  administration  nor  in  a  stand 
ing  army,  but  in  the  freedom  of  American  citizenship.  These 
men  from  the  farm,  the  shop,  the  store,  and  the  study,  would 
not  come  first  into  action  with  the  skill  of  veterans ;  but 
they  would  include  all  the  elements  of  a  grand  military 
force,  and  the  war-power  of  the  nation  would  be  developed 
in  the  field.  This,  therefore,  may  be  considered  as  Ameri 
can  history  in  advance  of  the  world,  —  the  people  in  the 
midst  of  peaceful  industry  are  their  own  standing  army. 


CHAPTER   VII. 
DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND   THE  ARTS. 

"  Consent  to  bad  government  is  consent  to  ruin.     Good  government  can  come  only  of 
general  intellectual  and  moral  development."  —  PARTRIDGE. 

EDUCATION  in  the  United  States  has  received  considerable 
attention ;  and,  while  we  do  not  boast  of  great  learning, 
history  will  accord  to  us  a  degree  of  comparative  progress 
quite  equal  to  our  age.  The  first  wants  of  a  new  people 
are  physical.  Attention  must  be  given  to  clearing  away 
the  forests,  cultivating  the  soil,  mechanical  industry,  and 
trade.  The  people  must  construct  roads,  bridges,  houses, 
barns,  churches,  ships,  and  whatever  else  will  provide  them 
food,  clothing,  shelter,  and  the  means  of  commerce.  These 
are  necessities ;  and  hence  the  useful  precede  the  fine  arts. 
Our  rapid  development  and  real  greatness  withdraw  atten 
tion  from  the  fact  of  our  recent  origin  as  a  people.  It 
could  hardly  be  credited,  that,  dating  from  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  we  have  not  yet  completed  the  first  cen 
tury  of  national  existence.  We  are  still  very  largely  occu 
pied  with  the  rough  labor  of  pioneers,  slowly  subjecting  the 
soil  of  our  vast  territory  to  imperfect  cultivation.  These 
are  facts  eminently  fit  to  be  considered  in  estimating  our 
real  and  relative  progress  in  learning  and  the  arts. 

PUBLIC    SCHOOLS. 

In  the  year  ending  June,  1860,  about  five  millions  of  our 
population  were  at  school.  About  one-sixth  of  our  people 
are  doubtless  receiving  tuition.  A  large  proportion  of  them 

438 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.      439 

are  children  from  five  to  fifteen  years  of  age,  who  are  in  our 
common  schools.  These  institutions  are  fundamental  in  the 
United  States.  They  began  early  in  our  history,  and  formed 
a  part  of  the  constitutional  provisions  of  Massachusetts  and 
Pennsylvania. 

The  idea  of  imparting  the  rudiments  of  an  education 
without  charge  to  the  children  of  the  Republic  was  a  New- 
England  idea,  and  it  grew  up  from  small  beginnings  to  be 
a  thoroughly  American  idea.  It  was  opposed,  on  the  one 
hand,  to  the  neglect  and  degrading  ignorance  which  per 
vaded  the  lower  classes  in  England ;  'and,  on  the  other,  to 
the  aristocratic  feeling  that  education  was  for  the  children 
of  gentlemen,  and  they  were  to  be  kept  apart  from  the 
children  of  the  common  people.  To  the  thinking  philan 
thropist,  there  was  a  deep  and  destructive  vice  in  this  gen 
eral  ignorance  and  in  these  invidious  distinctions.  Schools, 
therefore,  began  to  be  provided  for  all.  But  this  idea,  like 
all  others  of  great/value,  must  contend  for  its  position.  Two 
public  enemies  of  the  common  schools  have  been  very 
determined  in  their  opposition.  The  affectations  of  caste, 
esteeming  the  common  mind  vulgar,  and  the  higher  bred 
entitled  to  the  distinction  of  exclusiveness  in  the  manner 
if  not  in  the  fact  of  education,  have  long  withheld  the  sup 
port  which  these  great  institutions  of  philanthropy  have 
needed  and  deserved,  and  in  whole  States  prevented  their 
effective  organization. 

Romish  bigotry  contends  for  the  right  of  exclusive  educa 
tion  from  public  funds,  that  children,  not  merely  their  own, 
but  as  many  others  as  they  can  control,  may  be  educated 
Catholics  at  the  public  expense.  The  Government  of  the 
States  generally  treats  them  as  Americans.  It  makes  no 
objections  to  denominational  schools ;  but  they  cannot  be 
the  public  schools  which  the  people,  as  Americans,  support. 
Taxes  must  be  equal  and  privileges  equal  under  the  law. 
Differences  may  exist,  and  be  provided  for  by  individuals 
and  churche*;  but,  as  States  and  a  General  Government,  we 


440  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

can  know  but  one  class,  and  they  are  citizens.  We  can  have 
but  one  basis  of  taxation,  and  that  is  the  public  interest ; 
and  but  one  obligation,  and  that  is  to  afford  equal  privileges 
to  all.  Of  course,  just  so  far  as  the  anti-American  idea  of 
exclusive  Ko man-Catholic  education  at  the  expense  of  the 
State  extends,  it  interferes  with  our  noble  scheme  of  equal 
educational  privileges.  It  is  a  disguised  or  open  public  en 
emy  of  a  fundamental  part  of  our  free  institutions.  The 
contest  on  this  issue  is  not  yet  concluded.  Catholics,  prop 
erly  Americans,  sometimes  give  expression  to  the  correct 
idea  of  citizenship;  .contending  that  their  people  are  not 
Irish,  not  German,  not  Italian,  but  American.  Foreign  in 
fluence  and  the  hereditary  bigotry  of  the  sect,  however,  for 
bid  this  growing  feeling  to  adjust  itself  to  our  system  of 
free  schools.  The  patronage  received  from  this  source  is, 
therefore,  quietly  extended  or  reluctantly  tolerated  by  the 
priests,  because  it  cannot  be  prevented. 

Notwithstanding  these  adverse  influences,  public  schools 
are  moving  forward  with  free  thought,  and  under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  enlightened  public  opinion  which  they  so 
powerfully  aid  in  forming.  Their  progress  may  be  seen  not 
only  in  the  increasing  millions  who  attend  them,  but  in  the 
extension  of  the  system  into  parts  of  the  country  where 
they  have  been  before  unknown,  and  in  the  improved  build 
ings  and  grounds  appropriated  to  them.  So  strong  are 
they  becoming  in  the  affections  of  the  people,  that  any 
amount  of  money  may  be  had  for  their  convenience  and 
enlargement.  The  country  schoolhouse  is  now  generally 
found  to  be  a  neat  and  commodious  building,  with  finely- 
cultivated  and  shaded  grounds  about  it;  and,  not  unfre- 
quently,  the  conveniences  of  the  gymnasium  are  beginning 
to  appear,  showing  an  appreciation  of  physical  with  intel 
lectual  education.  This  is  particularly  true  of  the  cities. 
Some  of  our  common-school  houses  are  magnificent  struc 
tures,  costing  as  high  as  a  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  even 
more. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  AETS.      441 

The  branches  taught  in  the  common  schools  are  increas 
ing,  and  raising  the  general  standard  of  education  in  our 
midst.  Not  merely  reading  and  orthography,  geography 
and  writing,  arithmetic  and  grammar,  but  the  higher  Eng 
lish,  the  natural  sciences,  mathematics,  and  the  languages,  are 
taught  most  thoroughly.  Our  graded  schools  have  all  the 
advantages  of  classification  and  division  of  labor,  affording 
opportunity  for  graduation  from  the  lowest  section  of  the 
primary  to  the  high  school,  which  is  frequently  a  first-class 
academy,  fitting  our  children  well  for  college  or  for  business- 
life  ;  and  all  without  charge  to  the  pupil. 

It  is  falsely  alleged  by  Romanists  that  these  are  infidel 
schools.  It  is  true,  they  do  not  teach  sectarian  Christianity ; 
but  they  are  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  great  fundamental 
principles  of  the  true  religion.  The  Bible  is  very  frequent 
ly  read  as  a  part  of  the  opening  services  of  the  school,  and 
most  appropriately  used  as  a  text-book ;  and  the  children 
absorb  from  this  great  common  revelation,  as  well  as  from 
other  text-books,  and  from  the  devout  minds  of  many  of 
their  teachers,  true  ideas  of  God,  revelation,  and  the  duties 
of  morality  and  piety.  In  many  of  these  schools,  prayer 
is  devoutly  offered,  and  the  spirit  of  true  worship  slowly 
imparted.  The  Lord's  Prayer  is  devoutly  repeated  in  con 
cert;  and  the  singing  —  a  frequent  daily  exercise  —  brings 
out  the  glowing  sentiment  of  gratitude  and  love  for  the 
Saviour  of  men. 

True  Christianity  is  so  extensively  diffused  among  the 
masses,  that  it  comes  in  like  the  sunlight  through  the  pores 
of  society,  and  diffuses  its  genial  influences  through  the 
schools.  The  great  leaders  of  public  education  are  very 
generally  devout  Christians  ;  and  our  common  education  is 
thus  becoming  largely,  and  in  the  best  sense,  Christian. 

The  feeling  of  invidious  caste  is  gradually  wearing  away, 
and  the  children  of  the  wealthiest  and  best  citizens  are  not 
unfrequently  found  in  our  public  schools. 

As  one  of  the  strong  historical  facts  of  the  Republic,  it 


442  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

should  be  stated  that  large  numbers  of  our  best  business 
and  public  men  have  received  their  education  only  from  the 
common  schools ;  while  multitudes  of  scholars  and  literary 
men  are  indebted  to  this  fundamental  American  institution 
for  their  thoroughness  in  higher  academic  and  collegiate 
education.  The  larger  benefits  of  the  common-school  sys 
tem  appear,  however,  in  the  fact  of  their  pervading,  quiet 
influence  upon  the  citizenship  of  our  country  ;  the  general 
intelligence  and  elevation  they  impart  to  the  freemen  upon 
whom  the  elective  franchise  and  the  government  of  the 
nation  devolve  rendering  it  morally  impossible  to  deceive, 
and  finally  wrest  from  our  patriot  princes,  the  people,  the 
liberties  which,  by  reading,  song,  instruction,  and  prayer, 
become  the  high  trust  of  each  individual  and  of  the  whole 
combined.  It  would  seem  almost  unnecessary  to  suggest  to 
the  American  people  the  sacred  duty  of  guarding  and  de 
veloping  their  public  schools  as  the  source  of  patriotic 
devotion,  and  the  indispensable  means  of  high  Christian 
civilization.  If  it  were  possible  to  conceive  of  the  wreck 
of  this  system  upon  the  rock  of  sectarian  bigotry,  we  might 
well  say  the  days  of  the  Republic  are  numbered. 

SUNDAY    SCHOOLS. 

The  Sunday  school  has,  beyond  question,  become  in 
America  a  truly  national  institution.  No  man  writes  a  true 
history  of  the  United  States  who  fails  to  give  it  prominent 
position.  As  a  legitimate  product  of  the  great  revival  of 
spiritual  religion,  —  first  in  England,  and  then  in  America,  — 
it  seemed  very  humane  to  assemble  poor  children  together 
on  the  Lord's  Day,  and  teach  them  to  read.  It  was  most 
fortunate,  that,  to  the  devout  Christian  minds  engaged  in 
this  benevolent  enterprise,  the  Holy  Scriptures  should  be 
at  once  regarded  as  the  appropriate  text-book  for  the  more 
advanced  among  the  children.  Soon,  quite  naturally,  por 
tions  of  these  sacred  revelations  were  committed  to  memory, 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.      443 

lessons  were  explained,  and  the  most  happy  results  were 
seen  in  the  true  conversion  and  great  moral  improvement 
of  many  of  the  children. 

As  the  efforts  of  good  m£h  and  women  extended,  the  in 
stitution  began  to  assume  definite  form,  and  the  plans  of 
God  in  regard  to  it  became  more  evident.  It  was  seen  at 
length  to  arise  directly  out  of  the  Church,  to  be  a  legiti 
mate  outgrowth  of  Christianity,  an  institution  of  God,  and 
thoroughly  organic  as  a  grand  department  of  missionary 
labor  and  effective  discipleship. 

The  Sunday  school  thus  comes  in  appropriately  to  supple 
ment  the  public  schools.  It  is  free  to  all,  it  uses  in  a  proper 
manner  holy  time,  its  labors  are  a  noble  charity,  and  it  be 
comes  more  eminently  and  distinctly  religious  than  the  com 
mon  school  can  be.  It  is  universally  known  that  children 
who  attend  these  schools  will  be  taught  sacred  history  and 
geography,  the  fall  and  sinfulness  of  man,  the  redemption  of 
the  world  by  Jesus  Christ,  the  divine  agency  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  in  the  production  of  goodness,  the  regeneration  of 
man,  and  the  hope  of  everlasting  life ;  the  extreme  wicked 
ness  pf  idolatry,  theft,  murder,  adultery,  and  Sabbath-break 
ing;  the  propriety  and  duty  of  penitence,  and  faith  in  the 
Saviour  of  the  world ;  membership  in  the  Church  of  Christ, 
and  a  life  of  strict  honesty,  holiness,  and  love.  They  will 
be  gradually  raised  to  noble  views  of  God  and  duty,  to  the 
highest  conceptions  of  private  and  public  virtue ;  and  from 
purest  motives  they  will  be  led,  so  far  as  practicable,  to  be 
come  genuine  patriots  and  broad-minded  philanthropists. 
And  all  this,  not  from  mere  human  instruction,  but  from  the 
legitimate  appropriation  of  forces  coming  directly  from 
God  in  answer  to  many  fervent  prayers,  resulting  in  true 
conviction  for  sin,  and  genuine  conversion  by  the  power  of 
the  Holy  Spirit,  through  the  merits  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

So  far  as  this  extends,  the  reformation,  both  of  character 
and  manners,  among  these  children,  becomes  radical,  and 
truly  astonishing.  The  legitimate  result  is  not  to  make 


444  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

them  Sunday  scholars  of  another  grade,  not  to  produce  any 
new  independent  organization,  but  to  lead  them  directly 
into  the  visible  Church  of  God.  From  the  Sunday  schools 
come  the  best  instructed,  most  intelligent,  reliable  Christians 
of  the  age ;  and  we  behold  here  the  grand  nursery  of  the 
Church  of  the  future. 

But  a  still  wider  influence  goes  out  from  this  great  provi 
dential  institution.  On  the  sabbath,  the  education  of  the 
week  is  extended  into  its  legitimate  sphere,  imbued  more 
deeply  with  the  spirit  of  right  and  of  justice ;  and  its  defects 
are  measurably  supplied.  Like  a  diffusible  stimulant,  the 
inspirations  of  the  Sunday  school  enter  every  organ  and  tis 
sue  of  the  body  politic  ;  and  who  would  question  its  health- 
giving  power  ?  Through  the  more  thoughtful  and  devout, 
negligent  and  wicked  children  come  to  feel  the  wrong  of 
sin,  and  the  duty  of  a  holy  life.  Through  the  children,  the 
parents  come  to  be  largely  impressed  with  the  value  of  the 
Bible,  the  worth  of  the  soul,  and  the  need  of  a  Saviour. 
Thus,  through  the  Sunday  school,  quiet  missionary  influences 
reach  the  courts  and  lanes,  the  garrets  and  cellars,  of  our 
crowded  cities;  the  sick  and  the  poor  are  relieved,  and  the 
ignorant  are  instructed ;  not  unfrequently  other  schools, 
and  even  churches,  are  founded ;  thus  showing  tbe  pioneer 
agency  of  this  institution  in  the  hands  of  the  Church.  Young 
people  learn  to  love  the  sabbath  and  the  privileges  of  the 
sanctuary,  the  Bible-class,  and  the  company  of  the  good,  and 
are  here  comparatively  guarded  against  the  attractive  and 
ruinous  influences  of  popular  sinful  pleasures.  Thus  teach 
ers  and  officers  are  provided  for  Sunday  schools,  and  the 
institution  re-acts  powerfully  and  usefully  upon  itself.  Thus 
scholars,  writers,  professional  men,  and  statesmen  become 
imbued  with  the  spirit  of  truth  and  justice,  and  the  great 
public  functions  of  popular  sovereignty  become  healthful, 
free,  and  powerful  in  their  action ;  a  broad-minded  philan 
thropy  becomes  prevalent,  and  at  length  national. 

We  affirm  that  these  are  not  only  the  legitimate,  but  the 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  AKTS.      445 

actual  historical  results  of  thorough  Sunday-school  instruc 
tion,  under  the  guidance  of  the  Church,  as  a  part  of  the 
great  whole  of  religious  influence,  and  a  method  of  moral 
power  now  clearly  providentially  indicated. 

It  requires,  therefore,  no  great  sagacity  to  see  that  the 
institution  has  already  become  a  part  and  a  mode  of  the 
national  life ;  that  it  has  ceased  to  be  experimental,  and  has 
become  historical ;  and  that  both  those  who  make  and  those 
who  write  history  must  recognize  this  vitalizing  force  of  the 
modern  ages.  Those  who  ignore  or  neglect  this  great  power 
in  this  last  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  are  unhistorical. 
And  especially  must  the  present  and  future  development  of 
the  Republic  of  Liberty  depend  upon  this  and  all  other  forms 
of  culture  which  purify  the  heart,  correct  the  judgment,  and 
recognize  God  as  the  great  Sovereign  of  mind,  and  Source 
of  moral  power. 

Let  it  not  be  deemed  strange,  therefore,  that  this  institu 
tion  is  slowly  correcting  its  own  mistakes,  gradually  per 
fecting  its  course  of  study,  and  making  its  literature  ;  and 
that  great  public  men  in  the  United  States,  governors 
and  judges,  senators  and  assembly-men,  learned  gentlemen 
and  splendid  women,  as  well  as  the  most  humble,  are  sitting 
down  humbly  every  Lord's  Day  before  their  classes  of  little 
ones,  rich  and  poor,  to  give  and  receive  lessons  from  the  word 
of  God. 

The  Sunday  school  is  one  grand  reliance  for  the  Christian 
culture  of  freemen,  and  the  constitution  of  a  pure,  exalted 
statesmanship.  It  is,  we  repeat,  truly  national  in  the  United 
States  of  America. 

In  1786,  Bishop  Asbury,  of  the  Methodist -Episcopal 
Church,  established  the  first  Sunday  school  proper  on  the 
Western  Continent.  In  1861,  the  number  of  Sunday-school 
children  in  the  Republic  was  estimated  to  be  considerably 
above  three  millions.  Since  that  time,  the  numbers  in  attend 
ance  have  increased  rapidly ;  the  Sunday-school  force  of  the 
Methodists  alone  having  reached  over  a  million  and  a  half. 


446  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

It  is  even  more  important  to  state,  that  the  institution  is 
revealing  more  distinctly  its  organic  life.  It  rises  up  as  the 
great  training  department  of  the  Church,  full  of  energy  and 
missionary  power.  Its  graded  classes  and  normal  discipline 
give  it  order  in  "  theory  and  practice,"  and  secure  perma 
nence  as  well  as  rapid  development.  Let  American  states 
men  and  philanthropists  cherish  the  Sunday  school. 

ACADEMIES. 

The  word  "  academy,"  as  commonly  used  m  this  country,  has 
a  peculiar  meaning.  It  applies  to  intermediate  institutions 
between  common  schools  and  colleges.  We  have  seen,  that, 
in  our  public  schools,  the  highest  grade  reaches  the  acade 
mies,  and  becomes,  to  some  extent,  a  scientific  and  classical 
school,  actually  free  to  all.  The  growing  intelligence  of  our 
children  and  young  people  of  both  sexes,  however,  requires 
institutions  of  higher  grade ;  and  they  are  found  in  nearly 
every  county,  and  especially  at  the  centres  of  distinct  com 
munities,  in  buildings  of  great  beauty  and  convenience,  with 
regular  gradations  of  studies  and  classes.  They  are  under 
the  direction  of  teachers  and  executive  officers  generally 
well  educated,  sometimes  masters  of  their  respective  sciences 
and  of  the  art  of  teaching ;  thus  furnishing  to  our  more 
aspiring  and  promising  young  people  a  sound  symmetrical 
education,  which  answers  a  good  purpose  for  business  and 
professional  life,  or  a  preparation  for  college. 

In  all  these  institutions,  the  languages,  the  natural  sciences, 
and  mathematics  are  taught,  and  in  some  of  them  with  great 
thoroughness.  Their  students  number  from  perhaps  thirty 
to  five  hundred  each,  many  of  whom  remain  from  one  to 
three  years,  and  others  for  even  a  longer  period,  going 
through  a  practical  or  preparatory  course  of  great  value, 
and  securing  a  mental  drill  and  development  which  give 
them  great  power  in  the  future.  The  number  of  students 
now  annually  issuing  from  our  academies,  seminaries,  and 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.      447 

collegiate  institutes,  is  becoming  so  large  as  to  perceptibly 
elevate  the  average  range  of  general  intelligence  and  the 
standard  of  national  character.  Germany  might  as  well  do 
without  her  gymnasium  as  America  without  her  academy. 

These  institutions  are  sometimes  founded  and  supported 
by  the  counties  and  municipalities,  and  partially  endowed 
by  the  State ;  but  much  more  generally  they  are  erected  by 
the  churches.  The  great  Christian  denominations,  while  they 
omit  from  their  courses  of  instruction  and  discipline  every 
thing  which  is  peculiarly  sectarian,  feel  the  obligation  imper 
ative  to  provide  liberally  for  the  education  of  their  own  chil 
dren  and  the  general  public  under  the  thorough  transforming 
influence  of  Christianity.  They  insist  that  true  education 
must  recognize  God  and  his  holy  word  ;  must  present  Christ 
in  the  atonement,  and  the  Holy  Ghost  in  regeneration,  as 
the  restorer  of  heart  and  intellect  and  volition  to  their  ori 
ginally-intended  righteousness.  While,  therefore,  they  seek 
thus  to  guard  against  infidel  demoralization  in  the  higher 
training  of  their  young  men  and  women,  they  look  for  the 
divine  blessing  upon  their  schemes  of  science  and  true  wis 
dom. 

The  churches  expend  large  sums  of  money,  freely  given 
by  the  rich  and  the  poor,  to  build,  and,  at  least  in  part, 
endow,  these  institutions.  It  is  a  form  of  Christian  enter 
prise  in  which  their  very  best  minds,  lay  and  clerical,  expend 
their  most  sacrificing  and  consecrated  efforts,  not  unfre- 
quently  for  a  lifetime,  actually  to  rear  the  national  fabric 
in  soundness,  strength,  and  beauty.  These  schools,  to  a 
greater  or  less  extent  under  the  patronage  of  the  evangelical 
churches,  have  ceased  to  be  regarded  as  ecclesiastical  estab 
lishments  for  local  or  sectarian  purposes,  and  come  to  be 
considered,  as  they  really  are  to  a  large  degree,  great  public 
vitalizing  forces  in  every  commonwealth  for  the  proper  cul 
ture  of  the  rising  generation,  the  growth  of  the  State,  and 
the  exaltation  of  the  Republic. 

Thus,  in  the  most  enlightened  as  well  as  the  darkest  age 


448  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

of  the  world,  the  Church  appears  as  the  grand  conservator  of 
'  learning,  the  regenerator  of  society,  and  the  strength  of  the 
nation. 

We  also  use  the  word  "  academy  "  in  its  higher  sense.  The 
Military  Academy  at  West  Point ;  the  American  Academy 
of  Arts  and  Sciences,  Boston,  founded  in  1780  ;  the  Connec 
ticut  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  founded  in  1799  ;  the 
Academy  of  Natural  Science,  Philadelphia,  founded  in  1818  ; 
the  Pennsylvania  Academy  of  Fine  Arts,  established  in 
1807  ;  the  National  Academy  of  Design,  and  the  Medical 
Academy,  at  New  York,  —  are  all  institutions  of  high  grade 
for  improvement  in  the  arts  and  sciences.  The  historical, 
classical  use  of  the  term  "  academy  "  is  not  so  frequent  here 
as  on  the  continent  of  Europe.  It  is,  however,  sometimes 
applied  generally  to  all  the  higher  institutions  of  learning. 


COLLEGES    AND    UNIVERSITIES. 

In  a  former  part  of  this  work,  we  have  seen  that  the  broad 
common  sense  and  true  statesmanship  which  regard  high 
mental  culture,  under  the  control  of  religion,  as  vital  to  the 
Commonwealth,  came  with  our  fathers  to  this  country. 
This  spirit  incorporated  the  Bible,  the  pulpit,  the  public 
school,  and  the  college  into  the  very  framework  of  society ; 
and  there,  despite  the  rage  of  infidels,  Romanists,  and  char 
latans,  they  have  ever  since  remained,  not  as  dead  in  opera 
tive  elements,  but  living,  expanding  forces,  without  which 
the  growth  of  our  nation  would  have  been  utterly  impossible. 
Let  any  man  who  doubts  the  soundness  of  this  conclusion 
undertake  to  account  for  our  national  development  and 
power,  leaving  out  the  Bible,  the  pulpit,  the  common  school, 
and  the  college,  and  he  will  soon  convict  himself  of  inex 
cusable  superficiality  and  ridiculous  narrowness  of  thought 
and  opinion. 

It  cannot  be  claimed  that  the  greatest  wisdom  has  con 
trolled  our  higher  educational  movements  in  this  country. 


r 
DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.      449 

We  have  shown  and  felt,  in  this  respect  as  well  as  others, 
the  weakening  influence  of  ultra  democracy.  More  regard 
for  the  general,  and  not  less  for  the  particular,  more  for  the 
whole,  though  not  less  for  the  local  interests  of  the  people, 
or,  in  other  words,  stronger  centralization,  would  have  given 
us  fewer  but  much  better  colleges  and  universities,  and  a 
much  riper,  broader  scholarship.  We  have  not  unfrequently 
wasted  our  means  by  localizing  tendencies  and  divisions,  thus 
producing  a  large  number  of  colleges  and  universities  quite 
unworthy  of  the  name. 

If  we  have  in  this  manner  subjected  ourselves  to  just  criti 
cism,  and  even  damaging  ridicule,  we  have,  nevertheless, 
increased  our  academic  popular  power,  and  done  ifi  this 
what  we  do  in  every  thing,  —  allowed  the  free  range  of  facts 
and  elective  affinities  to  correct  our  opinions  and  revise  our 
actions.  We  have  learned,  to  some  extent,  where  are  our 
true  centres,  and  what  are  our  true  methods.  We  are  slowly 
accumulating  the  logic  of  age:  for  though  our  history  includes 
but  a  small  number  of  years,  and  denies  us  the  moral  force 
of  a  venerable  antiquity,  the  rush  of  events  in  our  new 
country  crowds  our  brief  years  with  so  large  a  number  of 
facts,  and  so  much  vitalizing  force,  that  time,  actually  brief, 
becomes  virtually  long ;  and  it  is  no  vain  boast  that  we  are 
much  older  than  our  years.  It  will  be  found  to  be  historical 
at  length,  as  it  certainly  is  philosophical,  that  republican 
liberty  rapidly  multiplies  the  ages  by  its  powerful  attractions 
of  wisdom  and  facts,  the  vigor  of  its  thinking,  the  reckless 
ness  of  its  ventures,  and  the  velocity  of  its  movements. 
These  strange  elements  of  a  new  measurement  of  duration 
are  gradually  coming  to  the  surface ;  but  they  are  only 
beginning  to  be  recognized  by  thinkers  in  America  and 
Europe.  They  will  force  their  own  acknowledgment  when 
a  few  years  have  gone  by,  and  it  comes  to  appear,  that  in 
vitalizing  power,  if  not  in  the  numbers  of  their  alumni,  Yale 
and  Michigan  are  older  than  Cambridge  and  Oxford. 

The  State  and  the  Church  are   separate  in  America,  and 


450  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

so  they  will  ever  remain ;  while  religion  and  political  wisdom 
in  Europe  will  slowly  approach,  and  finally  reach,  the  Ameri 
can  standard  of  moral  freedom  in  all  the  great  conditions 
of  Christian  progress.  In  the  mean  time,  the  two  great 
thoughts  and  facts,  the  Church  and  the  State,  are  slowly 
revealing  their  common  identity  of  life,  development,  and 
mission.  In  the  spirit  of  this  truth,  wherever  in  this  country 
the  State  institutes  a  college  or  university,  Christian  life  fills 
and  develops  it,  or  it  dies.  Wherever  the  Church  organizes 
a  college  or  university,  the  State  incorporates  it,  and  some 
times  (more  rarely  heretofore  than  it  will  hereafter)  assists 
in  endowing  or  supporting  it  with  the  Christian  wealth  of 
a  Christian  State  ;  and  whether  its  patronage  includes  money 
or  land,  or  only  influence,  it  absorbs  the  rising  goodness  and 
talent,  the  public  virtue  and  power,  which  the  Church, 
through  her  institutions,  generates.  Hence  it  is  that  we  can 
not  know  education  nor  the  State,  in  the  Great  Republic, 
apart  from  the  influence  of  the  Church. 

Here  therefore,  as  elsewhere,  we  are  not  surprised  to  find 
the  Church,  in  her  evangelical  departments,  the  great  organ 
izer  and  inspirer  of  educational  enterprise.  The  Bible, 
prayer,  and  regeneration  come  in  to  give  life  and  direction 
to  study  and  training;  and  consciously  or  unconsciously, 
officially  or  unofficially,  the  highest  institutions  of  learning 
in  America  take  their  mould  and  receive  their  distinction 
from  ecclesiastical  life  and  action.  Let  the  following  table 
of  facts  illustrate  these  remarks.  It  is  imperfect ;  but,  com 
piled  by  the  Andover,  Lane,  and  Chicago  Societies  of  Inquiry, 
it  is  reliable  for  the  purposes  of  this  discussion. 

Professors    Conversions     Ministry 
Colleges.  Students,    of  Religion,  during  Year,    in  View 

Amherst          .                           .218  151  50  38 

Alleghany       ....  93  27  26 

Appleton         ....     319  75  10  15 

Bates 48  31  13 

Beloit     .                                    .     194  92  21  44 

Bowdoin                                          121  38  13 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.  451 

Professors  Conversions    Ministry 

Colleges.                                                 Students,    of  Religion,  during  Year,  in  View. 

Brown  University    .         .         .190  130  4             50 

Burlington      ....       99  22  6 

Chicago  University  .         .         .280  75  30 

Cornell            ....     516  150  102               9 

Columbia        ....       65  15  11 

Dartmouth      .                  ...     234  100  20             20 

Dickinson        .                  .         .     120  80  40             20 

Eleutheria       ....       32  5 

Genesee          ....       81  55  19 

Hamline          .                           .     339  155  25             10 

Hanover                   .         .         .39  15 

Harvard           .         .                   .     419  80  24 

Hamilton         .         .         .         .     164  78  11             42 

Illinois  Wesleyan  University      .     298  95  30             15 

Indiana  State  University  .         .     253  50  21               4 

Indiana,  Asbury      .         .         .     368 

Kenyon           ....     143  48  31 

Louisburg       ....       95  59  33 

Madison          ....     130  102  10             74 

Marietta          ....       46  27 

McKendree     .                           .130  17  19             11 

Miami 67  18 

Michigan         ....     280  121  19 

Middlebury     .                                  53  20  1             12 

New  Jersey    ....     232  69  50 

North-western  University  .         .     135  85  60 

Oberlin           .         .         .         .1,145  624  200 

Ohio,  Wesleyan       .         .         .162  118  100             73 

Otterbein         ....     225  90  20             10 

Kutgers           ....     105  46  3             25 

Shurtleff          ....     185  150  5             61 

Pennsylvania  .                           .     104  65  18             48 

Trinity 59  41  18 

Union 150  44  8             18 

Vermont  University                           38  18  5               2 

Wabash          ....     150  48  40             17 

Washington  and  Jefferson          .     142  82  3             47 

Western  Reserve      .         .         .126  59  25             10 

Wesleyan  University         .         .     133  114  40 

Wilberforce  University      .         .       42  24  6 

Williams         .                           .     190  118  30             18 

Yale                                              500  229  40 


452  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

To  a  very  large  extent,  the  intelligent  liberality  inspired 
by  our  holy  religion  has  produced  these  institutions;  and 
they  are  hence  thoroughly  pervaded  by  the  religious  spirit. 
With  what  propriety,  therefore,  is  one  day  in  every  year 
devoted  by  the  evangelical  churches  to  fervent  prayer  to 
God  for  his  blessing  on  the  colleges  of  our  land ! 

Our  universities  are  generally  colleges,  and  not,  as 
on  the  continent  of  Europe,  a  higher  grade  for  advancing 
the  education  of  graduates  from  the  gymnasium  or  college ; 
nor,  as  in  England,  grand  corporations,  including  colleges, 
fellowships,  sinecures,  professorships,  and  their  ancient  and 
peculiar  traditions.  We  have,  however,  several  universities, 
including  schools  of  law,  medicine,  and  divinity. 

Learning  in  America,  it  may  be  conceded,  is  rather  gen 
eral  than  great  or  profound ;  but  we  can  claim  an  increasing 
number  of  scholars  who  are  recognized  and  felt  throughout 
the  scientific  and  literary  world. 

THE   PRESS. 

In  1822,  Lord  John  Russell  mentioned  before  the  House 
of  Lords  "the  multiplication  and  improvement  in  news 
papers,  as  gratifying  evidences  of  the  augmented  wealth  and 
expanding  culture  of  the  middle  classes  in  Great  Britain." 
Some  eighty  years  later,  Mr.  Kennedy  said  of  America, 
"A  free  press  has  become  the  representative,  and,  for  the 
masses,  the  organ,  of  that  free  speech  which  is  found  indis 
pensable  to  the  development  of  truth,  either  in  the  religious, 
the  political,  the  literary,  or  the  scientific  world."  Both 
these  remarks  are  now  receiving  their  fulfilment  in  the 
United  States.  Our  periodical  literature  has  become  one 
of  our  grand  "popular  educators;"  and  the  "augmented 
wealth  and  expanding  culture  "  of  our  free  citizens  have 
given,  at  the  same  time,  evidence  of  the  power  of  a  free 
press,  and  scope  for  the  development  of  its  power.  The 
United  States  has  been  called  "a  newspaper-reading  na- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.      453 

tion."  In  I860,  we  published  4,051  papers  and  periodicals, 
amounting  to  927,951,548  copies,  valued  at  $39,678,043; 
which  would  be  34.36  copies  to  each  white  man,  woman, 
and  child  of  the  country.  Our  book-printing  amounted  to 
$11,843,459;  job-work,  to  $7,181,213.  In  twenty  States, 
-  New  England,  Western,  and  Middle,  and  the  District  of 
Columbia,  —  the  work  of  the  press,  in  its  various  depart 
ments,  reached,  in  the  single  year  1860,  $39,678,043. 

The  increase  of  this  power  is  beyond  all  parallel.  A  single 
religious  publishing-house  has  turned  out  more  than  twelve 
bound  books  a  minute  for  every  working  minute  of  a  year ; 
an  indication  of  the  reading-matter  actually  demanded  and 
paid  for  by  the  American  people. 

It  is  of  little  avail  to  attempt  to  estimate  the  power  of 
the  press  in  this  Republic.  It  has  its  vicious  elements ;  is 
seized  by  infidels,  Romanists,  spiritists,  and  demagogues  to 
mislead  the  people  for  selfish  ends,  or  to  promote  a  perverted 
class  interest.  But  this  exceptional  use  of  the  great  power 
of  the  nineteenth  century  does  by  no  means  render  its  free 
dom  questionable,  or  its  influence,  as  a  whole,  pernicious.  Its 
teachings,  good  and  bad,  illustrate  the  freedom  of  true  re 
publicanism  ;  while  its  collisions  of  mind  and  principle  reveal 
the  safety  of  free  discussion,  and  bring  out  with  enhanced 
power  all  the  great  doctrines  of  liberty.  Licentiousness  in 
the  press  as  well  as  in  every  thing  else  must,  of  course,  be 
suppressed  ;  but  the  Americans  are  sensitive  with  regard  to 
any  other  limitations.  The  purest  and  noblest  in  our  nation 
say,  "  Let  the  battle  go  on ;  let  error  and  fiction  war  with 
truth ;  let  the  selfish  passions  of  leaders  and  parties  dash 
against  the  fortress  of  liberty ;  let  infidelity  and  superstition 
assault  the  pure  principles  of  the  gospel  and  the  true  church 
of  God  :  there  is  no  danger." 


Truth,  crushed  to  earth,  will  rise  again  ; 

The  eternal  years  of  God  are  hers  : 
While  Error,  wounded,  writhes  in  pain, 

And  dies  amid  her  worshippers." 


454  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

In  the  art  of  printing,  the  Americans  have  made  great 
improvements.  Conceding  priority  in  experimental  inven 
tions  for  stereotyping  to  Vander  Mey  in  Leyden,  Ged  of 
Edinburgh,  M.  Firmin  Didot,  France,  and  the  Earl  of  Stan 
hope,  England,  it  may  be  affirmed  that  American  genius  has 
carried  the  art  to  its  highest  present  point  of  utility.  The 
same  may  be  claimed  in  regard  to  electrotyping,  an  impor 
tant  branch  of  electro-metallurgy ;  a  department  of  industrial 
art,  the  power  of  which,  for  convenience,  beauty,  economy, 
and  despatch,  cannot  be  regarded  as  yet  fully  developed. 
Type-setting  and  distributing-machines,  invented  by  Wil 
liam  H.  Mitchell  of ,  New  York,  and  C.  W.  Felt  of  Salem, 
Mass.,  indicate  the  labor-saving  power  of  genius,  and  mark 
the  progress  of  practical  art  in  America. 

Perhaps  nothing  more  distinctly  indicates  this  progress 
than  the  contrast  between  the  printing-press  used  by  Frank 
lin,  and  preserved  in  Washington  as  a  sacred  relic,  and  the 
rapid  power-press  of  to-day.  England,  through  the  inven 
tive  genius  of  William  Nicholson  in  1790,  may  claim  the 
honor  of  commencing  experiments  which  led  to  the  inven 
tion  of  power-presses.  Friederich  Konig  of  Saxony,  begin 
ning  in  1804  under  the  patronage  of  T.  Bentley  and  R 
Taylor  of  London,  made  vigorous  efforts  in  this  direction, 
but  did  not  reach  practical  success.  He  abandoned  the  at 
tempt  to  work  a  hand-press  by  power.  He,  however,  by 
the  help  of  A.  F.  Bauer,  a  German  of  Stuttgard,  made  fur 
ther  experiments;  and  Nov.  28,  1814,  "The  London  Times" 
was  printed  on  a  steam-press  constructed  secretly  by  these 
Germans. 

Cowper  and  Applegath,  both  Englishmen,  gave  new  form 
and  considerable  advancement  to  this  important  department 
of  mechanism ;  producing  a  cylinder-press  which  struck  off 
six  thousand  two  hundred  copies  per  hour,  and  worked  daily 
for  more  than  ten  years. 

In  the  mean  time,  "  Isaac  Adams  of  Boston,  Mass.,  took 
up  the  problem  abandoned  by  Konig,  of  working  a  hand- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  AETS.      455 

press  by  power,  and  succeeded  in  making  the  machine  de 
scribed  in  his  patents  of  1830  and  1836."  The  success 
realized  by  Mr.  Adams  in  these  experiments  was  largely  in 
advance  of  his  predecessors. 

But  to  Richard  M.  Hoe,  of  New  York,  the  world  is  in 
debted  for  complete  success.  In  1847,  he  made  "  a  perfect 
machine,  on  the  cylinder  of  which  the  types  are  held  by 
friction  between  bevelled  column-rules."  Thus  at  length 
was  produced  a  complete  revolution  in  the  art  of  printing. 
"  The  ten-cylinder  presses,  such  as  are  used  in  New  York  and 
London  by  the  leading  journals,  strike  off  fifteen  thousand 
impressions  per  hour.  They  are  only  employed  for  news 
papers  of  large  circulation." 

Setting  types  by  machines,  stereotyping,  electrotyping, 
the  use  of  power-presses,  and  the  statistics  of  the  periodical 
and  book  trade,  sufficiently  prove  that  the  Americans  are  a 
reading  people. 

STEAM-NAVIGATION. 

When  Watt  brought  his  great  invention  of  the  steam- 
engine  to  practical  perfection,  men  were  by  no  means  aware 
of  the  revolution  it  would  produce  in  the  navigation  and 
locomotion  of  the  world. 

Before  its  power  could  be  appreciated  or  applied,  numerous 
unsuccessful  efforts  would,  of  course,  be  made.  Experiment 
ers  in  England  and  France  up  to  1730,  Jonathan  Hull  in 
1736,  the  Count  d'Auxiron,  the  Periers,  the  Marquis  de 
JoufFry,  and  M.  des  Blancs,  from  1774  to  1796,  made  praise 
worthy  efforts,  but  with  no  practical  results.  John  Fitch  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  1786,  succeeded  in  propelling  a  small  skiff 
by  steam,  and  in  subsequent  attempts,  in  1790,  on  the  Dela 
ware,  obtained  so  much  success  as  to  justly  entitle  him  to  the 
credit  of  establishing  the  practicability  of  steam-navigation ; 
but  his  efforts  fell  short  of  the  complete  triumph  which 
seemed  to  be  just  before  him.  Rumsey  of  Virginia,  on  the 
Potomac  in  1787,  and  in  England  in  1793,  made  progress  in 


456  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

this  direction.  Enough  had  been  done  prior  to  the  experi 
ments  of  Miller  and  Symington  in  Scotland,  in  1788,  to  secure 
to  America  the  claim  of  priority  in  this  great  discovery,  so 
clearly  as  never  to  have  been  successfully  controverted.  Chan 
cellor  R.  R  Livingstone  of  New  York,  Oliver  Evans  of  Phil 
adelphia,  and  John  Stevens  of  Hoboken,  N.  J.,  made  experi 
ments  which  rendered  still  clearer  the  practicability  of  future 
success,  but  did  not  quite  reach  it. 

Well,  therefore,  was  it  remarked  by  the  committee  of  the 
first  Universal  Exhibition  in  1851,  that  "  many  persons  in 
various  countries  claim  the  honor  of  having  first  invented 
small  boats  propelled  by  steam;  but  it  is  to  the  undaunted 
perseverance  and  exertions  of  the  American  Fulton  that  is 
due  the  everlasting  honor  of  having  produced  this  revolu 
tion  both  in  naval  architecture  and  navigation."  In  "  The 
Clermont"  of  "a  hundred  and  sixty  tons  burden,  a  hun 
dred  and  thirty  feet  long,  eighteen  feet  wide,  and  seven  feet 
deep,  on  the  morning  of  Aug.  7, 1807,  Fulton,  with  a  few 
friends  and  mechanics  and  six  passengers,  started  from  New 
York  for  Albany,  leaving  on  the  shore  an  incredulous  and 
jeering  crowd."  This  was  the  first  steamboat  excursion 
in  the  world.  It  was  successful,  and  commenced  a  new  era 
in  navigation  and  commerce,  rendering  the  name  of  Robert 
Fulton  immortal,  and  conferring  imperishable  honor  upon  the 
country  which  gave  him  birth. 

Stevens  came  very  near  anticipating  his  great  countrymen 
in  the  credit  of  their  success.  His  competing  steamer,  forced 
to  avoid  the  New- York  waters  by  the  monopoly  granted  by 
the  legislature  to  Livingstone  and  Fulton,  pushed  out  boldly 
into  the  Atlantic,  and  reached  Philadelphia  in  safety;  thus 
becoming  the  pioneer  in  ocean  steam-navigation.  "In  1818? 
'The  Savannah,'  a  New- York-built  ship,  with  side-wheels, 
and  propelled  by  steam  and  sails,  crossed  the  Atlantic  to  St. 
Petersburg,  via  Liverpool ;  reaching  the  latter  place,  direct 
from  New  York,  in  twenty-six  days,  and  returning  in  safety." 
Thus  to  American  genius  and  daring  belongs  the  first  honor 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.      457 

of  the  great  revolution  in  ocean-navigation,  as  well  as  that 
on  internal  waters. 

In  fifty  years  from  the  first  trip  of  "  The  Clermont "  on 
the  Hudson,  the  number  and  influence  of  steamboats  and 
steamships  had  exceeded  computation.  The  world  is  alive 
with  the  quickened  activity  which  has  resulted  to  mind  and 
commerce.  Time,  beyond  computation,  is  saved  in  the 
transaction  of  business.  The  style  of  convenience  in  moving 
over  the  waters,  and  the  nearer  approach  of  nations,  con 
tribute  to  general  improvement  in  civilization  and  the  real 
ized  brotherhood  of  man.  In  all  this  we  cannot  fail  to  see 
the  distinct  manifestation  of  God.  His  were  the  waters  and 
caloric ;  his  the  timber,  the  metals,  and  the  fuel ;  his  the 
mind  and  the  muscle.  He  made  them  all,  and  controlled 
the  time  and  the  place  of  their  mysterious  combinations; 
thus  revealing  clearly  his  purpose,  in  the  colonization  and 
government  of  this  country,  to  advance  the  race  boldly 
bej^ond  all  former  standards  and  methods  of  civilization. 


RAILROADS. 

To  England  fairly  belongs  the  first  honor  of  this  great 
invention  and  the  use  of  steam-locomotives.  The  begin 
nings,  of  course,  were  very  small  and  rude ;  but  they  demon 
strated  the  fact  that  steam-power  could  be  rendered  available 
for  impelling  carriages  and  removing  freight  on  land.  The 
development  of  this  power  has  been  very  rapid  both  in 
Europe  and  America.  It  began  in  this  country  in  1829  ; 
and  the  decade  immediately  under  review  marks  a  splendid 
advance  in  this  great  method  of  civilization  and  progress. 
Previous  to  1850,  our  railroads  "  sustained  only  an  unim 
portant  relation  to  the  internal  commerce  of  the  country. 
Nearly  all  the  lines  then  in  operation  were  local  or  isolated 
works,  and  neither  in  extent  nor  design  had  begun  to  be 
formed  into  that  vast  and  connected  system,  which,  like  a 
web,  now  covers  every  portion  of  our  wide  domain,  enabling 


458  THE  GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

each  work  to  contribute  to  the  traffic  and  value  of  all,  and 
supplying  means  of  locomotion  and  a  market,  almost  at  his 
own  door,  for  nearly  every  citizen  of  the  United  States." 

Only  one  line  of  road,  the  various  links  of  the  New- York 
Central,  connected  the  tide-waters  of  the  East  with  the  great 
internal  basins  of  the  country;  and  this  was  encumbered 
with  such  tolls  in  the  interest  of  the  Erie  Canal,  as  to  amount 
to  an  embargo  on  freight. 

The  next  line,  extending  from  Boston  to  Ogdensburg,  was 
completed  within  the  year  1850.  The  New- York  and  Erie 
was  next ;  and  this  was  opened  April  22,  1851.  The  next 
was  the  Pennsylvania,  which  completed  its  "  mountain  divis 
ion  in  1854."  The  Baltimore  and  Ohio,  fifth  in  time,  was 
opened  in  1853.  "  The  Tennessee  River,  a  tributary  of  the 
Mississippi,  was  reached  in  1850  by  the  Western  and  Atlan 
tic  Railroad  of  Georgia ;  and  the  Mississippi  itself,  by  the 
Memphis  and  Charleston  Railroad,  in  1859.  In  the  extreme 
North,  the  Atlantic  and  St.  Lawrence,  now  known  as  the 
Grank  Trunk,  was  completed  early  in  1853.  In  1858,  the 
Virginia  system  was  extended  to  a  connection  with  the  Mem 
phis  and  Charleston  and  with  the  Nashville  and  Chattanooga 
Railroads." 

"The  eight  great  works  named,  connecting  the  interior 
with  the  seaboard,  are  the  trunks  or  base  lines  upon  which 
is  erected  the  vast  system  that  now  overspreads  the  whole 
country.  They  seem  as  outlets  to  the  interior  for  its  prod 
ucts,  which  would  have  little  or  no  commercial  value  with 
out  improved  highways,  the  cost  of  transportation  over  which 
does  not  equal  one-tenth  of  that  of  our  ordinary  roads." 

The  following  will  exhibit  the  number  of  miles  of  rail 
roads  constructed  in  ten  years,  from  1850  to  1860 :  — 


Increase  in 

STATES.  Ten  Years. 

MILES. 

Maine 226.58 

New  Hampshire     .     .     .     .191.27 
Vermont  .     .277.18 


Increase  in 

STATES.  Ten  Years. 

MILES. 

Massachusetts 237.22 

Rhode  Island 39.92 

Connecticut  .  .  190.74 


New-England  States 1,162.91 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  AETS. 


459 


STATES. 

New  York    
New  Jersey  .... 

Increase  in 
Ten  Years. 
MILES. 

1,298.74 
353.97 
1,620.15 
97.50 
126.90 

3,497.26 

1,256.01 
640.92 
698.97 
760.50 
380.50 

STATES. 
Ohio  

Indiana  
Michio-an      

Pennsylvania     .... 
Delaware      

Illinois    

Maryland 

Wisconsin    
Minnesota    .... 

Middle  Atlantic  States  . 

Iowa  

Kansas    

North  Carolina  .     . 
South  Carolina  .... 
Georgia  
Florida 

Interior  States  North    . 
California     

Oregon   . 

Southern  Atlantic  States, 
Alabama 

3,736.90 

610.66 
797.30 
255.25 
306.00 

Pacific  States     .     .     . 

New-England  States    . 
Middle  Atlantic  States     . 
Southern  Atlantic  States  . 
Gulf  States 

Mississippi   
Louisiana 

Texas     .     .     .     .     .     . 

Gulf  States   .... 
Arkansas 

1,969.21 

38.50 
1,197.92 

489.72 

Interior  States  South  . 
Interior  States  North  . 
Pacific  States    .... 

Total  in  United  States  . 

Tennessee 

Kentucky    

Interior  States  South    . 

1,726.14 

Increase  in 
Ten  Years. 

MILES. 

2,325.48 
1,897.90 

457.30 
2,757.40 

902.61 

679.67 
9,020.36 

70.05 
3.80 


73.85 

1,162.91 
3,497.26 
3,736.90 
1,969.21 
1,726.14 
9,020.36 
73.85 

21,186.63 


Let  the  reader  observe  that  we  began  this  ten  years  with 
8,588.79  miles  of  railroad  in  operation  in  the  whole  United 
States,  costing  $296,260,128;  during  the  progress  of  the  de 
cade,  we  increased  21,186.63  miles,  at  a  cost  of  $838,192,781 ; 
making  29,775.42  miles  of  road,  costing  $1,134,452,909. 
This  progress  is  so  great,  that  we  cannot  extend  our  concep 
tions  or  reason  so  as  fully  to  grasp  and  comprehend  it.  In 
the  decades  to  come,  additions  will  be  still  more  incompre 
hensible. 

These  roads,  it  was  estimated  by  Mr.  Kennedy,  "trans 
ported  in  the  aggregate  at  least  eight  hundred  and  fifty  tons 
of  merchandise  per  annum  to  the  mile  of  road  in  operation. 
Such  a  rate  would  give  twenty-six  million  tons  as  the  total 


460  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

annual  tonnage  of  railroads  for  the  whole  country.  If  we 
estimate  the  value  of  this  tonnage  at  a  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars  per  ton,  the  aggregate  value  of  the  whole  would  be 
three  billion  nine  hundred  million  dollars.  Vast  as  this  com 
merce  is,  more  than  three-quarters  of  it  has  been  created 
since  1850. 

Up  to  the  close  of  1866,  we  had  extended  our  lines  so  as 
to  reach  36,890  miles ;  making  about  thirty-eight  per  cent 
of  all  the  railroads  in  the  world.  In  all  Europe  there  are 
50,117  miles,  in  North  and  South  America  40,866  miles, 
in  Asia  3,660  miles,  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  13,286 
miles,  in  France  3,082,  and  in  Prussia  5,704,  miles  of  rail 
road.  In  the  United  States  there  are  eighty-one  square 
miles  to  each  mile  of  railroad,  and  a  mile  of  railroad  to 
each  thousand  inhabitants.  In  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
the  proportion  is  nine  miles  of  area  to  one  of  railroad,  and 
one  mile  of  road  to  each  2,189  of  population ;  and  in  France 
the  ratio  is  twenty-four  square  miles,  and  4,172  of  population, 
to  one  mile  of  railroad. 

One  of  the  two  grandest  enterprises  of  the  age  is  the  Trans 
continental  Railroad  connecting  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
Oceans,  and  bringing  America  and  Asia  into  neighborhood 
relations.  The  Union  Pacific  Railroad  is  now  rapidly  moving 
westward.  It  reached  the  Rocky  Mountains  in  September, 
1867,  —  a  distance  of  five  hundred  and  seventeen  miles  from 
Omaha,  Nebraska,  where  it  connects  with  the  great  Eastern 
systems  of  roads  centring  at  St.  Louis,  Chicago,  Boston,  and 
New  York.  The  California  Central  is  building  from  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  eastward,  to  meet  the  Union  Pacific ;  and  they 
have  already  tunnelled  the  Sierra  Nevadas,  and  hasten  to 
meet  their  Eastern  co-laborers  at  the  earliest  possible  mo 
ment. 

By  this  road,  New  York  is  within  a  week  of  San  Francis 
co  ;  and,  by  steam,  Asia  is  within  twenty-eight  days  of  our 
great  port  on  the  Pacific.  With  these  connections,  the  vast 
trade  of  Europe  with  Eastern  Asia  must  cross  this  continent, 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEAKNING  AND  THE  ARTS.      461 

and  San  Francisco  and  New  York  be  raised  to  a  position  of 
commercial  enterprise  heretofore  unequalled. 

This  vast  work  was  boldly  commenced  by  the  United 
States  in  the  midst  of  our  gigantic  civil  war.  Individual 
capital  is  munificently  aided  by  the  government  with  a  grant 
of  twelve  thousand  eight  hundred  acres  of  land  to  every  mile 
of  road ;  to  which  are  added  United-States  bonds,  for  the 
least  expensive  portion,  sixteen  thousand  dollars  per  mile  ; 
the  n,ext  class,  thirty-two  thousand  dollars;  and,  for  the 
mountain  section,  forty-eight  thousand  dollars  per  mile. 
This  immense  undertaking  is  now  (fall  of  1867)  more  than 
half  completed.  The  cars  will  doubtless  pass  from  ocean 
to  ocean  early  in  the  year  1870. 

In  the  mean  time,  American  genius  has  rapidly  improved 
the  comfort  of  railroad  travelling.  We  may  now  at  our 
pleasure  enjoy  our  saloons  and  refreshments  in  the  splendid 
cars  fitting  up  for  this  and  other  roads ;  and,  when  weary,  at 
night  we  can  retire  to  our  state-rooms,  and  enjoy  our  repose, 
and  wake  in  the  morning  to  find  that  we  have  moved  as 
rapidly  and  safely  in  the  hours  of  sleep  as  in  the  day. 


THE   SAFETY    STEAM-GENERATOR. 

We  have  not  reached  the  highest  perfection  in  the  use  of 
steam.  Invention  and  discovery  ought  to  reduce  the  bulk 
and  expense  of  steam-apparatus,  and  secure  us  against  the 
possibility  of  explosions.  In  this  connection,  it  gives  us  great 
pleasure  to  introduce  to  our  readers  a  recent  invention  by 
our  fellow-countryman,  THOMAS  MITCHELL  of  Albany,  N.Y., 
which  promises  to  accomplish  these  invaluable  results.  It 
has  been  examined  and  fully  indorsed  by  scientific  men  and 
practical  engineers.  John  Johnson,  LL.D.,  Professor  of 
Natural  Science  in  the  Wesleyan  University  at  Middle- 
town,  Conn.,  in  a  letter  to  the  inventor,  says,  "  Having  been 
favored  with  an  opportunity  to  witness  the  working  of  your 
recently-invented  safety  steam-generator,  I  take  pleasure  in 


462  THE    GBEAT    REPUBLIC. 

expressing  my  views  of  it.  The  impression  made  upon  my 
mind  is  altogether  favorable ;  and,  if  I  may  not  affirm  posi 
tively  that  it  is  the  greatest  invention  of  the  age,  I  can  say, 
conscientiously,  that  I  believe  it  will  have  the  effect  very 
considerably  to  increase  the  importance  and  value  of  steam 
as  a  motive-power,  by  diminishing  both  the  cost  of  its  per 
fection  and  the  danger  of  its  use.  I  am  happy  to  say  that 
I  consider  your  invention  one  of  great  importance  and  inter 
est,  as  it  cannot  fail  of  coming  into  general  use  very  soon." 

Other  testimonials  express  the  same  and  even  stronger 
convictions,  without  reservation.  I  have  seen  the  movement 
of  this  beautiful  invention  as  employed  in  working  machine 
ry;  and  I  cannot  see  how  it  can  fail  to  revolutionize  the 
whole  system  of  available  steam-power  in  mechanism,  loco 
motion,  and  steam-navigation.  From  the  following  descrip 
tion  by  the  inventor,  the  reader  will  receive  a  clear  idea  of 
the  steam-generator :  — 

"  This  generator  takes  the  place  of  steam-boilers.  Its  con 
struction  is  simply  a  cast-iron  cylinder,  lying  horizontally 
within  a  furnace ;  which  furnace  is  formed  of  two-eighths  of 
an  inch  wrought-iron  plates  riveted  together,  with  a  space 
between  of  about  one  inch.  This  space  is  kept  filled  with 
water,  thus  protecting  the  iron  case  from  the  effects  of  the 
heat.  The  water  thus  heated  is  pumped  into  the  generator. 
From  this  water,  there  is  an  open  pipe  into  the  air,  so  that 
no  pressure  is  possible.  The  generator  is  made  to  rotate  by 
the  steam-pump,  making  about  two  revolutions  per  minute 
over  the  fire  in  the  furnace ;  thus  securing  an  equal  tempe 
rature  in  its  metal,  and,  of  course,  obviating  the  injurious 
effects  of  unequal  expansion  and  contraction,  and  therefore 
giving  it  the  greatest  possible  durability.  One  of  these 
cylinders  of  ten-horse  power  is  only  thirty  inches  long  by 
twenty  diameter.  There  is  a  valve  constructed  like  a  safety- 
valve,  on  which  a  scale  of  figures  is  made.  A  spring,  or 
weight,  is  placed  on  any  of  these,  giving  any  number  of 
pounds  of  water-pressure  desired.  The  pump  is  kept  con- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.      463 

stantly  in  operation.  There  is  a  half-inch  water-pipe  passing 
through  the  trunnions  of  the  generator  horizontally,  which 
does  not  revolve,  made  tight  by  stuffing-boxes,  and  contain 
ing  holes  on  its  upper  side  about  two  inches  apart,  and  about 
a  sixteenth  of  an  inch  in  size.  The  water,  passing  into  the 
generator  through  this  pipe,  becomes  so  highly  heated,  that 
it  foams  out  of  these  little  nozzles,  and,  coming  in  contact 
with  the  surrounding  highly-heated  steam,  becomes  steam 
itself  before  touching  the  metal  of  the  generator.  Suppose 
it  is  desired  to  run  at  sixty  pounds  of  steam :  the  water- 
valve  is  set  at  this  figure.  The  generator  is  now  heated  to  a 
degree  which  will  convert  the  water  let  into  it  immediately 
into  steam :  thus  sixty  pounds  of  steam  is  produced  in 
about  five  seconds.  This  pressure,  being  equal  to  the  water- 
pressure,  prevents  the  introduction  of  any  more  water ;  and, 
there  being  no  water  in  the  generator  from  which  to  make 
steam,  the  steam  cannot  rise  above  the  sixty  pounds,  and 
that,  too,  without  regard  to  the  degree  of  heat  in  the  furnace. 
The  two  pressures,  being  thus  equally  balanced,  render  ex 
plosions  impossible.  Now,  as  the  steam-pressure  is  reduced 
by  use,  that  remaining  lets  just  water  enough  into  the  gene 
rator  to  keep  up  the  corresponding  pressure,  thereby  secur 
ing  a  steady  supply  of  steam  without  regard  to  the  quantity 
being  used,  and  limited  only  by  the  amount  of  water  a  given 
size  of  cylinder  is  capable  of  converting  into  steam." 

TELEGRAPHY. 

Telegraphic  communication  began  by  the  use  of  signals. 
Roman  generals  and  North-American  Indians  alike  availed 
themselves  of  this  convenient  method  of  overcoming  distance 
and  time.  Fires,  flags,  symbols  formed  of  blocks  of  wood, 
illuminated  letters,  figures,  telescopes,  and  mirrors  were 
among  the  means  adopted  for  this  purpose. 

The  way  for  the  electric  telegraph  was  prepared  by  the 
discovery,  "about  the  year  1729,  that  the  shock  could  b(\ 


464  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

transmitted  long  distances  through  conducting  media  with 
great  rapidity ; "  by  the  invention  of  the  Leyden  jar ;  the 
experiments  of  Franklin;  "firing  alcohol  by  an  electric 
charge,  sent  through  wires,  under  water,  across  the  Schuyl- 
kill  in  1748;"  and  the  Voltaic  pile,  discovered  in  1800.  In 
1747,  Dr.  Watson  discovered  that  "  the  earth  itself  and 
intervening  bodies  of  water  might  be  made  use  of  to  com 
plete  the  electric  circuit."  The  names  of  Lesage  of  Geneva, 
Lamond  of  France,  Reizen  of  Germany,  Don  Francisco  Salva, 
and  Sr.  Betancourt,  are  connected  with  important  experi 
ments  extending  from  1774  to  1797.  On  the  track  of  this 
discovery  appear  the  names  of  Francis  Ronalds,  England,  in 
1816;  Harrison  G.  Dyer,  New  York,  in  1827;  and  Sb'mmer- 
ing,  Germany,  beginning  his  experiments  in  1809. 

The  discoveries  in  electro-magnetism,  commencing  with 
Oersted  of  Copenhagen  in  1819,  opened  a  new  era  in  the 
scientific  efforts  tending  to  the  solution  of  this  important 
problem.  Then  appear  the  names  of  Schweigger  of  Halle ; 
Ampere  of  France;  Prof.  Steinheil  of  Munich  ;  Cooke,  Wheat- 
stone,  Barlow,  and  William  Sturgeon,  of  England ;  all  of 
whom  made  their  contributions  to  the  accumulating  elec 
trical  thought  of  the  age. 

Another  stage  of  progress  is  distinctly  marked  by  the 
experiments  of  Prof.  Henry,  made  in  Albany,  N.Y.,  in  1828- 
1830,  greatly  multiplying  available  magnetic  force  by  the 
use  of  a  covered  wire.  "  The  current  was  so  increased  in  in 
tensity,  that  the  electric  telegraph  was  at  once  made  practi 
cable  for  any  distance."  Now  Baron  Schelling  of  St.  Peters 
burg,  Councillor  Gauss,  and  Prof.  Weber  of  Gottingen,  enter 
the  field,  bringing  their  valuable  experiments  down  to  1834. 
In  1836,  Prof.  Daniell,  England,  discovered  the  method  of 
sustaining  a  continuous  current;  and  Prof.  Faraday,  Eng 
land,  brought  forward  the  inductive  current ;  both  important 
steps  in  advance  toward  the  great  practical  result  destined 
to  distinguish  the  age  in  which  we  live. 

In  1832,  at  Havre,  on  board  the  packet-ship  "Sully,"  our 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.     465 

great  countryman,  Prof.  SAMUEL  FINLEY  BRUCE  MORSE,  con 
ceived  the  true  idea  of  the  electro-magnetic  telegraph,  and 
proceeded  at  once  to  make  the  drawings,  which,  after  the 
most  thorough  legal  sifting,  have  demonstrated  his  claim  to 
be  considered  the  true  inventor  of  a  system  of  telegraphic 
communication  with  all  the  essential  apparatus  required  to 
render  electro-magnetic  and  chemical  power  available  in  the 
grand  system  of  telegraphy  which  now  extends  throughout 
the  world. 

Slowly  and  carefully  Prof.  Morse  advanced  in  the  prepara 
tion  of  his  machine  and  in  practical  experiments ;  bringing 
out  his  invention  successfully  in  New  York  in  1835,  and 
producing  communications  through  a  circuit  of  half  a  mile. 
He  then  came  before  the  government  for  an  official  recog 
nition  of  his  great  discovery,  but  shared  the  usual  fate  of 
genius,  —  delays  and  vexations  which  seemed  to  be  endless. 
Discouraged  at  home,  he  went  abroad.  England  and  France 
then  had  the  opportunity  of  becoming  the  first  great  patrons 
of  one  of  the  greatest  benefactors  of  the  race ;  but  they 
suffered  national  prejudice,  forms,  and  doubts  to  deprive  them 
of  this  honor.  Ke  turn  ing  to  his  own  government,  and  passing 
through  conflicts  and  trials  almost  unendurable,  he  retired, 
on  the  last  night  of  the  session  of  1842-1843,  in  complete 
despair.  u  But  in  the  morning  —  the  morning  of  March  4, 
1843  —  he  was  startled  with  the  announcement,  that  the 
desired  aid  of  Congress  had  been  extended  in  the  midnight 
hour  of  the  expiring  session,  and  thirty  thousand  dollars 
placed  at  his  disposal  for  his  experimental  essay  between 
Washington  and  Baltimore.  In  1844,  the  work  was  com 
pleted,  and  demonstrated  to  the  world  the  practicability  and 
the  utility  of  the  Morse  system  of  electro-magnetic  tele 
graphs."  * 

In  consequence  of  these  vexatious  delays,  he  was  antici 
pated,  in  the  production  of  the  first  actual  working  telegraph, 
by  Prof.  C.  A.  Steinheil  of  Munich,  in  1836.  It  was  brought 

*  Appleton's  Cyclopaedia. 


5'J 


466  THE   GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

forward  under  the  patronage  of  the  Bavarian  Government, 
and  extended  twelve  miles,  using  the  earth  to  complete  the 
circuit. 

About  the  same  time,  Mr.  William  F.  Cooke,  a  student  at 
Heidelberg,  taking  his  hint  from  the  experiments  of  Prof. 
Moncke,  commenced  a  series  of  experiments,  which,  through 
the  assistance  of  Prof.  Wheatstone,  resulted  in  the  English 
telegraph.  The  electro-chemical  telegraph  was  brought  to 
this  country  in  1849  by  the  inventor,  Mr.  Alexander  Bain. 
It  was  a  valuable  improvement ;  but  for  legal  reasons,  and 
by  arrangement,  it  has  been  incorporated  with  the  working 
system  of  Morse.  Prof.  Wheatstone  has  continued  his  labors 
with  important  results.  In  the  mean  time,  "  Mr.  Alfred  Vail 
of  New  York,  M.  Frornent  in  France,  Royal  E.  House  of 
Vermont,  David  E.  Hughes  of  Kentucky,  and  Jacob  Bret 
in  Great  Britain,"  invented  printing-telegraphs,  which  are 
doubtless  of  great  value  in  the  art.  The  system  of  Mr. 
House  "  is  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  wronderful  and  com 
plete  of  the  extraordinary  inventions  developed  by  the  tele 
graph."  To  him  belongs  the  honor  of  the  first  printed 
despatch  ever  produced  upon  a  telegraph-line.  It  was  sent 
in  the  autumn  of  1847  from  Cincinnati  to  Jeffersonville. 

Experiments  are,  of  course,  rapidly  progressing.  Defects 
are  eliminated  and  excellences  combined,  while  the  invention 
of  Prof.  Morse  remains  the  grand  basis  of  the  whole,  and  the 
great  practical  method  of  telegraphy  for  the  largest  portions 
of  the  world.  Indeed,  it  is  a  most  unusual  thing  for  any 
original  inventor  to  include  so  nearly  and  so  fully  all  the 
fundamental  principles  of  a  great  public  improvement  as  did 
Prof.  Morse.  The  civilized  world  combines  to  recognize  his 
claim,  and  extend  to  him  the  highest  honors.  From  the 
sovereigns  and  governments  of  France,  Russia,  Prussia,  Swe 
den,  Belgium,  Holland,  Austria,  Sardinia,  Tuscany,  Rome, 
Denmark,  Spain,  and  Turkey,  and  from  citizens  of  England, 
he  has  received  testimonials  of  gratitude  such  as  have  never 
been  the  lot  of  any  American  citizen. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.     467 

To  him  also  belongs  the  honor  of  originating  the  sub 
marine  telegraph.  He  "  laid  the  first  submarine  telegraph- 
lines  in  New- York  Harbor  in  the  autumn  of  1842,  and 
received  at  the  time,  from  the  American  Institute,  a  gold 
medal  for  that  achievement ; "  and  it  is  claimed  that  the  first 
suggestion  of  the  Atlantic  telegraph  was  made  "  in  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Morse  to  the  Secretary  of  the  United-States  Treas 
ury,  dated  Aug.  10,  1843."  * 

I  mentioned  the  American  trans-continental  railroad  as  one 
of  the  two  greatest  enterprises  of  the  age.  The  Atlantic 
telegraph  is  unquestionably  the  other. 

From  the  first  successful  experiments  of  Mr.  Morse  in  New- 
York  Harbor,  submarine  telegraphy  went  on  rapidly.  The 
great  leading  mind  in  the  struggles  of  twelve  years,  extend 
ing  from  1854  to  July  27, 1866,  resulting  in  placing  the  Old 
and  the  New  World  in  almost  instantaneous  connection,  was 
Cyrus  W.  Field,  —  a  name  which  must  ever  stand  high,  not 
merely  in  the  annals  of  America,  but  of  the  world.  Dis 
tinguished  no  less  for  his  humility  than  for  his  high  sense  of 
justice,  he  awards  to  the  great  scientific  men  and  noble 
patrons  of  progress  in  England  the  highest  praise  for  their 
indispensable  co-operation  and  unparalleled  exertions  uniting 
to  secure  for  this  great  providential  movement  complete  suc 
cess  ;  but  the  world  combines  to  place  the  crown  upon  the 
head  of  our  distinguished  fellow-countryman,  CYRUS  W.  FIELD. 

It  is  now  wholly  unnecessary  to  trace  the  steps  by  which 
this  grand  result  was  reached.  It  is  enough,  that,  through 
out  the  length  and  breadth  of  our  land,  we  can  read  at  our 
homes  the  great  events  transpiring  in  Europe  on  the  same 
day  of  their  occurrence,  and  even  in  anticipation  of  time 
by  the  clock. 

When  we  consider  the  genius  by  which  this  result  has 
been  achieved,  and  think  of  Franklin,  Morse,  and  Field,  with 
their  great  co-laborers  in  the  field  of  discovery ;  when  we 

*  For  a  full  and  valuable  history  of  the  telegraph,  I  refer  the  reader  to  Appleton's 
Cyclopaedia,  articles  "  Telegraph  "  aad  "  Morse." 


468  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

see  the  gathering  neighborhood  of  nations,  and  the  grand 
unity  of  the  race  coming  out  of  the  confusion  and  strife 
of  six  thousand  years,  —  we  are  constrained  to  exclaim,  in 
the  language  of  the  first  telegraphic  despatch  in  the  world's 
history,  penned  by  an  American  woman,  "  What  hath  God 
wrought ! " 

Up  to  1866,  there  were  sixty-one  important  submarine  or 
telegraph  cables,  amounting  to  ten  thousand  two  hundred 
and  thirty-one  miles.  The  first  commenced  operation  in 
1851 ;  but  they  had,  at  the  above  date,  accomplished  jointly 
three  hundred  and  thirteen  years  of  telegraphic  work. 

Look,  now,  at  the  results  of  railroad  and  telegraphic  com 
munication,  and  behold  the  literal,  of  which  the  spiritual 
was  seen  by  our  great  Christian  poet  a  hundred  years  in 
advance : — 

"  Mountains  rise,  and  oceans  roll, 
To  sever  us,  in  vain." 


ARCHITECTURE. 

Civil,  military,  and  naval  architecture  may  be  regarded  as 
progressive  in  the  United  States.  It  is  treated  as  belonging 
to  the  useful  rather  than  the  fine  arts.  The  utilitarian  ten 
dency  of  the  republican  mind  shows  itself  in  this  depart- 
ment  of  industry.  Our  best  architects  study  the  practical 
and  useful  first,  the  elegant  and  beautiful  if  they  have  time. 
Many  of  them  are  good  mechanics,  have  built  houses  for  the 
convenience  of  poor  men ;  and  the  developments  of  genius, 
lifting  them  above  the  toil  of  handicraft,  bringing  them  into 
the  sphere  of  the  beautiful,  have  generally  been  amid  the 
limitations  and  discipline  of  poverty  and  the  constant  demand 
for  cheap  plans  and  low  prices. 

The  achievements  of  our  clever  artists  are,  on  this  account, 
the  more  creditable,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  more  useful. 
We,  moreover,  harmonize  with  the  tendencies  of  our  times. 
The  really  grand  in  architecture  seems  to  belong  to  other 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.     469 

ages.  The  obelisks,  pyramids,  temples,  palaces,  and  tombs 
of  Egypt  will  never  be  reproduced  nor  imitated  in  America 
or  elsewhere.  The  magnificent  temples  of  India,  and  the 
grand  and  imposing  structures  of  Greece  and  Rome,  belong 
wholly  to  the  past.  Paganism  could  exceed  Christianity  in 
the  enormous  wastes  of  power  which  struggled  to  symbolize 
the  greatness  of  their  conceptions  of  the  gods.  It  has  long 
since  exhausted  its  resources  in  these  efforts,  and  lapsed  into 
barbarism  in  its  attempts  at  architecture  as  well  as  its  modes 
of  living. 

The  early  Christians  introduced  in  their  splendid  cathedrals 
a  much  purer  ideal  of  God  and  worship,  but  gave  undue 
position  to  ornaments  in  their  church  architecture  and  dec 
orations.  This  era  also,  we  believe,  has  departed,  not  to  re 
turn.  There  will,  probably,  be  no  other  specimens  of  imposing 
grandeur  and  inspiring  beauty  thrown  around  the  simple 
worship  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  at  all  comparable  to  those  which 
still  remain  in  Europe  the  admiration  and  wonder  of  trav 
ellers. 

The  movement  in  this  department  of  art  is  away  from  the 
physical  toward  the  spiritual.  Hence  simplicity  and  beauty 
have  taken  the  place  of  grandeur  and  extravagance  ;  a  fact 
which  shows  clearly  that  America  is  in  harmony  with  the 
age.  The  manifestations  of  tyranny,  which  absorb  the  toil 
and  means  of  a  generation  of  millions  for  the  aggrandize 
ment  of  the  sovereign,  are  superseded  by  the  Christian  utili 
ties,  which  distribute  resources  of  enjoyment  among  the 
masses.  Pyramids  and  cathedrals  are  the  types  of  the  dead 
past ;  railroads,  steamboats,  telegraphs,  chaste,  convenient 
church-edifices,  and  halls  of  learning,  the  types  of  the  pres 
ent.  We  have  no  lamentation  for  the  departure  of  the 
symbols  of  despotism,  paganism,  and  corrupted  Christianity, 
but  rather  glory  in  the  fact  that  the  Great  Republic  leads  the 
world  in  the  direction  of  the  useful,  the  beautiful,  and  the 
true.  This  is  the  direction  of  democratic  freedom  and  pure 
Christianity. 


470  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

In  the  mean  time,  under  the  control  of  simple  good  sense, 
our  artists  and  artisans,  acting  in  harmony,  are  keeping  pace 
with  the  advancing  wealth  and  culture  of  our  people. 
Palatial  residences,  fine  public  buildings,  and  especially 
beautiful  houses  of  state  and  of  worship,  are  rising  up  rapidly 
around  us.  We  can,  it  is  true,  show  but  few  specimens  of 
pure  Doric,  Ionic,  or  Corinthian ;  but  we  have  preserVed  and 
used  something  of  the  spirit  of  them  all,  while  the  semi- 
Gothic,  Old  English,  Romantique,  and  various  composites,  are 
giving  an  air  of  wealth  and  taste  to  our  church  and  other 
edifices. 

PAINTING. 

We  are  not  disposed  to  make  pretentious  claims  of  prog 
ress  in  the  fine  arts  in  America.  This  would  be  absurd,  as 
we  are  yet  in  the  infancy  of  national  life.  We  are  quite  con 
tent  with  the  simple  truth,  which  shows  a  real  and  relative 
development  of  taste  worthy  of  our  land  and  our  freedom. 

In  portraits,  we  began  in  Boston  as  early  as  1667 ;  but,  ac 
cording  to  Mr.  Tuckerman,  the  colony  now  known  as  Rhode 
Island  was  the  scene  of  our  earliest  art.*  Here  Smybert  began 
his  work,  and  by  a  copy  of  a  cardinal  by  Vandyke,  placed 
in  Yale-College  Gallery,  kindled  the  fires  of  genius  in  the 
soul  of  young  Alston,  so  famous  in  a  later  day.  In  Pennsyl 
vania,  Benjamin  West  arose  from  obscurity  to  become  the 
great  representative  of  American  genius,  and  give  distinction 
to  our  country  by  such  productions  of  his  master  skill  as 
«  Christ  Rejected,"  and  «  Christ  healing  the  Sick." 

Jarvis,  the  eccentric  nephew  of  John  Wesley,  came  for 
ward  to  attract  attention.  His  "  Perry  at  Lake  Erie,"  and 
numberless  other  productions,  combined  with  his  genial  social 
qualities  to  make  him  a  general  favorite.  The  "  Ariadne  "  of 
Vanderlyn  was  also  "  regarded  as  a  miracle  of  beauty." 

*  It  gives  us  pleasure  to  refer  to  "American  Artist-Life,"  by  Mr.  II.  T.  Tuckerman,  — 
a  new  work  of  great  value.  We  are  under  special  obligations  to  the  publishers,  G.  P 
Putnam  &  Son,  for  the  use  of  the  proof-sheets  in  advance  of  publication. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  AKTS.     471 

"  Henry  Inman,  than  whom  no  votary  of  the  pencil  in 
America  had  more  of  the  true  traits  of  artist-genius,  whose 
few  refined  and  graceful  compositions,  and  portraits  of 
Wordsworth,  Chalmers,  Macaulay,  and  others,  amply  attest 
his  skill  and  originality,  was  cut  off  in  the  prime  of  his  years 
and  his  faculties.  Thomas  Cole,  a  landscape-painter,  as  truly 
alive  to  the  significance  of  our  scenery  as  a  subject  of  art 
as  is  Bryant  as  one  of  poetry,  and  who  united  graphic  pow 
ers  with  poetical  feeling,  had  but  just  reached  his  meridian 
when  he  passed  away."  '• 

Charles  Wilson  Peale,  an  honest  mechanic,  found  the  spirit 
of  art  stirring  within  him,  and  became  a  student  of  West ; 
rose  to  distinction  as  a  portrait-painter,  and  contributed  much 
to  the  progress  of  art  and  natural  history  by  his  museum  in 
Philadelphia,  and  his  influence  in  founding  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Academy  of  Fine  Arts,  to  seventeen  annual  exhibitions 
of  which  he  was  a  contributor. 

Rembrandt  Peale,  second  son  of  Charles  Wilson,  added  to 
the  reputation  of  his  family  and  his  country  by  his  brilliant 
talents  as  a  painter.  His  "  Roman  Daughter,"  te  Court  of 
Death,"  and  portrait  of  Washington,  gave  him  an  enviable 
fame  as  a  spirited  idealist  as  well  as  a  truthful  delineator. 

The  name  of  Charles  Loring  Elliott,  born  in  Scipio,  N.Y., 
1812,  has  become  historical  in  American  art.  He  is  justly 
celebrated  for  the  accuracy  of  his  likenesses.  Fraser,  Tr urn- 
bull,  Stuart,  and  Durand  have  also  added  lustre  to  the  art- 
fame  of  their  country. 

Frederick  Edwin  Church  was  born  at  Hartford,  Conn.,  in 
1826.  His  spirited  drawings  and  brilliant  colorings  have  raised 
him  to  the  highest  position  as  a  representative  of  American 
art  at  home  and  abroad.  His  famous  view  of  Niagara  Falls, 
in  the  judgment  of  English  critics,  "  in  the  rush  of  the  waters 
and  the  fine  atmospheric  effects,  realizes  the  idea  of  sound 
as  well  as  of  motion,  and  has  done  more  than  any  other 
of  its  class  to  impress  Europeans  with  a  knowledge  and 

*  Tuckcrman's  American  Artist-Life,  p.  10. 


472  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

appreciation  of  American  art."  *  But  we  cannot  give  even 
a  catalogue  of  our  deserving  historical  portrait  and  landscape 
painters. 

"Within  the  last  few  years,  the  advance  of  public  taste 
and  the  increased  recognition  of  art  in  this  country  have 
been  among  the  most  interesting  phenomena  of  the  times. 
A  score  of  eminent  and  original  landscape-painters  have 
achieved  the  highest  reputations,  private  collections  of 
pictures  have  become  a  new  social  attraction,  exhibitions  of 
works  of  art  have  grown  lucrative  and  popular,  buildings 
expressly  for  studios  have  been  erected,  sales  of  pictures 
by  auction  have  produced  unprecedented  sums  of  money, 
art-shops  are  a  delectable  feature  of  Broadway,  artist-recep 
tions  are  favorite  re-unions  of  the  winter,  and  a  splendid 
edifice  has  been  completed  devoted  to  the  Academy,  and 
owing  its  erection  to  public  munificence ;  while  a  school 
of  design  is  in  successful  operation  at  the  Cooper  Institute. 
Nor  is  this  all :  at  Rome,  Paris,  Florence,  and  Dusseldorf,  as 
well  as  at  Chicago,  Albany,  Buffalo,  Philadelphia,  Boston,  and 
New  York,  there  are  native  ateliers,  schools,  or  collections, 
the  fame  whereof  has  raised  our  national  character,  and  en 
hanced  our  intellectual  resources  as  a  people."  t 

SCULPTURE. 

In  this  department  of  the  fine  arts,  American  genius  has 
reached  a  very  high  distinction.  A  few  names  are  sufficient 
to  represent  the  progress  of  our  brief  history. 

Horatio  Greenough  was  a  native  of  Boston,  born  in  1805. 
He  was  a  natural  sculptor  from  his  boyhood.  While  a  col 
lege-student,  he  formed  the  model  after  which  Bunker-hill 
Monument  was  constructed.  In  1825,  he  was  in  Rome. 
Here  he  enjoved  the  instructions  of  Thorwaldsen,  but  learned 
more  from  his  fellow-students.  At  Boston  again,  in  1826,  we 

*  Appleton's  Cyclopaedia,  art.  "  Church,  Frederick  Edwin." 
t  Tuckerman,  p.  12. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.      473 

find  him  modelling  busts  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  Chief  Jus 
tice  Marshall,  and  others.  But  soon  again  he  is  in  Italy,  with 
his  residence  in  Florence.  His  first  marked  encouragement 
came  from  James  Fennimore  Cooper,  who  commissioned  him 
to  execute  the  "  Charity  Cherubs."  This  act  of  Mr.  Cooper 
was  highly  appreciated,  and  gratefully  acknowledged.  From 
the  example  and  influence  of  this  distinguished  American  he 
received  numerous  orders  from  his  countrymen  for  busts  and 
other  pieces  of  statuary,  the  most  important  of  which  is  the 
colossal  statue  of  Washington,  now  standing  in  the  eastern 
grounds  of  the  Capitol.  A  memorial  of  this  worthy  artist, 
by  Mr.  H.  T.  Tuckerman,  has  done  much  to  preserve  the 
record  of  his  labors  and  moral  worth.  He  says,  "  Horatio 
Greenough  left  a  void  not  only  in  the  thin  rank  of  our  sculp 
tors,  but  among  the  foremost  of  Art's  intelligent  and  eloquent 
advocates  and  expositors.  Not  soon  will  be  forgotten  his 
copious  ideas,  independent  spirit,  and  genial  fellowship.  No 
American  artist  has  written  more  effectually  of  the  claims 
and  defects  of  art-culture  among  us." 

Hiram  Powers  was  born  in  Woodstock,  Vt,  July  29, 1825. 
His  early  life  was  that  of  an  ordinary  American  farmer's  boy. 
At  length  he  worked  his  way  to  Cincinnati,  where  he  showed 
his  mechanical  genius  and  business  capacity  in  connection 
with  a  clock-maker.  A  German  sculptor  awakened  in  him 
the  desire  to  be  an  artist,  and  taught  him  to  model  in  plaster. 
Then,  for  seven  years,  he  had  the  charge  of  the  Western 
Museum  in  the  wax-work  department.  In  1835,  he  began 
at  Washington  a  successful  career  in  modelling  busts  of  dis 
tinguished  men.  Then,  under  the  patronage  of  Nicholas 
Longworth,  he  went  to  Italy;  since  which,  Florence  has  been 
his  home.  He  now  needs  neither  eulogist  nor  monument. 
His  "  Eve,"  "  Greek  Slave,"  and  "  Fisher-Boy,"  with  numer 
ous  other  miniature  works,  give  him  a  world-wide  fame,  and 
reflect  the  highest  honor  upon  his  country.  He  has  led  the 
way  in  departing  from  the  ideal,  and  embodying  in  marble  a 
loving  devotion  to  Nature  and  truth. 


60 


474  THE  GEEAT  REPUBLIC, 

Thomas  Crawford,  a  native  of  New- York  City,  was  born 
an  artist,  March  22,  1814.  He  began  to  draw  and  sketch  as 
soon  as  he  was  able  to  move  a  pencil.  His  studies  were  con 
ducted  first  with  a  wood-engraver ;  then  with  Messrs.  Frazer 
and  Launitz,  monumental  sculptors,  in  his  native  city  ;  and 
at  the  school  of  the  National  Academy  of  Design.  After  pro 
ducing  indications  of  talent  in  portrait  busts,  he  was  found 
at  Rome  in  the  summer  of  1835.  Here  he  spent  several 
years  of  the  most  devoted  study  and  labor  in  the  studio  of 
Thorwaldsen.  During  this  time,  his  almost  incredible  devo 
tion  and  splendid  genius  produced  many  fine  pieces,  and 
raised  the  hopes  of  his  friends  to  a  very  high  degree.  In 
1839,  he  brought  out  his  celebrated  "  Orpheus."  This  secured 
him  the  patronage  of  the  Hon.  Charles  Sumner  in  an  order 
from  Boston  for  a  copy  in  marble,  which,  exhibited  with 
other  works  from  Mr.  Crawford,  formed  the  opening  to  a 
career  of  the  greatest  success.  His  studios  in  the  Plaza 
Barberini  were  highly  attractive  to  men  of  genius  from  all 
countries.  His  colossal  equestrian  statue  of  Washington, 
twenty-five  feet  high,  for  the  State  of  Virginia ;  his  grand 
historical  and  allegorial  pieces ;  his  figure  of  Liberty,  in  group 
with  allegorical  representations  of  the  Arts,  Commerce,  and 
Civilization,  for  the  new  Capitol,  —  are  works  of  the  highest 
merit.  Finally,  the  colossal  statue  of  the  Genius  of  America 
is  a  fitting  crown  for  the  Capitol  at  Washington  and  the 
genius  of  the  artist. 

I  cannot  deny  myself  the  pleasure  of  mentioning  one 
other  name,  —  Mr.  E.  D.  Palmer.  In  the  city  of  Albany  is  a 
quiet  studio  which  any  gentleman  of  taste  may  feel  himself 
privileged  to  enter.  It  is  the  home  of  calm  thought,  pure 
sentiment,  bold  conception,  and  chaste  imagination.  It  is 
where  the  artist  studies  and  toils  from  pure  affection  for  the 
beautiful  and  the  true.  It  is  where  the  "Infant  Ceres"  throws 
out  the  light  of  a  soul  through  marble  features;  where  "The 
Morning  and  Evening  Star "  shine  in  bass-relief  with  a  soft 
radiance  indicating  the  very  incarnation  of  light ;  where  the 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  ARTS.     475 

"  Spirit's  Flight,"  with  the  eyes  of  the  mother  resting  on  the 
symbol  of  the  atonement,  and  a  true  child  "full  of  graceful 
simplicity,"  fixes  the  gaze  of  tenderness  and  love.    Then  look 
at  the  "  Indian  Girl."     She  has  found  a  crucifix,  and  holds  it 
carefully  and    inquiringly  in  her  right  hand  :  in  her  left, 
loosely  held  as  if  forgotten,  are  the  feathers  gathered  for  the 
adornment  of  native  grace, —  beautiful,  touching,  spiritual. 
There  the  "  White  Captive"  seems  ready  to  speak,  while  you 
are  mute  with  sympathy  and  admiration.     "The  moment 
chosen  by  the  sculptor  is  evidently  that  when  the  full  con 
sciousness  of  her  awful    fate  is   awakened,  —  perhaps   the 
morning  after  the  capture,  when,  no  longer  fearing  pursuit, 
the  savages  despoil  their  beautiful  victim,  and  gloat  over  her 
anguish.     She  is  no  longer  breathlessly  hurried  onward,  but 
standing  there  in  the  wilderness,  desolate  and  nude,  realizes 
through  every  vein  and  nerve  the  horrors  of  her  situation ; 
but  virgin  purity  and  Christian  faith  assert  themselves  in 
her  soul,  and  chasten  the  agony  they  cannot  wholly  subdue. 
Accordingly,  while  keen  distress  marks  her  expression,  an 
inward  comfort,  an  elevated  faith,  combines  with  and  sub 
limates  the  fear  and  pain.     Herein  is  the  triumph  of  the 
artist.      The  '  White  Captive '  illustrates   the    power    and 
inevitable  victory  of  Christian  civilization.    Not  in  the  face 
alone,  but  in  every  contour  of  the  figure,  in  the  expression 
of  the  feet  as  well  as  the  lips,  the  same  physical  subjugation, 
and  moral  self-control,  and  self-concentration  are  apparent. 
The  '  beauty  and  anguish  walking  hand  in  hand  the  down 
ward  road  to  death '  are  upraised,  intensified,  and  hallowed 
by  that  inward  power  born  of  culture,  and  that  elevated  trust 
which  comes  from  religious  faith."  * 

These  and  many  other  works  of  exquisite  art  are  only  in 
part  the  outward  manifestations  of  the  inner  life  of  thought 
and  feeling  of  our  fellow-citizen,  —  Mr.  E.  D.  Palmer,  too 
diffident  to  allow  himself  to  be  named,  and  yet  so  far  almost 
unconsciously  demonstrative  as  to  add  lustre  to  the  future 
of  American  art. 

*  Tuckerman's  American  Artist,  "Palmer." 


476  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Compelled  as  we  are  to  pause  here,  we  can  only  ask  our 
readers  to  stand  reverently  before  the  great  Creator  of  mind 
and  genius,  and  adore  the  wisdom,  the  power  and  love,  so 
richly  blended  in  these  splendid  creations. 


PHOTOGRAPHY. 

This  means  the  art  of  depicting  objects  by  means  of 
light.  Priestley  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  discover  by 
chemical  experiments  that  this  was  possible.  The  experi 
ments  of  Schule,  a  Swedish  philosopher,  who  shared  with 
Priestley  the  honor  of  discovering  oxygen  gas,  tended  further 
to  demonstrate  this  possibility.  The  names  of  Count  Rum- 
ford,  Mr.  Wedgwood,  and  Sir  Humphry  Davy,  are  also  men 
tioned  as  having  made  valuable  contributions  to  discov 
eries  in  this  field.  Daguerre  in  France  in  1839,  and,  about 
the  same  time,  Talbot  in  England,  invented  methods  "  for  the 
fixation  of  the  images  of  the  camera  obscura;"  and  the  results 
were  deemed  of  great  importance.  The  process  came  to  be 
called  the  daguerrotype,  in  honor  of  the  distinguished  French 
discoverer ;  and  the  pictures  of  outward  objects  were  exceed 
ingly  sharp  and  fine. 

It  is,  however,  to  Dr.  Draper  of  the  New-York  University 
that  the  world  is  indebted  for  the  discovery  that  likenesses 
could  be  taken  by  light  from  the  living  presence.  Dr.  Draper 
announced  his  discovery  in  the  London,  Edinburgh,  and 
Dublin  philosophical  magazines ;  and  it  is  believed  that  he 
carried  the  art  to  so  high  a  degree  of  perfection,  that  some 
of  his  portraits  have  not  been  excelled.  "  This  great  im- , 
provement  was  accomplished  at  a  time  when  the  inventor  of 
the  daguerrotype  had  given  it  up  as  impossible."  * 

From  this  point,  experiments  have  advanced  until  photog 
raphy  has  become  an  immense  business  in  the  United  States 
and  elsewhere.  The  various  forms  of  the  art  are  so  well 
known  as  hardly  to  need  description.  Ambrotype  and  pho- 

*  Appleton's  Cyclopaedia,  art.  "  Photography." 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  LEARNING  AND  THE  AKTS.     477 

tograph  portraits  have  nearly  superseded  the  old  daguerro- 
types  in  popular  use,  but  not  in  real  artistic  perfection. 

The  result  of  the  whole  is  to  give  to  people  of  the  most 
ordinary  means  the  luxury  of  likenesses  painted  by  the  sun, 
which  preserve  the  features  of  friends  living  and  dead.  The 
discovery  is,  therefore,  of  great  value.  The  miniature  in  oil 
was  so  costly,  that  only  the  few  could  afford  it ;  hence  pho 
tography  is  a  very  large  accession  to  the  happiness  and 
improvement  of  the  masses,  as  well  as  the  wealthy  and  most 
highly  cultivated. 

It  has  come  to  be  applied  to  depicting  landscapes  and  copy 
ing  manuscripts  with  great  distinctness  and  beauty,  and  is  a 
grand  accession  to  the  convenience  and  perfection  of  the 
portrait-painter  and  engraver.  Large  as  is  the  field  of  this 
art,  its  applications  are  destined  to  be  still  farther  extended. 
It  undoubtedly  deserves  to  rank  high  among  the  astonishing 
discoveries  of  our  own  eventful  times. 

Thus  have  we  endeavored  to  present  the  development  of 
learning  and  the  arts  in  America,  that  our  readers  may  see 
how  high  above  mere  human  possibility  the  mind  of  the 
Great  Republic  has  been  raised  by  the  direct  power  of  God. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

DEVELOPMENT   OF  MANHOOD   AND  HUMANITY. 

"  The  Americans  are  a  very  old  and  a  very  enlightened  people,  who  have  fallen  upon 
a  new  and  unbounded  country,  where  they  may  extend  themselves  at  pleasure,  and  which 
they  may  fertilize  without  difficulty.  This  state  of  things  is  without  a  parallel  in  the 
history  of  the  world."  —  DK  TOCQUEVILLE. 

THERE  is  a  higher,  more  important  progress  than  the  merely 
physical,  —  a  greatness  that  rises  above  the  greatness  of 
wealth  and  commerce,  and  quite  as  far  above  the  merely 
intellectual. 

If  the  effect  of  climate  or  the  configuration  of  our  conti 
nent  had  been  to  make  us  earthly  and  sensual,  and,  as  a 
nation,  we  had  become  only  large  consumers  and  large  tra 
ders,  the  period  of  development  in  our  history  had  been  only 
the  animalization  of  the  race  with  an  enormous  growth  of 
individualism,  which  would  have  made  us  the  contempt  and 
scorn  of  all  pure  intelligences  on  earth  and  in  heaven.  The 
Western  continent,  it  has  been  noticed,  is  concave  toward  the 
sky ;  while  the  Eastern  is  convex.  Our  rivers  run  from  the 
outer  rims  toward  the  great  inward  trough,  and  so  seek 
the  sea  by  the  way  of  the  Mississippi ;  therefore,  it  has  been 
very  learnedly  explained,  our  minds  run  downward,  earth 
ward,  and  we  are  material,  naturally  and  necessarily  mate 
rialists  :  while  the  land  of  the  Europeans  and  Asiatics  arches 
towards  the  centre,  and  their  waters  are  drained  each  way 
towards  the  oceans;  therefore  the  Europeans  and  Asiatics 
by  great  physiological  laws  look  up,  and  are  inevitably 
religious,  superstitious. 

478 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MANHOOD  AND  HUMANITY.  479 

If  this  argument  were  not  a  most  ridiculous  conceit,  and 
therefore  utterly  unworthy  of  serious  consideration,  and  if 
the  tendencies  were  exactly  what  this  physical  theory  of  the 
moral  man  assumes,  we  have  a  strong  and  triumphant  answer 
in  the  facts ;  for,  despite  the  convexity  of  the  East  and  the 
concavity  of  the  West,  materialism  and  sensuality  are  rank 
and  extended  in  both  hemispheres.  Even  the  present  forms 
of  religion  are  compelled  to  resist  the  downward  tendency 
of  fallen  human  nature,  everywhere,  by  the  most  heroic 
exertions ;  an  era  of  rationalistic  scepticism  and  another  of 
kindred  ritualism  not  unfrequently  following  rapidly  on  the 
track  of  great  religious  reformations. 

TRUE   MANHOOD. 

The  great  truth  is,  that,  in  the  Orient  as  well  as  the  Occi 
dent,  men  can  be  good  and  great  only  by  aid  from  above. 
Under  the  action  of  this  inspiration,  selfishness  and  corrup 
tion,  there  as  here,  recede,  and  give  place  to  all  the  en 
nobling  feelings  and  acts  of  regenerated  humanity.  There 
and  here,  human  pride  and  ambition  substitute  the  material 
for  the  spiritual,  the  worship  of  the  fine  arts  for  the  worship 
of  the  great  Architect  of  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  of 
church  architecture  instead  of  the  Holy  Being  to  whom 
these  stately,  magnificent  edifices  are  consecrated.  In  Amer 
ica,  just  as  much,  and  no  more,  must  be  conceded.  With 
out  the  regeneration  and  the  new  life,  we  are  earthly  and 
sensual,  exactly  like  Europeans ;  and  tend  to  idolatry  in 
some  form,  like  the  Asiatics :  while,  just  like  both,  under 
the  power  of  the  great  spiritual  resurrection,  despite  the 
concavity  of  our  part  of  the  globe,  our  nations  are  refined 
and  exalted ;  and  we  rise  in  the  scale  of  greatness  to  the 
highest  spirituality  and  benevolence.  One  grand  announce 
ment  includes  us  all.  "  Ye  must  be  born  again  "  reveals  at 
once  the  reasons  for  our  despair  and  our  hope. 

In  the  new  moral  creation,  we  have  a  marked  development 


480  THE   GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

of  the  native  capabilities  of  man,  and  learn  how  the  disabili 
ties  of  our  race  may  be  effectually  helped,  and  our  inherent 
vices  eradicated.  There  man  begins  to  live  for  man  in 
distinction  from  self.  It  cannot  be  controverted,  just  so  far 
as  the  power  of  experimental  religion  extends  in  reforming 
and  moulding  the  nature  of  a  man,  he  moves  from  littleness 
to  greatness,  from  selfishness  to  beneficence ;  humility  takes 
the  place  of  pride ;  chastity,  the  place  of  lust ;  honesty,  the 
place  of  fraud ;  love,  the  place  of  hatred  ;  truth,  the  place  of 
falsehood ;  industry  and  enterprise,  the  place  of  idleness  and 
decay.  These  are  all  great  elements  of  true  manhood ; 
and  the  growth  is  so  visible,  that  a  man  who  denies  it  simply 
condemns  himself  for  absurdity  or  dulness,  narrowness  or 
falsehood. 

Just  as  in  individuals,  so  in  nations.  So  far  as  the  regene 
ration  of  human  nature  advances,  so  far  the  nation  rises  in 
character  and  moral  power.  For  all  great  moral  achieve 
ments  of  the  race,  sin  is  the  infancy  of  a  people,  righteousness 
their  manhood.  Virtue  begins  to  reveal  its  strength  under 
the  cross,  and  piety  unfolds  its  power  in  the  exercise  of  true 
faith,  —  "faith  that  works  by  love,  and  purifies  the  heart." 

True  manhood  appears  in  its  types.  The  first  Adam  was 
a  man  combining  the  powers  and  susceptibilities  directly 
created  by  infinite  perfection.  His  descendants  were  less 
than  men  by  all  their  infidelity,  disloyalty,  depravity,  false 
hood,  sorrows,  groans,  and  dying.  The  second  Adam  was  a 
man, —  a  God,  it  is  certain,  but  nevertheless  a  man,  a  typal 
man ;  and  as  the  race  became  less  than  men  by  receding 
from  the  first  typal  man,  so  they  become  men  just  as  they 
approach  the  second.  In  his  fullest  form,  the  second  man 
was  the  Lord  from  heaven  ;  and  thus  the  divine  in  union 
with  the  human  becomes  the  highest  type  of  manhood.  Just 
as  the  human  race  becomes  imbued  with  the  grace  and  power 
of  God  under  the  power  of  the  second  man,  who  becomes  to 
believing  sinners  "  a  quickening  spirit,"  do  they  approach  this 
highest  type  of  manhood. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MANHOOD  AND  HUMANITY.     481 

The  true  manhood  of  a  nation  will  therefore  be,  first  the 
regenerated  manhood  of  the  Fall ;  then,  so  far  as  the  new 
life  succeeds,  the  restored  manhood  of  Eden ;  and  thence  the 
developed  manhood  of  the  old  in  the  new  creation. 

Let  it  be  remarked,  then,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  the  grow 
ing  greatness  of  the  American  nation  is,  so  far  as  it  has 
advanced,  the  progressive  development  of  the  new  manhood. 
This  is  seen  in  the  individual  instances  of  reformation  in  the 
domestic  Edens,  which  come  of  the  restoration  of  love ;  the 
social  elevation,  which  makes  vice  disgraceful,  and  installs 
virtue  and  piety  as  the  dominant  forces  of  reason ;  and  in  the 
grand  uprising  of  a  whole  people,  courting  martyrdom  to 
honor  and  secure  a  great  principle. 

We  must  reckon  as  the  result  of  the  regeneration,  not  only 
the  persons  in  whom  it  is  developed  as  a  new  life,  but  those 
in  whom  any  divine  influences  have  found  room  and  liberty 
to  begin  their  work.  The  general  faith  in  the  being  of  God  ; 
the  public  universal  acknowledgment  that  Jesus  is  the 
Christ,  that  he  is  the  only  hope  of  the  world  ;  the  condemna 
tion  of  professing  Christians  for  their  improprieties  and  sins; 
and  the  universal  homage  paid  to  goodness,  with  the  equally 
universal  acknowledgment  of  the  duty  and  necessity  of 
reformation  in  order  to  perfect  happiness  and  safety,  —  must 
be  referred  to  the  same  source.  These  all  broaden  and 
heighten  the  manhood  of  our  nation.  Then  comes  the 
elevating  power  of  science,  confirming  the  truth  and 
reflecting  the  glory  of  Christianity ;  then  the  spirit  of  the 
press,  imbued  with  the  life  of  a  great  regeneration,  moving 
the  world  mightily  God-ward;  then-the  broad  expansion  of 
liberty,  accepting  and  proclaiming  the  universal  brotherhood 
of  man ;  finally  the  uplifting  of  the  lowest,  and  the  conse 
quent  rising  of  the  whole  to  the  sphere  of  power  which 
reveals  the  inevitable,  the  indestructible,  the  endlessly-pro 
gressive,  in  the  national  life.  This  era  of  the  Great  Republic 
dawns  upon  us  to-day. 

It  would  happen,  of  course,  in  the  coming  of  generations, 


Ci 


482  THE   GKEAT  REPUBLIC. 

under  such  quickening  influences,  that  individual  minds, 
highly  susceptible  and  broadly  formed,  would  grow  to  dis 
tinguished  greatness.  Hence,  though  not  thoroughly  Chris 
tian,  yet  reached  and  stimulated  by  Christian  forces,  Franklin 
and  Webster  rose  in  statesmanship  above  Mirabeau  and 
Talleyrand.  Hence  Washington  and  Lincoln,  deeply  imbued 
with  the  religious  spirit,  were  greater  than  Jefferson  and 
Calhoun.  Thus  Williams  and  Edwards,  Marshall  and  Mc 
Lean,  Judson  and  Olin,  rose  higher  in  historic  renown  than 
other  men  of  equal  mental  greatness,  and  approached  very 
nearly  to  the  sublime  purity  and  majestic  strength  of  true 
manhood.  But  the  elevation  of  the  common  mind  by  the 
power  of  a  pervading  Christian  life,  until  justice  is  enthroned 
by  the  will  of  the  people,  will  be  a  broader,  greater  fact. 
From  this  epoch  in  the  nation's  history,  the  approach  to 
typal  manhood  will  be  more  rapid  and  more  thoroughly 
sustained. 


ASYLUMS    FOR   THE   DEAF   AND    DUMB. 

Works  of  humanity  follow  promptly  the  development  of 
true  manhood  under  the  benevolent  influence  of  Christianity. 
The  best  Christian  minds  of  all  countries,  from  mere  love  of 
the  race,  inquire  anxiously  after  the  welfare  of  the  suffering 
and  unfortunate.  "  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself" 
is  the  second  great  commandment  of  our  beneficent  Christi 
anity  ;  and  the  law  of  action  toward  the  needy  is  distinctly 
announced  by  our  Saviour,  —  "All  things  whatsoever  ye 
would  that  men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them." 
Not  merely  the  authority  of  these  commands,  but  the  actual 
feeling  of  regenerated  natures,  and  the  longing  desires  of 
enlightened  good  men  in  the  spirit  of  a  religion  of  love, 
move  them  to  make  efforts  to  relieve  distress,  to  exalt  char 
acter,  and  enlarge  the  sphere  and  amount  of  positive  enjoy 
ment  and  usefulness.  Hence  it  is  that  institutions  for  the 
education  of  the  deaf  and  dumb,  the  blind,  the  insane,  the 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MANHOOD  AND  HUMANITY.  483 

intemperate,  and  the  idiot,  arise  in  Christian  countries,  and 
are  not  found  in  heathen  lands. 

As  is  usual  in  all  great  developments  of  civilization,  the 
first  efforts  made  for  the  deaf  and  dumb  were  crude  and  un 
satisfactory,  —  a  kind  of  feeling  around  in  the  dark  after  facts 
and  agencies  which  only  revealed  their  dim  outlines.  The 
code  of  Justinian  held  deaf-mutes  incapable  of  the  legal 
management  of  their  affairs ;  and  the  wisest  philosophers 
regarded  the  calamities  of  these  unfortunates  irremediable. 
In  the  middle  ages,  they  were  debarred  from  the  rights  of 
feudal  succession. 

To  Pedro  Ponce,  a  Benedictine  monk  of  Spain,  belongs  the 
honor  of  one  of  the  first  recorded  attempts  to  educate  the 
deaf  and  dumb.  He  died  in  1504.  Bouet  followed,  a  half- 
century  later.  The  Germans  claim  the  precedence  of  a  full 
century  for  efforts  attended  with  success  recorded  by  Rodolph 
Agricola,  and  thus  make  the  successful  endeavors  of  Parch,  a 
clergyman  of  Brandenburg,  to  educate  his  deaf-mute  daugh 
ter  by  pictures,  contemporary  with  those  of  Ponce.  In  the 
seventeenth  century,  small  advance  is  asserted  in  this  humane 
endeavor.  The  great  error,  however,  was  in  attempting  to 
educate  by  articulation ;  and  it  was  reserved  for  the  Abbe 
de  1'Epee  of  France  to  originate  the  great  movement  which 
resulted  in  the  use  of  signs,  the  natural  language  of  deaf- 
mutes,  and  to  found  the  first  institution  for  their  education. 
From  this  went  out  suggestions  and  teachers  which  founded 
schools  in  Germany,  Italy,  Switzerland,  Holland,  and  Spain. 
"It  was  only  from  this  time"  (1755  to  1760)  "  that  the  duty 
of  educating  them  began  to  take  hold  of  the  public  con 
science."  About  the  same  time,  the  efforts  of  Thomas  Braid- 
wood  in  Scotland,  and  Samuel  Heinecke  in  Saxony,  came  to 
public  notice. 

Our  own  system  was  brought  from  the  school  of  De  1'Epee, 
in  1816,  by  our  distinguished  citizen,  Thomas  H.  Gallaudet, 
whose  equally  distinguished  son  has  done  so  much  to  perfect 
and  extend  the  system  in  America. 


484  THE   GKEAT  KEPTJBLIC. 

As  late  as  1850,  there  were  only  a  hundred  and  eighty 
institutions  for  the  deaf  and  dumb  in  the  world,  numbering 
about  six  thousand  pupils.  There  were  about  eighty  small 
schools  in  Germany,  forty-five  in  France,  and  twenty-two  in 
the  British  Isles. 

Our  highly-valued  pioneer  institution  in  Hartford  was 
opened  in  1817.  The  next  began  in  New  York,  in  the  same 
year;  and  the  next  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1820.  Kentucky  fol 
lowed  in  1823,  Ohio  in  1829,  and  Virginia  in  1839.  In  1834, 
we  had  six  institutions,  thirty-four  teachers,  and  four  hun 
dred  and  sixty-six  pupils ;  in  1860,  twenty-two  institutions, 
a  hundred  and  thirty  teachers,  and  two  thousand  pupils. 
It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  work  must  be  largely  extended,  as, 
in  1860,  the  number  of  deaf-mutes  had  reached  fifteen  thou 
sand  and  seventy-seven. 

These  institutions  cost  the  several  States  about  three 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  annually ;  while  over  a 
million -.and  a  half  has  been  invested  in  buildings,  grounds, 
&c.  The  Columbia  Institution  in  Washington  is  an  ad 
vance  movement  designed  further  to  perfect  the  system,  and 
extend  to  these  unfortunates  the  benefits  of  a  college-course. 


ASYLUMS   FOR   THE   BLIND. 

The  appeal  of  the  blind  to  our  sympathies  and  humanity 
is  perhaps  still  more  touching.  Shut  out  as  they  are  from 
the  world  of  external  beauty ;  denied  the  pleasure  of  looking 
upon  the  landscape  with  its  hill  and  dale,  its  flowers  and 
fruit ;  not  permitted  to  see  the  countenances  of  those  they 
love,  nor  read  a  line  of  all  the  world  of  literature  so  acces 
sible  to  us,  —  it  would  be  really  strange  if  Christian  benefi 
cence  should  make  no  efforts  to  improve  their  condition. 

"  L'Hopital  Imperial  des  Quinze  Vingts  was  founded  by 
St.  Louis  in  1260,  and  still  exists.  It,  however,  makes  no 
efforts  to  instruct  its  three  hundred  inmates.  Valentine 
Hau'y,  receiving  his  hints  from  the  success  of  the  Abbe  de 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MANHOOD  AND  HUMANITY.  485 

1'Epee  in  relief  of  the  deaf-mutes,  determined  to  see  if  the 
blind  could  not  be  aided  by  the  sense  of  touch.  Letters, 
maps,  and  finally  books,  were  printed  in  relief:  blind  children 
touched  them,  and  soon  commenced  to  read. 

This  good  work  began  to  assume  form  in  Paris  in  1784, 
and  in  Liverpool  in  1791;  extending  through  France  and 
England,  and  finally  through  all  Europe. 

In  the  United  States,  in  1860,  12,635  were  blind;  being 
one  to  every  2,470  of  the  whole  population.  This,  however, 
is  only  two-fifths  of  the  number  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
and  three-fifths  of  the  number  in  France.  The  causes  of 
this  difference  in  our  favor  have  not  yet  been  so  well  defined 
as  to  belong  to  historical  records.  But  we  have  sufficient 
numbers  to  excite  our  deepest  interest  and  most  liberal  ef 
forts. 

Our  institutions  for  the  blind  began  in  Boston  in  1833. 
In  1860,  they  numbered  twenty -three,  and  a  thousand  one 
hundred  and  twenty -six  pupils  and  inmates ;  and  so  sure  is 
the  progress,  that  we  may  regard  it  as  morally  certain,  that 
this  unfortunate  class  will  be  well  provided  for  by  the  provi 
dent  wisdom  of  our  Christian  States. 

The  culture  of  so  many  good  minds,  otherwise  completely 
dormant,  is  not  only  humane  as  a  relief  to  deprivation  and 
suffering,  but  a  clear  gain  to  the  world.  The  Bible  is  the 
great  book  of  the  blind  ;  and  it  is  intensely  interesting  to  see 
with  what  fixed  attention  they  trace,  by  the  sense  of  touch, 
the  name  and  revelations  of  God,  and  the  plan  of  redemption 
by  Jesus  Christ. 

The  educated  blind  manifest  great  love  of  music,  and 
some  of  them  considerable  talent.  They  sing,  and  touch  the 
instrumental  keys  and  strings,  with  a  delicacy  and  tender 
ness  quite  peculiar  to' themselves;  while  their  cheerful  piety 
very  largely  sustains  the  Christian  hope  which  founded  their 
institutions.  Surely  no  philanthropy  rises  to  a  nobler  eleva 
tion  than  that  which  becomes  "  eyes  to  the  blind." 


486  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 


ASYLUMS    FOR    THE   INSANE. 

Perhaps  no  sufferers  appeal  more  piteously  to  the  Chris 
tian  philanthropist  than  the  insane.  It  is  amazing  to  see 
how  long  they  were  considered  and  treated  as  beyond  the 
reach  of  remedy,  mad  enemies  of  all,  fit  only  to  be  shut 
up  within  dark  prisons  and  darker  cells,  under  control  of 
physical  power  only.  God  only  knows  what  tortures  have 
been  endured  from  this  sad  mistake,  what  rage  and  horror 
have  resulted  from  a  sense  of  injustice  upon  the  part  of 
those  who  were  only  partially  insane,  having  sense  enough 
of  conscious  right  to  make  the  wrongs  of  imprisonment 
and  personal  abuse  severe  and  dreadful.  It  is  hardly  yet  a 
hundred  years  since  the  light  of  true  reason  began  to  dawn 
upon  the  problem,  "  Can  any  thing  be  done  to  ameliorate  the 
condition  of  the  insane  ?  " 

The  first  movement  in  this  direction  was  a  general  cura 
tive  hospital  in  Philadelphia,  instituted  by  philanthropists, 
and  incorporated  in  1751.  The  charter,  under  the  title  of 
"  the  constitutors  of  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital,"  provided 
for  "  the  reception  and  cure  of  lunatics."  The  hospital  was 
opened  on  Feb.  11,  1752;  and  thenceforward  one  of  its 
departments  was  specially  appropriated  to  that  class  of  pa 
tients. 

To  Virginia  belongs  the  honor  of  establishing  the  first 
institution  exclusively  for  the  improvement  of  the  insane- 
Under  an  act  of  incorporation,  passed  Nov.  10,  1769,  a  hos 
pital  was  opened  at  Williamsburg  about  Sept.  14,  1773.  In 
the  war,  the  buildings  were  occupied  as  barracks  for  the 
colonial  troops ;  but,  after  the  war,  they  were  restored  to 
their  legitimate  use. 

The  New-York  Hospital  was  chartered  by  the  Earl  of 
Dunmore  in  1771.  It  was  opened  Jan.  3,  1791 ;  and  insane 
patients  were  admitted  in  1797.  These  were  all  the  formal 
efforts  made  for  this  humane  purpose  before  the  beginning 
of  the  nineteenth  century ;  and  "  the  character  of  the  treat- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MANHOOD  AND  HUMANITY.  487 

ment  was  more  custodial  than  curative."  Still  they  were 
beginnings  of  great  historical  value,  as  they  indicate  the 
genesis  and  growth  of  philanthropic  feeling  and  inquiry  in 
this  important  direction. 

In  1791,  the  benevolent  Dr.  Pinel,  amid  the  horrors  of  the 
French  Revolution,  gave  his  thoughts  anxiously  to  the  relief 
of  maniacs.  "  He  was  connected  with  the  Bicetre  Hopital, 
in  which  many  of  the  insane  were  confined  in  cells,  and 
loaded  with  manacles  and  chains.  After  repeated  solicita 
tions,  he  at  length  obtained  permission  from  the  public  au 
thorities  to  remove  these  torturing  implements  of  bodily 
restraint.  He  commenced  by  relieving  an  English  captain 
who  had  been  chained  for  forty  years.  The  result  was  so 
favorable,  that  he  relieved  eleven  others  in  the  coarse  of  the 
day,  and,  in  a  few  days,  forty-one  more.  Thus  began  a  move 
ment  of  humanity  which  spread  rapidly  over  Europe  and 
America,  and  which,  in  the  relief  it  has  extended  and  the 
blessings  it  has  conferred,  has  had  no  parallel  in  the  history 
of  Christian  civilization. 

About  the  same  date,  William  Fuke,  of  York,  England,  in 
augurated  a  more  humane  treatment  for  the  insane  by  found 
ing  the  Friends'  Retreat  for  the  Insane-  at  York,  opened 
in  1796. 

In  1808.  a  separate  building  for  the  insane  was  erected  at 
the  New-York  Hospital. 

In  1797,  seven  acres  of  land  were  given  to  the  State  of 
Maryland  by  Mr.  Jeremiah  Yellot  of  Baltimore,  "  on  con 
dition  that  the  government  should  found  a  hospital  for  the 
treatment  of  insanity  and  general  diseases."  This  institution 
was  not  opened  until  1816. 

The  Friends  of  Philadelphia  "formed  an  association  in 
1812;  obtained  a  charter;  erected  a  building  near  the  vil 
lage  of  Frankford,  but  now  within  the  limits  of  the  city  of 
Philadelphia ;  and  under  the  title,  '  Asylum  for  the  Relief  of 
Persons  deprived  of  the  Use  of  their  Reason/  the  institution 
was  opened  in  May,  1816." 


488  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

The  McLean  Asylum  for  the  Insane,  a  branch  of  the 
Massachusetts  General  Hospital  in  Boston,  was  opened  on 
the  6th  of  October,  1818. 

Up  to  1830,  we  had  five  insane  asylums.  The  Blooming- 
dale  Asylum,  New  York,  dates  in  1821  ;  the  asylums  at 
Hartford,  Conn.,  and  at  Lexington,  Ky.,  1824 ;  Stan  ton,  Ya., 
and  Columbia,  S.C.,  1828 :  since  which  period  these  institu 
tions  have  extended  rapidly  throughout  the  States,  regarded 
everywhere  as  indispensable  to  Christian  civilization. 

As  a  material  portion  of  the  history  of  this  humane  move 
ment,  we  mention  with  high  satisfaction  the  efforts  of  Miss 
Dorothea  L.  Dix  to  improve  the  whole  system  for  the  treat 
ment  of  the  insane.  Her  enlightened,  self-sacrificing,  and 
successful  endeavors  place  her  among  the  foremost  philan 
thropists  of  her  sex  and  age.  Her  name  and  acts  deserve 
to  be  written  in  letters  of  gold,  and  transmitted  to  coming 
generations. 

In  the  mean  time,  visits  to  the  hospitals  of  Europe  by  Dr. 
Pliny  Earle  in  1839,  and,  later,  by  Dr.  Ray;  the  Association 
of  Medical  Superintendents  of  American  Institutions  for  the 
Insane,  suggested  by  Dr.  Francis  T.  Stribling,  superintend 
ent  of  the  Western  Lunatic  Asylum  of  Virginia,  at  Stan- 
ton  ;  and  "  The  American  Journal  of  Insanity,"  started  in  July, 
1844,  by  Dr.  Amariah  Brigham,  afterwards  edited  by  Dr.  John 
P.  Gray  and  his  associates  of  the  asylum  at  Utica,  N.Y. ; 
with  many  other  agencies  conducted  by  our  most  enlight 
ened  philanthropists,  —  have  contributed  largely  toward  the 
improvement  of  institutions  and  means  for  the  accomplish 
ment  of  these  most  beneficent  ends. 

The  cause  conducted  so  largely  by  private  benefactors, 
and  then  chiefly  by  the  several  States,  has  at  length  become 
national.  Congress,  by  the  wise  appropriations  of  sums  at 
different  times  for  grounds  and  buildings,  amounting  in  the 
aggregate  to  $473,040,  makes  the  people  of  the  United 
States  as  such  the  benefactors  of  their  most  unfortunate 
brethren.  "  The  Government  Hospital  for  the  Insane  was 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MANHOOD  AND  HUMANITY.  489 

specially  intended  for  the  insane  of  the  army,  the  navy,  the 
revenue-cutter  service,  and  the  indigent  of  the  District  of 
Columbia.  It  is  situated  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Poto 
mac  River, -within  the  limits  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 
about  two  miles  south  of  the  Capitol  in  Washington.  The 
principal  building,  constructed  of  brick,  is  seven  hundred 
and  twenty  feet  in  length.  Its  architectural  plan  and  inter 
nal  arrangements  are  among  the  best  which  have  resulted 
from  the  experience  and  the  studies  of  many  able  men  em 
ployed  in  this  speciality.  A  farm  of  a  hundred  and  ninety- 
five  acres  belongs  to  the  establishment."  Dr.  Charles  H. 
Nichols,  its  first  superintendent,  deserves  great  credit  for  the 
perfection  of  the  building  commenced  under  his  direction  in 
May,  1853,  and  completed  in  1862.  Its  number  of  patients, 
beginning  in  1855  with  sixty-three,  had  increased,  up  to 
1861,  to  a  hundred  and  eighty. 

According  to  the  eighth  census,  the  insane  of  the  United 
States  and  Territories  numbered  23,999.  In  1859,  4,140 
were  admitted  to  thirty  hospitals ;  and  1,728,  or  41.7  per  cent, 
were  discharged  as  cured.  Forty  per  cent  may  be  regarded 
as  the  average  of  cures  from  all  classes  of  patients  considered 
as  a  whole;  whereas,  of  cures  placed  under  proper  treatment 
within  the  first  year,  from  sixty  to  seventy  out  of  every 
hundred  recover. 

This  is  wonderful :  it  is  the  clearest  possible  demonstration 
of  the  advance  in  humanity  which  constitutes  one  of  the  chief 
glories  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Instead  of  thinking  of 
our  suffering  brethren  as  shut  up  in  dark  dungeons,  chained 
to  stone  floors,  looking  out  through  iron  grates,  and  raving 
in  anguish  at  evils  which  they  can  in  no  way  comprehend, 
we  may  now  look  at  them  in  splendid  buildings,  with  prudent 
access  to  large  airy  halls  and  beautiful  grounds,  their  con 
finement  and  ills  relieved  by  medical  and  moral  treatment 
from  skilful  men  and  gentle  nurses,  with  all  the  sanitary 
blessings  of  wholesome  air,  wholesome  food  and  beverage, 


490  THE    GEE  AT    EEPUBLIC. 

beautiful    and   fragrant   flowers,  and   inspiring   landscapes. 
Who  can  estimate  the  value  of  such  a  change  ? 


ASYLUMS   FOR   IDIOTS    AND    INEBRIATES. 

Another  class  of  human  beings  calling  for  pity  are  idiots ; 
of  whom  there  were  in  our  States  and  Territories,  in  I860, 
18,865,  or  one  in  every  1,666  of  our  population. 

The  idea  of  doing  any  thing  for  the  benefit  of  these  mind 
less  ones  is  wholly  modern  and  Christian ;  and  now  we  see, 
through  the  exhaustless  skill  and  patience  of  humane  sci 
entific  men  and  kind  women,  these  unfortunates  also  slowly 
returning  to  consciousness  and  perception,  and  gradually 
rising  to  the  exercise  of  reason,  and  even  usefulness. 

Inebriates,  the  most  criminal  and  yet  pitiable  of  all  de 
mented  people,  are  also  at  length  finding  an  asylum  from 
the  reach  of  their  relentless  murderers,  the  dealers  in  intoxi 
cating  liquors ;  and  hope  dawns  upon  minds  and  families 
over  which  has  heretofore  brooded  only  the  darkest,  deepest 
despair.  At  Binghamton,  N.Y.,  and  San  Francisco,  Cal., 
are  the  two  parent  homes  for  the  inebriate,  for  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific  slopes ;  to  be  followed,  let  us  trust,  by  others, 
until  this  also  shall  take  its  place  among  the  great  Christian 
movements  of  this  noble  country.  » 


CHAPTER  IX. 

DEVELOPMENT    OF    NATURAL    DEPRAVITY. 

"  Let  us  consider,  that,  for  the  sins  of  a  people,  God  may  suffer  the  best  government  to 
be  corrupted  or  entirely  dissolved;  and  that  nothing  but  a  general  reformation  can  give 
good  ground  to  hope  that  the  public  happiness  will  be  restored  by  the  recovery  of  the 
strength  and  perfection  of  the  State ;  and  that  Divine  Providence  will  interpose  to  fill 
every  department  with  wise  and  good  men."  —  PKESIDENT  LANGDON. 

IF,  in  any  land  beneath  the  sun,  human  nature  might  be 
expected  to  exhibit  natural  freedom  from  sin,  and  from 
infancy  grow  up  to  angelic  manhood,  it  surely  ought  to  be 
here.  It  would  be  difficult  to  mention  one  condition  of 
natural  perfection  outside  of  the  moral  character  of  man,  as 
man,  which  God  has  omitted  in  the  preparation  of  this  coun 
try.  We  have  found,  moreover,  an  evident  purpose  to  bring 
extraordinary  moral  power  to  bear  upon  the  judgments, 
feelings,  and  purposes  of  the  race  in  this  Republic,  with  the 
view  of  accomplishing  the  most  for  human  nature  that  can 
be  done  by  means  divine  and  human.  But  what  are  the 
facts?  Evidently,  there  is  no  paradise  here.  We  have 
utterly  failed  to  demonstrate  the  natural  purity  of  souls. 
We  can  boast  of  no  national  perfection  growing  up  under 
the  natural  laws  of  development.  Indeed,  we  have  not  even 
a  state  or  country  or  city  or  neighborhood  where  depravity 
does  not  show  itself,  rising  up  so  directly  out  of  the  natural 
moral  condition  as  to  suggest  strongly  that  it  must  be 
hereditary.  Every  family  finds  rebellion  against  the  right 
in  its  nursery,  and  even  in  the  cradle.  The  neglect  of  even 
the  sterner  forms  of  discipline  will  soon  reveal  its  absolute 
necessity ;  and  all  assumptions  of  the  righteous  tendency 

491 


492  THE   GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

of  childhood  are  painfully  corrected  by  the  production,  as 
well  as  the  influence,  of  pernicious  example.  Penal  laws 
must  go  into  every  statute-book.  The  police,  the  seats  of 
justice,  the  penitentiaries,  the  houses  of  correction,  must  be 
everywhere.  The  States  of  this  Union  are  no  exception  to 
the  moral  delinquencies  of  peoples  and  governments ;  and 
historical  fidelity  requires  the  chapter  I  am  about  to  write. 

INTEMPERANCE. 

Love  of  strong  drink  is  at  least  as  natural  to  Americans 
as  to  any  people ;  and  it  is  cultivated  to  a  depth  and  extent 
of  vice  which  can  gather  no  comfort  from  comparison  with 
other  countries. 

Official  reports  for  1860  show  that  we  were  then  employ 
ing  1,138  establishments  in  the  manufacture  of  spirituous 
liquors,  producing  80,453,089  gallons  of  whiskey,  high  wines, 
and  alcohol,  3,397  gallons  of  brandy,  gin,  &c.,  and  4,152,480 
gallons  of  New-England  rum ;  being  a  total  of  88,002,988 
gallons  of  strong  liquors  to  circulate  chiefly  among  our  own 
people,  and  be  used  as  a  beverage  just  so  far  as  a  vicious 
appetite  and  depraved  public  sentiment,  urged  on  by  a  vile 
class  interest,  can  secure  this  result. 

To  this  must  be  added  970  establishments  for  the  man 
ufacture  of  beer,  yielding  3,239,545  barrels  annually,  to 
stupefy  and  poison  our  citizens.  The  estimated  value  of 
these  pernicious  liquors  was  $42,255,311 ;  and,  making  all 
proper  allowance  for  those  portions  used  for  mechanical  and 
medicinal  purposes,  we  have  here  one  intimation  as  to  the 
cost  of  this  ruinous  indulgence.  It  is,  however,  only  an  in 
timation  ;  for  these  liquors,  before  they  get  to  the  people, 
are  multiplied  by  incredible  dilutions.  Their  cost  is  increased 
by  enormous  profits ;  and  the  whole  price  which  supports 
manufacturers,  jobbers,  and  retail  dealers  and  their  fami 
lies, —  many  of  them  in  splendid  attire,  furniture,  and  equi 
page,  —  comes  from  consumers,  who  are  thus  wickedly  im- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  NAT  HEAL  DEPRAVITY.        493 

poverished ;  and  multitudes  of  helpless  women  and  children 
are  reduced  to  the  extreme  of  wretchedness,  and  perhaps 
of  crime.  To  this  expense  must  be  added,  for  these  poor 
people  to  pay,  the  cost  of  clerk-hire  and  agencies,  bar-keep 
ers  and  rents,  until  the  frightful  aggregate  rises  above  the 
reach  of  accurate  estimate.  Then  taxes  on  the  grand  list 
must  be  added  to  the  burdens  of  the  people  to  support  the 
poor-houses,  penitentiaries,  and  hospitals  required  to  sustain 
this  accursed  traffic.  But  the  deep  depravity,  the  wreck  of 
virtue,  and  the  untold  horrors,  which  must  be  traced  directly 
to  this  crime,  can  by  no  means  be  estimated  in  this  world ; 
and  it  is  the  disgrace  of  our  country,  that,  in  so  many  of  our 
States,  the  guilty  traffic  is  sustained  by  law. 

With  less  than  half  our  present  population,  it  was  estimated 
that  we  sent  into  the  realms  of  the  dead  thirty  thousand 
drunkards  a  year,  and  that  "  one-fourth  of  the  families  of 
the  United  States  were  sufferers  "  from  this  vicious  habit. 

Some  of  our  great  men,  like  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush,  sought  to 
rouse  the  people  to  their  danger.  The  strong  ground  of  the 
Methodist-Episcopal  Church,  in  her  discipline  and  administra 
tion  against  the  use  of  intoxicating  drinks,  saved  multitudes 
from  ruin,  and  helped  mightily  to  create  the  public  sentiment 
out  of  which  temperance  societies  arose,  —  a  movement  which 
began  in  Moreau,  Saratoga  County,  N.Y.,  in  1808,  at  the  sug 
gestion  of  Dr.  B.  J.  Clark,  and  which  has  swept  over  a  large 
part  of  the  civilized  world.  If  we  must  confess  that  the  vice 
of  dram-drinking  did,  at  the  close  of  the  last  century  and 
the  beginning  of  the  present,  go  far  toward  fixing  upon 
us  the  disgrace  of  being  a  nation  of  drunkards,  it  may  be 
accepted  as  some  relief  that  this  great  reform  arose  under 
the  guidance  of  American  philanthropists.  Their  heroic 
struggles,  under  the  old  pledge,  to  abstain  from  the  use  of 
spirituous  liquors ;  and  the  pledge  of  total  abstinence  from 
all  that  can  intoxicate,  dating  from  August,  1836;  the  or 
ganization  of  the  Washingtonians  in  1840,  with  all  their 
successes  and  failures,  —  indicate  the  depth  of  their  con- 


494  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

victions  that  a  destructive  vice  was  preying  upon  the  public 
morals  and  health.  Sons  of  Temperance,  Rechabites,  Cadets 
of  Temperance,  Good  Templars,  Dashaways,  and  other  bene 
ficial  societies,  sought  in  other  ways  to  exterminate  the  evil. 

The  boldest  measure  of  a  virtuous  and  Christian  people  to 
protect  themselves  from  this  public  wrong  dates  from  Maine 
in  1851.  Her  legislature  came  forward  with  a  law  that  pro 
hibited,  under  severe  penalties,  the  sale  of  this  pernicious 
beverage ;  and  prohibitory  laws  were  adopted  by  several 
States.  Around  this  question  of  the  right  and  efficiency  of 
absolute  prohibition  the  battle  has  raged  for  many  years, 
saving  vast  multitudes,  and  even  whole  towns,  for  the  time 
being,  from  the  dreadful  scourge,  and  rousing  all  the  energy 
of  wicked  men  in  defence  of  their  traffic,  with  the  fell  purpose 
of  saving  their  unrighteous  and  enormous  profits  from  the 
interdict  of  law.  In  the  mean  time,  the  constitutional  right 
of  the  suffering  people  to  protect  themselves  by  law  from 
this  baleful  scourge  .  has  been  established  by  the  written 
opinions  of  the  ablest  jurists  of  our  land,  and,  finally,  by 
appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

With  the  record  of  the  American  Temperance  Union  and 
its  subordinate  and  cognate  organizations  on  the  pages  of 
history;  with  such  names  on  the  roll  of  philanthropy  as 
Dr.  Beecher,  Marsh,  Neal  Dow,  and  Gough ;  and  with  the 
grand  reforms  actually  accomplished  in  America,  in  England, 
and  on  the  Continent, — we  have  some  relief  from  the  odium 
which  otherwise  adheres  to  our  national  honor.  But  the 
battle  is  by  no  means  ended.  The  churches,  the  schools,  the 
lovers  of  the  race  in  our  midst,  and  the  virtuous  press,  are 
rousing  to  the  conflict  with  a  new  vigor ;  while  all  the  vices 
of  the  land  are  combined  in  the  resistance.  This  war  will 
now  rise  to  grander  proportions  than  ever  before  ;  and  CHRIS 
TIAN  REGENERATION,  TOTAL  ABSTINENCE,  AND  ABSOLUTE  PROHIBITION, 

will  be  the  rallying-cry  of  the  good  and  the  brave  on  the 
side  of  the  right.  The  struggle  will  be  long  and  varied  in 
results  j  but  it  can  never  end  until  our  country  is  saved. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  DEPRAVITY.        4Q5 


LICENTIOUSNESS. 

Whatever  may  be  the  desire  prompted  by  self-respect,  we 
cannot  be  faithful  to  the  history  of  our  nation  without  ac 
knowledging  that  the  crimes  of  lust  are  alarmingly  preva 
lent  in  the  United  States.  We  have  no  desire  to  avail  our 
selves  of  statistics  to  show  the  extent  of  prostitution  in  our 
great  cities,  nor  would  it  be  any  relief  to  demonstrate  the 
fearful  and  even  deeper  degradation  of  France  or  England. 
It  is  sufficient  to  know  that  the  extent  in  the  United  States 
of  this  common  ruin  furnishes  sad  evidence  that  depravity 
has  its  home  in  the  passions,  in  the  very  fountains  of  domes 
tic  and  social  life.  We  cannot,  therefore,  feel  that  we  have 
fathomed  our  private  and  social  corruptions  when  we  have 
searched  with  painful  thoroughness  the  abodes  of  public  and 
shameless  vice,  or  the  secret  retreats  of  blushing  crime  in 
houses  of  assignation.  The  marred  visage,  the  trembling 
limbs,  the  excitable  nerves,  the  prescriptions  of  physicians, 
and  the  disruption  of  domestic  ties,  tell  how  rapidly  splendid 
hypocrisy  is  leading  its  victims  to  the  doom  of  the  shame 
less  debauchee. 

To  a  kindred  origin  we  must  ascribe  much  of  the  levity 
with  which,  in  large  circles,  the  marriage-contract  is  regarded. 
The  number  of  divorces,  and  the  corrupt  adjustment  of  law 
to  the  convenience  of  this  form'  of  social  vice,  are  shameful 
evidences  of  the  want  of  public  virtue.  We  must,  moreover, 
recognize  "  the  serpent  in  the  dove's  nest,"  and  come  to  the 
understanding,  that  licentious  abuse  of  marital  rights,  lead 
ing  to  the  crimes  of  abortion  and  infanticide,  —  crimes  more 
befitting  the  savage  or  barbarous  state  than  a  land  of  Chris 
tian  civilization,  —  are  alarmingly  frequent,  threatening  the 
most  sacred  obligations  and  highest  hopes  of  our  country. 
No  man  can  write  faithful  history,  and  ignore  these  humili 
ating  facts.  We  see  the  perils  with  which  this  tide  of  vice 
and  woes  threatens  our  beloved  land,  and  unite  with  those 
who  lift  up  the  voice  of  warning.  Let  the  mothers  and 


496  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

daughters  of  America  know  their  danger.  -  Let  the  wisdom 
of  domestic  education,  and  a  more  refined  conscience,  assert 
their  rights  in  our  imperilled  homes.  Let  the  pulpit  and 
the  press  be  honest,  searching,  and  prudent  in  endeavoring  to 
correct  the  popular  judgment.  Indeed,  philanthropists  and 
reformers  of  every  grade  must  go  to  the  bottom  of  these 
vices  and  dangers,  and  take  the  remedies  which  the  gospel 
Affords.  These  alone  are  radical  and  of  prevalent  power. 


SOCIALISM    AND    SPIRITISM. 

America  cannot  claim  any  distinction  in  socialistic  folly 
equal  to  that  given  to  France  by  St.  Simon  and  Charles 
Fourier,  and  to  England  by  Robert  Owen.  But  we  must 
confess  to  the  presence  of  this  leaven  of  iniquity  in  our 
midst.  Starting  from  the  extremes  of  religious  fanaticism 
on  the  one  hand,  and  infidelity  on  the  other,  a  few  minds  in 
America  reached  similar  results,  in  the  destruction,  for  them 
selves  and  their  followers,  of  all  the  cardinal  virtues.  These 
men,  of  course,  "drew  away  disciples  after  them,"  and  led 
them  out  to  experiment  the  dreams  of  diseased  imaginations. 
One  class  of  fanatics  seized  upon  the  idea  of  religious  per 
fection,  and  became  delirious  with  the  excitements  of  animal 
fervor,  which,  to  their  conceptions,  elevated  them  far  above 
ordinary  Christians,  and  freed  them  entirely  from  sin;  then 
from  the  possibility  of  sin  ;  then  exalted  them  to  the  sphere 
of  new  revelations,  which  gave  to  their  own  imaginings  the 
authority  of  the  divine  mind;  and  finally  made  them  su 
perior  to  law  and  human  control,  sanctifying  their  vilest 
passions,  and  rendering  supremely  right  and  meritorious  in 
them  all  the  vices  which  degrade  and  destroy  society.  Of 
course,  these  fanatical  spirits  had  no  use  for  the  Bible :  the 
vagaries  of  their  own  fevered  brains  were  of  higher  authority. 
They  could  not  well  endure  even  the  outward  restraints  of 
common  decency ;  and  they  only  wanted  leaders  of  sufficient 
shrewdness  to  render  this  monomania  available  in  schemes 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  DEPRAVITY.        497 

of  socialism  which  would  reduce  depravity  to  a  system,  and 
surround  it  with  an  air  of  comfort  and  outward  elegance  to 
make  it  seem  a  new  order  of  civilization.  Of  course,  multi 
tudes  of  these  deluded  people  would  become  too  crazy  to  be 
gathered  into  a  new  community  :  some  would  wander  from 
home,  and  become  ranging  mendicants,  exciting  ridicule  and 
pity ;  others  would  be  humanely  arrested,  and  shut  up  in  the 
mad-house  ;  others  would  die  from  exhaustion  or  premature 
disease,  or  by  their  own  hands,  leaving  but  a  comparatively 
small  number  to  become  the  obedient  subjects  of  some  im 
perial  fanatic,  who  can  with  perfect  ease  extort  money, 
purchase  lands,  build  houses,  and  embower  himself  amid  the 
groves  and  flowers  and  luxuries  of  an  Eastern  harem.  He 
has  only  to  isolate  himself  and  his  degraded  people  sufficient 
ly  from  the  scrutiny  of  society  to  be  beyond  the  reach  of 
popular  indignation  and  civil  law,  and  expose  enough  of  the 
outward  beauties  gathered  around  him  by  unlimited  power 
to  excite  stupid  wonder  and  admiration,  and  grant  to  his 
deluded  proselytes  sufficient  license  to  make  them  contented 
with  a  paradise  of  sin  ;  and,  while  he  can  master  disease  and 
avoid  death,  he  can  claim  greatness  and  success. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  dignify  the  examples  of  temporary 
triumph  over  the  weakness  of  human  nature  by  naming  their 
heroes,  or  writing  a  directory  to  any  establishment  surviving 
the  wrecks  of  those  which  have  gone  before.  Socialism 
is  mentioned,  however,  that  its  vices  may  be  identified  and 
avoided,  and  that  we  may  not  be  accused  of  shrinking  from 
due  acknowledgment  of  the  wrongs  and  dangers  which 
spring  up  amid  our  free  institutions. 

To  the  mind  of  the  great  infidel  experimenter,  Robert 
Owen,  it  seemed  naturally  suggested  that  the  fertile  lands 
and  democratic  freedom  of  America  would  furnish  a  fair 
field  in  which  to  demonstrate  his  theory  of  "A  New  State  of 
Society,"  "The  Formation  of  Human  Character,"  "The  Ration 
al  System "  of  life,  and  « The  New  Moral  World."  Over 
whelmed  by  the  rising  self-respect  and  indignation  of  the, 

63 


498  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

English  people,  he  emigrated  to  America.  Thirty  thou 
sand  acres  of  land,  and  residences  for  two  thousand  people, 
on  the  Wabash  River,  in  the  very  heart  of  the  Great  West, 
would  do  for  the  beginning  of  New  Harmony  in  Indiana. 
Here  he  would  place  his  fulcrum  for  the  overthrow  of  Chris 
tianity,  and  the  destruction  of  all  governments  that  interfered 
with  the  self-development  of  the  natural  man,  and  imposed 
restraints  upon  natural  affinities  of  the  human  race.  But 
his  logical  sequences  refused  to  follow.  Less  than  four 
years  sufficed  to  show  this  New  Harmony  a  very  Bed 
lam  of  discord,  to  dash  all  his  mad  schemes  to  atoms,  and 
send  him  back  to  England  to  repeat  his  experiments  and 
failures  at  Orbiston  in  Lanarkshire,  at  Tytherly  in  Hamp 
shire,  and  in  the  city  of  London.  Invited  to  Mexico  by  the 
government,  he  made  another  grand  effort  and  grand  failure 
in  the  New  World ;  and  there  this  brilliant  socialistic  lumi 
nary  burst  and  went  out  before  the  eyes  of  men. 

These  two  forms  of  gregarious  vices  are  enough  to  show 
that  they  may  arise  alike  under  a  monarchy  or  a  republic, 
and  that  steady  Christian  illumination  will  ultimately  dissi 
pate  their  darkness. 

A  form  of  fanaticism,  differing  in  no  essential  practical 
principle  or  result  from  those  we  have  described,  and  begin 
ning  here  with  "spirit-rappings,"  has  not  yet  fully  spent  its 
force.  To  Americans  it  hardly  needs  description  or  exposure. 
It  is  enough  to  mark  it  as  allied  to  ancient  forms  of  necro 
mancy,  demoniacal  possessions,  and  sleight  of  hand,  by  which 
the  unwary  may  be  seduced  for  a  time  into  the  belief  that 
unexplained  connections  between  matter  and  mind,  the 
manipulations  of  cunning  hands,  and  the  low,  ungrammatical, 
senseless  ravings  of  crazed  brains,  constitute  a  new  system 
of  revelation  from  the  spirit-world,  that  must  supersede  the 
teachings  of  the  Bible,  and  overthrow  all  established  sys 
tems  of  religion,  philosophy,  and  government.  In  historical 
reality,  however,  they  only  show,  like  all  kindred  forms  of 
fanaticism,  power  to  use  ranting  declamation,  personal  in- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  DEPRAVITY.        499 

fluence,  the  press  and  the  passions,  to  destroy  all  sense  of 
religion  and  responsibility  from  the  soul,  break  up  the 
holiest  family  ties,  and  let  loose  upon  society  a  set  of  wan 
dering  vagrants,  whose  very  breath  is  moral  pestilence,  and 
whose  haunts  are  the  scenes  of  frenzied  delirium  and  "  the 
hot-beds  of  vice." 

It  is  of  no  consequence  to  us  as  a  nation,  but  simple  mat 
ter  of  historic  justice,  to  say,  that,  if  our  Republic  was  the 
scene  of  the  latest  outbreak  of  this  old  and  foul  superstition, 
our  itinerant  deceivers  have  found  their  largest  number  of 
votaries,  and  held  their  most  profitable  seances,  under 
monarchical  governments ;  which  is  sufficient  to  rebuke  the 
attempts  of  some  of  their  intelligent  speakers  and  writers  to 
charge  the  origin  and  support  of  fanatical  vagaries  upon 
republican  institutions,  and  lead  us  to  mourn  a  common 
exposure  and  a  common  disgrace. 

MORMONISM 

is  another  form  of  human  folly  and  vice,  which  has  helped 
to  give  "bad  eminence"  to  our  country.  There  is  really 
nothing  new  in  this  movement  of  the  fanatical  spirit.  Long 
before  the  days  of  Joseph  Smith  and  his  transparent  fraud  of 
"the  plates,"  and  the  supernatural  translations  of  their  records, 
there  had  been  multitudes  of  men  who  gave  themselves 
out  for  inspired  prophets,  who  assumed  to  command  the 
obedience  of  deluded  men  and  women,  who  made  their  own 
blasphemous  ravings  superior  to  the  revelation  of  God,  and 
took  advantage  of  religious  longings  for  the  vilest  purposes. 
Alas  for  the  weakness  of  poor  human  nature !  It  is  pre 
pared  by  Satan  to  be  the  victim  of  cunning  fraud  and 
degrading  passions.  In  whatever  country  depravity  may 
find  its  centres  for  the  time  being,  it  furnishes  only  occa 
sion  for  common  mortification  and  sorrow. 

But  the  organized  strength  and  political  importance  of 
this  great  fraud  entitle  it  to  a  more  extended  notice.  Joseph 


500  THE   GKEAT  REPUBLIC. 

Smith,  the  founder  of  Mormonism,  "  was  born  at  Sharon, 
Windsor  County,  Vt.,  Dec.  23, 1805;  and  killed  at  Carthage, 
111.,  June  27,  1844.  At  the  age  of  ten,  he  moved  with  his 
parents  to  Palmyra,  Wayne  County,  N.Y."  He  grew  up  idle, 
dissolute,  and  ignorant.  "In  1833,  upwards  of  sixty  of  the 
most  respectable  citizens  of  Wayne  County  testified  that  the 
Smith  family  were  of  immoral,  false,  and  fraudulent  charac 
ter,  and  that  Joseph  was  the  worst  of  them."  His  pretended 
discovery  of  the  plates  in  the  earth  "  in  a  hill  near  Manches 
ter,  Ontario  County,"  from  which  the  Book  of  Mormon  was 
translated,  was  acknowledged  by  himself  to  be  false.  The 
three  witnesses  whom  he  had  induced  to  perjure  themselves 
to  certify  to  the  appearance  of  the  Angel  Moroni,  and  the  de 
livery  of  the  miraculous  book,  afterward  quarrelled  with  him, 
and  denounced  him  as  an  impostor.  Ample  internal  evidence 
condemns  the  Book  of  Mormon  as  a  poorly-concealed  and 
low  fiction.  It  was  written  as  an  historical  novel  by  Solomon 
Spalding,  a  graduate  of  Dartmouth  College  ;  and  copied  by 
Sidney  Rigdon,  a  man  employed  in  a  printing-office  in  Pitts- 
burg,  where  Spalding  left  it  for  examination.  The  testimony 
of  those  who  had  seen  and  heard  it  read  in  part  or  in  whole, 
and  especially  that  of  Spalding's  wife  after  his  death,  is  con 
clusive  upon  this  point.  The  manuscript  was  returned  to  her 
and  produced  after  the  Book  of  Mormon  was  published.  She 
says,  "  I  am  sure  that  nothing  would  grieve  my  husband 
more,  were  he  living,  than  the  use  which  has  been  made  of 
his  work."  The  air  of  antiquity  which  was  thrown  about  the 
composition  doubtless  suggested  the  idea  of  converting  it 
to  the  purposes  of  delusion.  Thus,  an  historical  romance, 
with  the  addition  of  a  few  pious  expressions  and  extracts 
from  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  has  been  construed  into  a  new 
Bible,  and  palmed  off  upon  a  company  of  poor  deluded  fa 
natics  as  divine. 

From  this  book,  Smith  and  his  family  began  to  preach 
a  new  religion.  Foolish,  idle,  and  easily-deluded  people 
gathered  about  him;  and  at  Manchester,  N.Y.,  April  6, 1830, 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  DEPRAVITY.        5Q1 

"  the  Church  of  the  Latter-day  Saints"  was  formed.  Reve 
lations  soon  began  to  be  announced,  pretended  miracles 
were  asserted,  and  the  fatal  delusion  began  to  spread. 

Under  the  direction  of  their  leader,  this  rabble  of  vile 
enthusiasts  settled  in  Kirtland,  0.;  where  their  frauds  upon 
neighboring  communities  so  excited  the  indignation  of  the 
people,  that  they  drove  them  from  their  midst  as  an  insup 
portable  nuisance.  They  fled  to  Missouri,  where  many  out 
rages  were  committed.  They  were  driven  from  Jackson 
County  and  from  Clay  County,  and  at  length  located  at 
Far  West.  Further  exposures  of  their  iniquitous  and  trea 
sonable  plans  were  made,  under  oath,  by  Thomas  B.  March, 
president  of  "the  twelve  apostles,"  and  Orson  Hyde,  another 
of  their  apostles.  Their  organized  band  of  avenging  Danites, 
and  their  bold  threats  of  a  war  of  extermination  against  their 
opposers,  brought  them  into  violent  collision  with  the  people 
of  Missouri.  The  governor  called  out  the  militia.  Smith 
and  Rigdon  were  arrested  and  imprisoned  under  charge  of 
"  treason,  murder,  and  felony ; "  but  Smith  escaped  from  jail, 
and  Rigdon  was  released  by  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  The 
Mormons  agreed  to  leave  the  State,  and,  to  the  number  of 
thousands,  moved  on  to  Commerce,  111. ;  and  Smith,  by  pre 
tended  revelation,  ordered  the  people  to  build  there  the  city 
of  Nauvoo.  Land  had  been  presented  to  him  by  Dr.  Isaac 
Gallard;  and  the  prophet,  by  the  sale  of  lots,  realized  a 
fortune  estimated  at  over  a  million  of  dollars. 

Indulged  by  a  vicious  and  extraordinary  charter  granted 
by  the  Legislature  of  Illinois,  Smith  was  now  a  man  of  im 
portance.  He  was  mayor  of  Nauvoo,  first  president  of  the 
Church,  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  Nauvoo  Legion,  with 
the  rank  of  lieutenant-general.  A  hotel  was  erected  in  which 
Smith  and  his  family  should  have  place  "  from  generation 
to  generation  for  ever  and  ever."  "  A  revelation  "  now  pro 
nounced  Smith  "  seer,  translator,  prophet,  apostle  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  elder  of  the  Church ; "  and  profanely  said,  "  The 
church  shall  give  heed  to  all  his  words  and  commandments 


502  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

which  he  shall  give  unto  you;  for  his  word  shall  ye  receive 
as  if  from  my  own  mouth,  in  all  patience  and  faith."  * 

Thus  did  this  vile,  blasphemous  deceiver  rise  to  the  posi 
tion  of  absolute  power ;  and  under  its  shield,  and  with  pre 
tended  revelations,  he  commenced,  more  boldly  than  before, 
to  gather  about  him  deluded  women,  and  give  authority  to 
the  licentious  doctrine  of  polygamy.  His  criminal  practices 
became  unendurable  to  many  of  his  own  followers.  They 
denounced  and  prosecuted  him,  and,  by  the  sworn  testimony 
of  insulted  virtuous  women,  fixed  upon  him  and  his  leading 
supporters  the  crimes  which  destroy  society,  and  bring  upon 
guilty  offenders  the  wrath  of  God.  The  heads  of  the 
church,  fearing  the  violence  of  the  storm  which  was  gather 
ing,  published  a  denial  of  the  doctrines  of  polygamy ;  but  no 
such  mendacity  could  blind  the  eyes  of  personal  witnesses  of 
their  persistent  efforts  to  give  to  general  prostitution  the  pro 
tection  of  municipal  law  in  the  name  of  religion. 

This  arch-criminal  and  his  leading  disciples  refused  to  obey 
the  law,  until  they  were  persuaded  that  it  was  useless,  and 
submitted  to  be  imprisoned.  One  form  of  illegal  violence 
had  given  pretext  for  another :  the  mob  assaulted  the  jail ; 
and  the  two  Smiths,  Joseph  and  Hiram,  were  shot  dead. 

Brigham  Young,  an  uncultivated  but  shrewd  and  powerful 
man,  born  at  Whitingham,  Vt.,  June  1,  1801,  and  who  had 
joined  the  Mormons  at  Kirtland  in  1832,  soon  appeared  with 
sufficient  native  force  to  put  down  all  rivals,  and  assume  the 
supreme  power,  which,  at  the  moment  of  death,  had  fallen 
from  the  arch-deceiver  Smith.  Henceforward  this  one  dar 
ing,  unscrupulous  mind  becomes  the  organizer  of  this  grand 
system  of  concentrated  abominations. 

Brigham  Young  was  too  shrewd  to  attempt  the  develop 
ment  of  this  scheme  of  iniquity  in  the  midst  of  civilization, 
and  very  easily  invented  the  "  revelations,"  which  led  the 
reckless  outlaws  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains,  on  to  the 
great  American  plateau  stretching  westward  to  the  Sierra 

*  See  Appleton's  American  Cyclopaedia,  article  "Mormons." 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  DEPRAVITY.        5Q3 

Nevadas.  This  region  of  vast  solitudes,  but  capable  of  suc 
cessful  cultivation,  and  of  sustaining  a  very  large  population, 
was  a  fitting  place  for  the  planting  of  this  now  formidable 
colony  of  corruption.  Young  reached  the  region  of  the 
Great  Salt  Lake,  July  24,  1847 ;  and  the  great  body  of  the 
Mormons,  in  the  fall  of  1848.  Here  they  have  built  a  city 
and  a  vast  temple.  From  this  point  they  have  sent  out 
their  missionaries  to  different  parts  of  the  world,  and  espe 
cially  to  Great  Britain,  whence  they  have  brought  large 
numbers  of  men  and  very  much  larger  numbers  of  women 
to  be  the  victims  of  their  gross  deceptions  and  base  passions. 
Here  they  have  openly  avowed  the  system  of  polygamy,  and 
glory  in  the  number  and  comeliness  of  the  abused  and  sacri 
ficed  females  who  crowd  their  harems.  Here  they  show  a 
pretended  obedience  to  civil  rulers,  but  organize  treason,  and, 
for  the  present,  defy  the  Government.  From  this  point  they 
extend  their  towns  and  labors,  cultivating  new  fields,  and 
consorting  at  pleasure  with  hostile  Indians  in  their  savage 
assaults  upon  helpless  emigrants.  Well  may  the  scathing 
denunciations  of  our  Saviour  to  the  scribes  and  Pharisees 
be  addressed  to  them :  "  Woe  unto  you,  hypocrites !  for  ye 
compass  sea  and  land  to  make  one  proselyte  ;  and,  when  he 
is  made,  ye  make  him  twofold  more  the  child  of  hell  than 
yourselves." 

It  is  unnecessary  to  trace  this  great  iniquity  farther.  It 
is  sufficient  to  say  that  it  must  go  on  until  it  is  fully  devel 
oped  and  has  spent  its  force'.  Government  has  no  right 
forcibly  to  prevent  religious  delusion  as  such;  but  it  has 
full  power  to  suppress  outlawry,  prevent  conspiracy  against 
its  own  sovereignty,  and  protect  its  citizens  in  their  rights 
among  the  vagrants  who  brand  them  as  "  Gentiles,"  and  per 
secute  them  for  the  exercise  of  the  purest  forms  of  Christian 
worship.  How  long  this  desired  discipline  may  be  delayed, 
we  may  not  know;  but  mutual  jealousies  and  angry  recrim 
inations  amongst  themselves,  the  rising  self-respect  of  the 
Government,  and  the  hardly  restrained  indignation  of  the 


504  THE  GEEAT  REPUBLIC. 

American  people,  indicate  that  the  time  for  retribution,  or 
submission  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  draws  nigh. 

In  the  mean  time,  there  is  the  least  possible  apology  for 
charging  this  monstrous,  morbid  growth  upon  true  repub 
licanism,  as  it  has  for  a  long  time  depended  mainly  for  main 
taining  and  increasing  its  population  upon  its  annual  throngs 
of  proselytes  from  the  subjects  of  monarchies  in  England  or 
on  the  continent  of  Europe.  It  is  useless  to  attempt  a  refer 
ence  of  this  or  any  other  form  of  private  or  social  vice  to 
any  method  of  civil  government.  It  is  simply  and  only  a 
development  of  natural  depravity.  God's  answer  to  this 
shameless  effrontery,  as  to  the  great  Mohammedan  apostasy, 
is  quietly  coming  to  the  ears  of  men,  and  will  soon  be  audi 
ble  in  the  solemn  announcements  of  retributive  justice. 

CORRUPTION    IN    RELIGION    AND    POLITICS. 

It  cannot  be  claimed  that  in  America  more  than  else 
where  the  sacred  name  of  religion  has  never  been  misap 
plied,  nor  that  the  Church  has  been  in  all  cases  preserved 
from  dangerous  error.  Men  bring  to  the  consideration  of 
religious  as  well  as  other  questions  darkened  intellects  and 
depraved  hearts.  A  common  tendency  to  substitute  per 
verted  human  reason  for  divine  omniscience  and  revelation 
in  matters  of  faith  appears  in  rationalistic  infidelity  alike  in 
Germany,  England,  and  America.  No  matter  where  or  in 
what  form  it  appears,  this  sceptical  spirit  seeks  the  satisfac 
tion  of  felt  religious  want  without  the  new  birth  and  a  life 
of  self-denial.  The  churches  of  the  United  States  in  com 
mon  with  Christendom  have  felt  the  paralyzing  effects  of 
unbelief  and  of  the  spirit  of  a  naturalistic  philosophy, 
which  alike  deny  to  the  thirsty  soul  the  pure  waters  of  life, 
and  fail  to  realize  in  time  the  true  hope  of  immortality.  Just 
in  proportion  as  this  pride  of  intellect  has  predominated  over 
simple  faith  in  the  Bible  and  in  the  Christ  of  history,  religion 
has  revealed  weakness  instead  of  vitality  and  power. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  DEPRAVITY.        505 

It  must,  moreover,  be  stated  that  the  great  apostasy  from 
Rome  has  become  numerically  strong  in  America.  An  accu 
rate  estimate  of  this  pervading  power  requires  a  glance  at 
its  general  organization. 

According  to  "  The  Pontifical  Annual  for  1866,"  the 
Catholic  census  for  the  world  includes  57  cardinals  (6  of 
whom  are  bishops),  43  priests,  and  8  deacons.  Of  the  57, 
29  reside  at  Rome,  the  others  abroad.  There  were  at  that 
date  11  "  vacant  hats."  There  were,  moreover,  12  patriarch 
al  sees,  154  archiepiscopal,  and  692  episcopal.  "  To  these 
must  be  added  226  sees  in  partibus  infidelium,  —  30  arch 
bishoprics,  and  196  bishoprics.  Of  the  patriarchs,  5  belong 
to  the  Eastern,  and  7  to  the  Latin  churches ;  of  the  arch 
bishops,  24  to  the  former,  and  134  to  the  latter ;  and  of  the 
bishops,  46  are  Eastern,  and  646  Latin.  In  the  5  parts  of 
the  world  are  96  sees,  which  hold  their  authority  directly 
from  Rome.  The  number  of  apostolic  vicars  is  101 ;  of 
delegations,  5 ;  of  prefectures,  21 ;  of  abbeys  and  prelate- 
ships  of  no  diocese,  14.  Pius  IX.  has  raised  12  cathedrals 
to  the  rank  of  metropolitan  churches;  has  erected  4  arch 
bishoprics  and  96  bishoprics;  and  has  created  15  vicarates, 
1  delegation,  and  6  prefectures." 

According  to  the  latest  statistical  statements,  there  are  in 
the  Roman-Catholic  Church  310,000  monks  and  nuns.  The 
male  orders  have  the  following  membership  :  Franciscans, 
50,000;  School  Brethren,  16,000 ;  Jesuits,  8,000 ;  Congrega 
tions  for  nursing  the  sick,  6,000  ;  Benedictines,  5,000 ;  Do 
minicans,  4,000 ;  Carmelites,  4,000  ;  Trappists,  4,000  ;  Laza- 
rists,  2,000  ;  Piarists,  2,000 ;  Redemptionists,  2,000,  &c.  The 
female  orders  count  about  190,000  members,  of  which  20,000 
nuns  are  in  America. 

A  glance  at  these  figures  will  show  the  sources  of  our 
Catholic  population,  and  the  organized  power  which  lies  be 
hind  the  propagandisrn  which  blindly  seeks  to  convert  this 
Republic  to  a  Vast  province  of  ecclesiastical  Rome.  The 
annual  emigration  from  Europe  includes  numbers  of  Ro- 


506  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

manists  quite  sufficient   to  explain   the    ratio  of  Catholic 
increase  in  America. 

Adopting  the  rough  estimate  of  2,000  Roman  Catholics  to 
one  priest,  there  were  supposed  to  be  4,400,000  in  the  United 
States  in  1860.  «  In  1808,  there  was  1  Catholic  to  68 
Protestants;  in  1830,  1  to  29 ;  in  1840,  1  to  18 ;  in  1850, 
1  to  11 ;  in  1860,  1  to  7.  That  is,  between  1840  and  I860, 
the  increase  was  125  upon  each  100,  while  the  nation  only 
increased  by  36  to  100."  In  1861,  they  reckoned  in  the 
United  States  7  provinces,  48  dioceses,  3  vicarates,  45  bish 
ops,  2,317  priests,  2,517  churches,  1,278  stations  and  chapels, 
49  ecclesiastical  institutions,  and  a  population  of  between 
4,000,000  and  5,000,000. 

To  understand  the  Romanism  of  to-day,  and  accurately 
measure  the  dangers  with  which  it  threatens  our  free  Repub 
lic,  the  following  facts  must  be  carefully  studied  :  — 

First,  published  statistics  of  the  Roman  Catholics  in  this 
country  must  be  considered  as  quite  unreliable.  They  in 
clude  large  masses  of  immigrants,  who  here  utterly  ignore 
practical  Christianity.  They  are  simply  baptized  Catholics, 
educated  in  that  faith,  but  have  no  other  claims  to  Christian 
character.  In  regard  to  the  great  public  vices,  they  can  in  no 
way  be  distinguished  from  the  mass  of  unregenerate  wicked 
men.  If  the  right  of  Romanists  to  membership  were  to 
depend,  like  other  professed  Christians,  upon  regular  and 
virtuous,  not  to  say  holy,  lives,  instead  of  baptism,  auricular 
confession,  and  absolution ;  if  thorough  discipline  were  to  re 
nounce  those  who  are  a  scandal  to  the  name  of  Christian,  — 
their  numbers  would  be  in  no  way  formidable  here  or  else 
where.  If  all  baptized  Protestants  were  to  be  reckoned  as 
members  of  their  respective  churches,  without  regard  to 
their  voluntary  acceptance  of  church  relations,  and  in  the 
absence  of  Christian  discipline,  our  numbers  would  be 
swelled  to  such  proportions  as  to  quiet  the  fears  of  rela 
tive  increase  in  numbers  and  power. 
>  Let  us  next  turn  to  the  claim  set  up  by  the  Romish 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  DEPEAVITY.        50 7 

Church  with  respect  to  jurisdiction  and  prerogative,  and 
observe  its  relation  to  modern  civilization.  The  pope's 
encyclical  letter,  addressed,  Dec.  8, 1864,  to  all  Catholic  bish 
ops,  must  be  good  authority.  He  informs  the  public,  that, 
upon  coming  to  the  chair  of  St.  Peter,  he  "  beheld  a  horrible 
tempest  stirred  up  by  so  many  erroneous  opinions,  and  the 
dreadful  and  never-enough-to-be-lamented  mischiefs  which 
redound  to  Christian  people  from  such  errors ; "  and  as  his 
predecessors  had  exerted  their  apostolic  authority  against 
all  "  heresies,"  so  he  had  "  condemned  the  prominent  most 
grievous  errors  of  the  age."  But  he  found  it  necessary  to 
come  forward  again  with  apostolic  authority  to  arrest  espe 
cially  the  alarming  doctrine  of  freedom  in  the  exercise  of 
religion.  From  totally  false  notions  of  social  government, 
he  says,  men  "fear  not  to  uphold  that  erroneous  opinion 
most  pernicious  to  the  Catholic  Church  and  to  the  salvation 
of  souls,  which  was  called  by  our  predecessor,  Gregory  XVI., 
the  insanity  (deliria  mentum), — namely,  that  'liberty  of  con 
science  and  of  worship  is  the  right  of  every  man ;  and  that 
the  right  ought,  in  every  well-governed  State,  to  be  pro 
claimed  and  asserted  by  the  law ;  and  that  the  citizens  pos 
sess  the  right  of  being  unrestrained  in  the  exercise  of  every 
kind  of  liberty,  by  any  law,  ecclesiastical  or  civil,  so  that  they 
are  authorized  to  publish  and  put  forward  openly  all  their 
ideas  whatsoever,  either  by  speaking,  in  print,  or  in  any 
other  method.' "  This  "  liberty  of  conscience  and  of  worship  " 
is  denounced  as  "  the  liberty  of  perdition,"  and,  in  the  lan 
guage  of  St.  Leo,  as  a  "  most  mischievous  vanity."  It  is 
affirmed,  moreover,  on  the  authority  of  "  our  most  wise  and 
courageous  predecessor,  St.  Felix,  that  it  is  certain  that  it 
is  advantageous  for  sovereigns,  when  the  cause  of  God  is  in 
question,  to  submit  their  royal  will  according  to  his  ordi 
nance  to  the  priests  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  not  to  prefer  it 
before  them."  Among  the  things  condemned  and  to  be  utter 
ly  put  down  by  bishops  and  all  the  faithful  is  the  propo 
sition,  that  "Protestantism  is  nothing  more  than  another 


508  THE  GEEAT  REPUBLIC. 

form  of  the  sanctioned  Christian  religion,  in  which  it  is 
possible  to  be  equally  pleasing  to  God  as  in  the  Catholic 
Church."  Biblical  societies  are  mentioned  among  the 
"  pests  "  which  "  are  frequently  rebuked  in  the  severest 
terms "  in  the  encyclicals  and  allocutions.  Nothing  is 
more  heterodox  than  to  affirm  that  "  kings  and  princes  are 
not  only  exempt  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Church,  but  are 
superior  to  the  Church  in  litigated  questions  of  jurisdiction ; 
and  that  the  Church  ought  to  be  separated  from  the  State, 
and  the  State  from  the  Church." 

It  is  thus  seen  that  every  principle  that  is  held  dear  to 
America  is  denounced  by  the  very  highest  Romish  authority. 
It  is,  moreover,  held  by  the  Catholic  Church  to  be  a  great 
grievance,  that  in  some  of  the  States,  "  in  the  matter  of  the 
tenure  of  ecclesiastical  property,  she  conforms  to  the  general 
laws  providing  for  this  object.  These  laws,  however,  are 
based  on  principles  which  she  cannot  accept  without  depart 
ing  from  her  practice  from  the  beginning,  as  soon  as  she  was 
permitted  to  enjoy  liberty  of  worship.  They  are  the  ex 
pression  of  a  distrust  of  ecclesiastical  power  as  such,  and  are 
the  fruit  of  the  misrepresentations  which  have  been  made  of 
the  action  of  the  Church  in  past  ages.  As  well  might  the 
civil  power  prescribe  to  her  the  doctrines  she  is  to  teach, 
and  the  worship  with  which  she  is  to  honor  God,  as  to  im 
pose  on  her  a  system  of  holding  her  temporalities  which  is 
alien  to  her  principles,  and  which  is  borrowed  from  those 
who  have  rejected  her  authority." 

We  must  not,  therefore,  expect  our  Roman-Catholic  citizens 
to  be  satisfied  with  the  laws  of  public  trusts  which  are 
framed  for  all  the  churches  indiscriminately,  and  the  Ameri 
can  people  as  a  whole.  Their  system  cannot  bend  to  us :  our 
legislation  must,  therefore,  accommodate  itself  to  them. 

There  is  much  in  all  this  which  seems  sufficiently  menacing 
to  the  liberties  of  the  world,  and  of  our  Republic  in  particu 
lar.  But  it  is  worth  while  to  note  that  these  attempts  at 
ecclesiastical  domination  are  not  successful  in  Europe.  The 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  DEPRAVITY.        509 

reception  of  the  encyclical  on  the  part  of  the  political  press 
and  legislatures  in  Catholic  countries  was  decidedly  unfa 
vorable.  The  leading  Catholic  minds  of  France,  Austria, 
Spain,  Portugal,  and  Italy,  gave  unmistakable  evidence  of 
alarm  at  so  daring  an  attempt  to  revive  and  give  favor  to 
the  Romish  doctrines  of  the  dark  ages ;  and  the  demand  for 
free  toleration  is  much  more  urgent  in  Catholic  Europe  on 
account  of  these  absurd  pretensions. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  temporal  power  of  the  pope,  so  per 
sistently  affirmed  from  highest  Romish  authority  to  be  abso 
lutely  indispensable  to  the  integrity  of  the  Catholic  Church,  is 
really  destroyed.  Certainly  not  the  power  of  the  Emperor  of 
France  to  maintain  the  pope's  authority  over  the  little  rem 
nant  of  the  former  magnificent  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  but 
the  power  of  the  pope  to  maintain  temporal  sovereignty 
against  the  uprising  freedom  of  his  own  subjects,  is  entirely 
gone.  Much  less  could  this  claim,  absurdly  based  upon  the 
necessities  of  religion,  be  maintained  for  a  single  week 
against  the  free  Catholics  of  the  former  Papal  States.  In 
other  words,  the  assertions  of  this  lordly  authority  are  as 
haughty  and  imperious  as  in  the  days  of  Leo  X. ;  but  they 
inspire  no  such  terror,  and  produce  general  contempt  instead 
of  alarm.  True,  the  essential  Roman-Catholic  Church  has 
not  changed :  but  the  world  has  changed ;  her  people  have 
changed.  In  Italy,  the  very  seat  of  her  power,  the  sentence 
of  excommunication  is  alike  disregarded  by  prince  and  court, 
bishop  and  priest;  and  it  may  be  justly  said  that  there  is  not 
a  sovereign  or  nation  in  the  world  for  whom  the  thunders 
of  the  Vatican  have  any  terrors.  This  is  simple  history ;  and 
it  is  certain  that  the  eyes  of  the  most  enlightened  Catholic 
countries  are  turned  away  from  the  church  of  repression 
toward  Christian  civilization  and  progress. 

It  may  seem  to  us  that  the  rapid  gains  of  Romanism  in 
the  United  States  indicate  a  purpose  to  transfer  the  seat  of 
priestly  domination  to  America ;  and  this  may  be  true.  But 
the  purpose  will  fail.  Whether  it  be  more  dangerous  to 


510  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

have  a  larger  number  of  Catholics  here,  and  a  smaller  num 
ber  in  Ireland  and  on  the  Continent,  we  might  be  unable  to 
say ;  but  it  is  so  evidently  a  part  of  God's  plan  for  bringing 
the  darkness  to  the  light,  that  it  is  no  irreverence  to  say,  he 
evidently  does  not  fear  it.  The  battle  is  coming  on  ;  but  we 
are  certain  that  the  Bible  will  conquer. 

Nearly  allied  to  the  great  apostasy  of  which  we  have 
written  is  corruption  in  politics.  The  freedom  granted  to 
the  citizen  by  the  government  of  the  people  may  be  greatly 
abused.  Demagogues  may  use  it  for  selfish  ends;  party 
spirit  may  rise  above  national  claims;  bad  men  may  aspire 
to  office,  and  succeed  ;  bribery  and  misrepresentation  may 
determine  an  election,  pass  laws,  and  corrupt  the  seats  of 
justice.  All  this  has  occurred  here,  and  it  is  no  relief  to  us 
to  show  that  it  is  so  everywhere ;  that  bribery  and  corrup 
tion  in  elections  are  reduced  to  a  system  in  England,  and  so 
utterly  shameless  as  to  allow  of  no  attempt  to  deny  them 
or  obviate  their  damaging  power.  If  it  be  true  in  theory 
that  all  this  is  easier  and  more  likely  to  occur  in  a  republic 
than  under  a  constitutional  monarchy,  it  is  not  true  in  fact 
These  are  vices  which  do  not  inhere  in  systems  of  govern 
ment.  They  are  back  of  all  governments.  They  arise  from 
a  common  depravity,  indicate  a  common  danger,  and  re 
quire  a  common  remedy.  The  race  is  coming  to  feel  the 
imperative  demand  for  a  divine  regeneration  of  society,  the 
grand  model  of  which  is  found  in  every  true  Christian  in 
whose  heart,  purposes,  motives,  and  acts,  old  things  have 
passed  away,  and  all  things  become  new. 

Until  this  grand  consummation  is  reached  in  the  common 
humanity  of  our  nation,  we  must  battle  with  political  dis 
honesty.  We  shall  find  the  very  bulwarks  of  civil  liberty 
clandestinely  or  fearlessly  assailed.  Politicians  will  put  for 
ward  candidates  who  are  deemed  "  available."  without  due 
regard  to  virtue  or  capability ;  parties  and  individuals  will 
give  and  receive  bribes  for  votes ;  the  most  salutary  laws 
will  be  sacrificed,  and  the  most  perilous  license  will  be 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  DEPEAVITY.        51 1 

pledged,  for  the  votes  of  a  corrupt  organization  supposed 
to  hold  the  balance  of  power.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of 
the  people's  money  will  be  granted  to  a  fallen  church,  for 
fear  of  losing  its  votes ;  and  thus  in  a  free  country  the  church 
of  absolutism  and  repression  will  be  as  munificently  endowed 
by  the  corruption  of  parties  as  though  it  were  established 
and  supported  by  law.  Just  in  proportion  to  the  develop 
ment  of  our  common  depravity  will  be  the  ascendency  of 
unprincipled  men  and  vile  women,  and  the  danger  to  our 
free  institutions. 

For  our  safety  from  the  effects  of  all  social  arid  na 
tional  crimes,  we  must  look  to  God,  and  do  the  right. 
That  we  are  not  overwhelmed,  but,  on  the  contrary,  rising  in 
moral  force  before  the  eyes  of  the  nations,  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  experimental  Christian  power  is  mighty  in  the  land  : 
and,  amid  all  the  storms  'and  perils  of  sin,  "  the  Lord  of  hosts 
is  with  us ;  the  God  of  Jacob  is  our  refuge." 


CHAPTER    X. 
DEVELOPMENT   OF   TRUE   RELIGION. 

"Religion,  as  such,  is  reason  in  the  soul  and  heart.      Thus  freedom  in  the  State  is 
preserved  and  established  by  religion."  —  HEGEL. 

THUS  far  in  the  history  of  the  Great  Republic,  we  have 
found  everywhere  the  presence  of  a  power  stronger  than  the 
power  of  man,  producing  the  principles,  vitalizing  the  facts, 
and  controlling  the  developments,  which  were  evidently 
essential  to  the  success  of  a  great  Christian  government. 

We  have  also  found  bold  and  persistent  antagonisms 
to  this  providential  effort  to  advance  the  human  race  be 
yond  all  its  precedents  in  intelligence,  goodness,  and  power. 
Sometimes  these  antagonisms  have  appeared  in  the  form  of 
kingly  oppression  and  bloody  war ;  sometimes  of  unfaithful 
ness  to  the  plans  of  God,  and  rights  of  man ;  sometimes  of 
deeply-seated  and  strongly-developed  immorality :  but,  in 
all  cases,  this  rebellion  against  the  true  and  the  right  has 
been  traceable  directly  to  the  scriptural  account  of  the  fall 
and  depravity  of  man. 

We  shall  still  behold  these  opposite  forces  in  determined, 
and  sometimes  fierce,  collision.  Intensely  interesting  as  the 
conflict  has  been,  it  is  destined  to  become  much  more  so. 
The  spirit  of  oppression  assumes  various  forms;  but  it  is 
always  the  same.  It  seems  to  be  chiefly  malicious  toward 
man ;  but  its  real  war  is  with  God.  Since  the  temptation  in 
Eden,  the  Prince  of  Darkness  has  never  abandoned  the  pur 
pose  to  rule  and  destroy  this  splendid  creation;  but  no 
usurpation  of  power  has  been  conceded,  no  right  of  divine 
sovereignty  surrendered.  The  active  assertion  of  absolute 


512 


DEVELOPMENT   OF   TRUE   R^LIGIOST. 

Religion, 'as  such,  is  reason  in  the  soul  and  heart.      Thus  freedom  in  the  State  i» 
preserved  and  established  by  religion." 


far  in  the  Listory  of  the  Great  Republic,  we  have 
found  everywhere  the  presence  of  a  power  stronger  than  the 
powfr.  of  main,  producing  the  principles,  vitalizing  the  facts, 
and  Controlling  the  developments,  which  Were  evidently 
'essential  to  the  M* -cress  of  a  great  Christian  government. 
We  iv«  also  found  b<>W  m*l  N*i**e0t  antagonism* 


been  tr,  otly  to 

and  depravity  of.  man. 

We  shall  still  behold  these  opposite  forces  iif  Determined, 
and  sometimes  fierce,  collision.  Intensely  interesting  as  the 
conflict  has  been,  it  is  destined  to  become  much  more  so. 
The  spirit  of  oppression  assumes  various  forms;  but  it  is 
always  the  same.  It  seem*  to  be  chiefly  malicious  toward 
man ;  but  its  real  war  is  with  God.  Since  the  temptation  in 
Eden,  the  Prince  of  Darkness  has  never  abandoned  the  pur 
pose  to  rule  and  destroy  this  splendid  creation ;  but  no 
usurpation' of  power  has  been  conceded,  no  right  of  divine 


„,.* 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  513 

divine  prerogatives  is  more  evident  at  some  times  and  in 
some  places  than  others,  but  never  more  evident  than  now, 
and  in  this  country. 

The  force  by  which  God  is  advancing  among  men  to  sub 
due  all  things  to  himself  is  true  Christianity.  In  the  devel 
opment  period  of  our  history,  we  have  traced  this  power  in 
every  thing  good  and  hopeful  to  its  great  source.  We  now 
desire  to  observe  it  more  closely,  and  see  what  has  been  its 
position  and  work  in  the  structure  and  vindication  of  our 
government,  and  how  far  its  special  development  affords 
indications  of  future  triumph.  We  shall  look  at  it  first  in 
its  several  distinct  organizations. 


THE    PROTESTANT-EPISCOPAL    CHURCH. 

We  have  seen  that  the  Church  of  England  came  to  this 
country  with  its  first  settlers,  and  was  recognized  as  the 
Established  Church  of  Virginia  and  a  large  portion  of  the 
early  South.  In  comparison  with  all  other  churches,  it  would 
seem  thus  to  have  secured  the  advantage  of  precedence  and 
position.  The  strain  of  the  Revolution,  however,  showed  that 
its  organic  connection  with  the  British  Government  was  its 
greatest  misfortune. 

" k  The  war  of  the  American  Revolution,'  *  says  our  ablest 
living  canonist  and  historian,  '  left  the  Protestant-Episcopal 
Church  in  this  country  in  a  position  different  from  that  of 
every  other  religious  denomination  in  the  land.  It  alone  was 
entirely  broken  up  in  its  polity.  The  other  societies  had  sys 
tems  involving  no  connection  with  the  English  Church  :  the 
war,  therefore,  could  not  affect  their  government;  at  its  close, 
they  had  but  to  proceed  according  to  the  rules  and  principles 
of  an  already  existing  organization  :  very  slight  modifica 
tions,  if  any,  were  necessary  to  them.  Not  so,  however,  with 

*  These  extracts  are  taken,  by  permission,  from  "  The  Claims  of  the  Protestant-Epis 
copal  Church  upon  the  American  People,"  by  Rev.  GEORGE  D.  CUMMINS,  D.D.,  now 
Assistant  Bishop  of  Kentucky. 
65 


514  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  Episcopal  Church  :  it  had  been  identified  with  the  Estab 
lished  Church  of  the  mother-country ;  nay,  was,  in  one  sense, 
part  and  parcel  of  it.  By  the  war,  its  government  was  en 
tirely  subverted  :  it  had,  therefore,  to  commence  de  novo  the 
work  of  framing  a  system/ 

"  As  soon  as  the  long  struggle  of  the  Revolution  was  over, 
and  this  Great  Republic  was,  by  God's  blessing,  free  and  inde 
pendent,  the  fathers  of  our  church  were  the  very  first  to 
move  in  organizing  and  adapting  the  ecclesiastical  polity  to 
the  new  nationality. 

"  We  contend  that  this  church  has  peculiar  claims  upon 
the  reverence  and  love  of  the  American  people ;  that  it  is 
marked  by  characteristics  which  render  it  eminently  fit  to 
be  a  blessing  to  this  nation  in  this  crisis  of  its  history. 

"The  first  of  these  features  is  the  conservatism  of  the 
church.  With  many,  we  are  aware,  this  feature  is  our 
reproach:  to  us  it  is  our  boast  and  rejoicing.  The  Epis 
copal  Church  is  eminently  conservative ;  a  keeper  and  guar 
dian  of  sacred  trusts  and  legacies  of  the  past,  which  God 
has  ordained  shall  be  unchanging  and  unchanged  like  their 
great  Author. 

"  Why,  then,  does  this  feature  of  the  Episcopal  Church  fit 
her  to  be  a  blessing  to  this  land  and  nation  ?  Because  she  is 
a  bulwark  against  the  mighty  tide  of  innovation  and  error 
which  men  falsely  call  progress.  This  age  is  most  markedly 
an  age  of  free-thinking,  of  wild  and  rash  and  dangerous 
speculation,  —  an  age  marked  by  the  reckless  casting-away 
of  the  faith  of  the  fathers,  and  of  trampling  upon  the  work 
of  their  hands.  ' Let  us  'break  their  bands  asunder,  and  cast 
away  their  cords  from  us,'  is  said  of  all  the  venerable  tra 
ditions  and  institutions  of  the  past.  New  forms  of  error 
multiply  upon  every  hand.  New  organizations  of  unbelief 
and  false  belief  spring  up  like  the  rank  growth  of  a  night 
under  the  shade  of  massive  forest-trees.  Our  ears  are 
saluted  on  every  side  with  the  cry,  (Lo!  here  is  Christ;  lo! 
there  is  Christ!  But  amidst  them  all  stands  serene  and 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  515 

calm  the  church  of  our  fathers,  witnessing  ever  to  the  ancient 
and  pure  faith,  '  the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus/  the  ancient 
creeds,  and  the  apostolic  order  of  Christ's  Church.  Her 
ministers  may  prove  faithless  at  her  altars,  and  fall  into 
deadly  error;  but  no  personal  defection  of  these  can  stifle  the 
great  voice  ever  sounding  forth  from  her  sublime  ritual, 
echoing  the  voices  of  apostles  and  confessors  and  martyrs. 

"Another  characteristic  of  the  Episcopal  Church  adapts  it 
eminently  to  the  needs  of  our  times.  She  is  the  very  sym 
bol  of  AUTHORITY  AND  OF  LAW.  She  claims  to  be  divinely  in 
stituted.  Her  ministry  derives  its  power  from  God,  and  not 
from  man.  She  recognizes  divers  orders  in  the  ministry,  and 
demands  submission,  deference,  and  godly  obedience,  from 
one  to  the  other.  How  admirably  is  she  thus  qualified 
to  train  her  children  into  reverence  for  and  obedience  to 
authority,  —  the  authority  of  parents,  of  magistrates,  of 
rulers ! 

"  The  subject  suggests  to  us  the  great  mission  which  this 
church  has  to  fulfil  towards  the  American  nation  and  peo 
ple,  and  especially  the  part  we  are  to  perform  in  the  new 
era  upon  which  the  nation  has  just  entered.  All  danger  to 
the  stability  of  the  government  has  passed  away,  —  danger, 
I  mean,  from  material  sources.  But  a  mightier,  a  sterner 
test  yet  awaits  it.  Its  salvation  or  its  ruin  must  depend 
upon  moral  forces.  War  tested  its  strength :  peace  will  test 
its  virtue.  An  unprecedented  career  of  prosperity  opens 
before  us,  and  especially  in  this  section  of  the  Republic. 

"  What  are  the  perils,  which,  as  patriot  churchmen,  we  are 
bound  to  prepare  for,  and  from  which  we  earnestly  believe 
the  Church  of  Christ  offers  an  ark  of  refuge  ?  They  divide 
themselves  into  two  classes,  two  great  antagonistic  forces,  — 
Romanism  and  Infidelity,  spiritual  tyranny  and  spiritual 
license. 

"  Romanism,  with  its  wonderful  sagacity  as  a  human  polity, 
its  keen  insight  into  the  future,  has  long  acted  upon  the  con 
viction  that  the  seat  of  power  in  this  Republic  is  to  be  the 


516  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

Valley  of  the  Mississippi.  Hence  the  persevering  and  too 
often  successful  efforts  to  secure  a  foothold  in  every  settle 
ment  of  the  West.  Hence  the  accumulation  of  property, 
purchased,  to  a  great  extent,  by  the  contributions  of  propa 
gandist  societies  in  Europe,  whose  treasuries  are  filled  by 
men  hostile  to  our  institutions.  Hence  the  establishment  of 
schools  of  every  grade,  to  monopolize,  if  possible,  the  edu 
cation  of  our  youth,  and  that,  too,  by  men  and  women 
trained  in  the  cloisters  of  the  Old  World,  and  whose  first 
love  and  highest  duty  are  towards  an  Italian  prince,  and  not 
to  American  nationality.  This  formidable  power,  more 
formidable  because  it  holds  enough  truth  to  hide  from 
men's  eyes  its  gigantic  errors,  and  is  so  earnest  in  practical 
benevolence  as  to  make  men  forget  its  past  history  of  cru 
elty  and  oppression,  —  this  corrupt  church  is  a  real  danger 
to  the  Republic.  Speaking  by  its  pontifical  head,  it  pro 
claims  that  liberty  of  conscience,  of  speech,  of  thought,  and 
of  the  press,  all  that  we  hold  dearest  as  American  citizens 
and  Christians,  are  delusions  to  be  exploded,  and  eradicated 
from  men's  minds. 

"  Over  against  this  peril  rises  the  opposite,  —  the  Antichrist 
of  Infidelity,  threatening  to  sweep  away  all  the  old  foun 
dations  of  our  faith,  —  even  the  sure  Corner-stone  which 
human  builders  have  ever  rejected,  but  which  was  in  the 
beginning,  is  now,  and  ever  shall  be,  the  Rock  of  salvation. 
Immigration  is  rapidly  bringing  to  our  shores  vast  numbers 
who  have  identified  Christianity  with  the  civil  and  ecclesias 
tical  despotisms  of  the  Old  World,  and  who,  in  their  intense 
re-action  from  such  baneful  influences,  have  adopted  the 
wildest  forms  of  unbelief.  This  foe  to  Christ  and  his 
Church  is  not  idle.  It  has  its  schools,  its  pulpits,  and  its 
presses.  It  tends  directly,  and  by  a  headlong  descent,  to 
socialism  and  to  anarchy.  It  makes  light  of  marriage ;  it 
profanes  unblushingly  God's  holy  day.  Its  end  is  death,  — 
death  to  all  which  we  have  prized  as  most  precious  in  the 
legacy  of  our  departed  statesmen  and  Christian  fathers. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  517 

"  What  mind  of  man  can  estimate  the  responsibility  of  the 
Church's  mission  at  such  a  crisis  ?  How  shall  we  fulfil  it  ? 
how  rise  to  the  greatness,  the  grandeur,  of  the  situation  ? 
These  are  questions  which  may  well  stir  our  souls  to  their 
very  depths. 

"  Her  first  great  mission  must  be  to  bear  witness  to  the 
truth,  — '  the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,'  —  to  the  old  and  ever 
lasting  gospel, '  the  power  of  God  unto  salvation.'  Against 
infidelity  she  must  lift  up  ceaselessly  the  standard  of  her 
Lord ;  '  contending  earnestly  for  the  faith  once  delivered  to 
the  saints,'  the  infallibility  of  God's  holy  word,  and  the 
full  and  free  salvation  offered  to  man  through  the  atoning 
sacrifice  of  the  Lamb  of  God  upon  the  cross,  — '  a  full,  per 
fect,  and  sufficient  sacrifice,  oblation,  and  satisfaction  for  the 
sins  of  the  whole  world/ 

" '  Preach  the  everlasting  gospel : '  this  seems  to  be  now 
the  message  of  her  ascended  Lord.  Tell  the  heedless,  reck 
less,  dying  millions,  of  salvation,  of  the  cross,  of  eternal  life : 
this  is  their  profoundest  want,  deny  it  as  they  may ;  and  this 
is  our  highest  work.  We  need  great-hearted,  mighty  preach 
ers,  as  in  days  of  old.  We  need  men  of  the  boldness  of  St. 
Peter  at  Pentecost ;  of  St.  Paul's  death-defying  heroism  at 
Ephesus,  at  Corinth,  at  Jerusalem ;  of  the  loving  tenderness 
of  St.  John.  We  need  the  jealous  love  of  the  truth  which 
dwelt  in  Athanasius  and  Augustine  ;  the  burning  eloquence 
of  the  golden-mouthed  John  of  Antioch,  and  Gregory  of 
Nazianzen.  We  need  men  of  Luther's  boldness  and  Me- 
lancthon's  tenderness,  the  fearlessness  of  Latimer,  the  judi 
ciousness  of  Hooker,  and  the  fervid  piety  of  Leighton  and 
of  Ken.  May  the  Lord  give  the  word,  that  great  may  be 
the  company  of  the  preachers ! 

"  Against  Romanism  our  testimony  must  be  no  less  strong 
and  clear.  We  must  assert  the  claims  of  the  Eeformed 
Catholic  Church  of  Christ  to  be  the  Church  of  the  apostles 
and  of  early  days,  cleansed  of  the  defilements  o'f  the  dark 
ages.  We  must  expose  the  pretensions  of  that  corrupt 


518  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

church,  by  showing  her  real  weakness,  her  partial  truth, 
to  be  the  most  dangerous  form  of  error.  We  must  awaken 
to  a  consciousness  of  the  great  trust  Christ  has  committed  to 
our  hands.  We  must  be  wise  to  discern  the  times,  and  to 
neglect  no  instrumentality  which  may  hasten  the  coining  of 
the  kingdom  of  God." 

The  general  statistics  of  the  Protestant-Episcopal  Church 
for  1866  show  34  dioceses,  44  bishops,  and  2,486  priests  and 
deacons  ;  the  whole  number  of  clergy,  2,530  ;  parishes,  2,305 ; 
communicants  added,  14,138 ;  present  number  of  communi 
cants,  161,224;  Sunday-school  teachers,  17,570;  scholars, 
157,813  ;  contributions,  $3,051,669.64. 

This  church  has  under  its  charge  14  colleges,  9  theological 
seminaries,  and  24  academies.  Episcopalians  attach  high 
importance  to  sound  and  varied  learning  in  every  depart 
ment  of  society.  They  publish  10  weekly  periodicals,  5 
monthlies,  and  1  quarterly. 


CONGREGATIONAL    CHURCHES. 

Congregationalism,  as  we  have  seen,  came  to  this  land  with 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers.  It  is  to  be  distinguished  from  Puritan 
ism,  though  the  Puritans  were  Congregationalists.  As  a  mode 
of  church  government,  it  claims  conclusive  authority  in  re 
gard  to  definitions  of  faith,  and  spiritual,  financial,  and  disci 
plinary  control  for  the  individual  church.  The  field  of  their 
greatest  prosperity  is  New  England ;  but  they  have  extended 
their  labors  into  other  parts  of  the  United  States.  They 
numbered,  at  last  reports,  2,719  ministers,  268,015  communi 
cants,  and  283,798  Sunday-school  scholars.  In  1860,  they 
had  2,334  churches,  valued  at  $13,327,511,  accommodating 
956,351  people.  The  American  Home  Missionary  Society 
(chiefly  Congregationalist),  in  the  year  1865,  sustained  802 
home  missionaries  at  an  expense  of  $189,965;  and,  through 
the  American  Board,  they  sent  abroad  90  missionaries,  be 
sides  male  and  female  helpers.  These  laborious  arid  self- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TEUE  RELIGION.  519 

sacrificing  men  and  women  have  honored  their  Master,  and 
the  whole  Christian  Church,  by  the  most  exemplary  purity, 
devotion,  and  efficiency  in  the  hardest  foreign  fields;  and 
are  still  moving  on  with  the  evident  approbation  and  bless 
ing  of  God.  The  Congregationalists  are  vigorous  workers 
through  the  American  Tract  Society,  the  American  Sunday- 
school  Union,,  and  among  the  freedrnen  of  the  South. 
They  publish  6  weekly  periodicals  and  4  able  quarterlies. 
In  the  department  of  education,  they  labor  chiefly  through 
schools  and  colleges  which  are  not  ostensibly  denominational, 
and  exert  a  widely-diffused  influence  in  favor  of  the  broadest 
education  of  the  masses  and  the  highest  culture  of  public 
men. 

With  respect  to  their  patriotism  and  Christian  power  in 
the  formation,  development,  and  defence  of  this  Republic,  in 
proportion  to  their  numbers,  history  awards  them  a  very 
high  position.  In  our  account  of  the  struggle  for  colonial 
independence,  so  large  a  space  was,  of  necessity,  given  to 
Congregational  influence,  that  less  is  required  here.  We 
refer  our  readers  especially  to  a  large  part  of  the  period 
of  preparation.  Rev.  B.  F.  Morris*  says  their  "form  of 
churcli  government  is  democratic.  It  was  of  Puritan  birth ; 
and,  like  the  faith  of  the  Puritans,  it  came  fresh  and  vigor 
ous  from  the  word  of  God.  It  is  the  embodiment  and  prac 
tice  of  the  American  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty 
applied  to  church  government,  as  it  is  to  all  the  civil  affairs 
of  the  nation.  Each  church  is  an  independent  Christian 
democracy,  where  all  the  members  have  a  right  to  a  voice 
in  the  government  of  the  church,  and  whose  decisions  are 
subject  to  no  reversal  by  any  other  ecclesiastical  tribunal. 
The  Bible  is  regarded  as  the  text-book  in  theology  and 
politics  in  Church  and  State,  as  it  is  in  the  form  of  church 
government ;  and,  holding  the  Bible  as  the  standard  of  form 
as  well  as  of  faith,  the  Puritans  and  their  descendants  con 
stitute  their  ecclesiastic  form  after  the  pattern  set  them 

*  Christian  Life  and  Character  of  the  Civil  Institutions  of  the  United  States,  p.  421. 


520  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

in  the  Bible.  The  fruits  of  their  faith  and  purity  every 
where  abound. 

"'The  principles  of  their  religious  system  have  given  birth 
and  vigor  to  the  republican  habits  and  republican  virtue 
and  intelligence  of  the  sons  of  New  England.'  The  Congrega 
tional  churches  were  not  only  schools  of  Christian  faith,  but 
of  freedom,  in  which  the  ministers  were  the  teachers,  and 
the  people  the  pupils ;  and  whence  came  the  men  and  women 
to  fight  and  pray  for  freedom  and  the  battles  of  the  Revolu- 
tion.  During  the  Revolution,  there  were  in  New  England 
575  ministers  and  700  Congregational  churches,  almost  all  of 
which  were  in  active  sympathy  with  the  cause  of  liberty. 
In  every  possible  way,  they  gave  manifold  proofs  of  their 
patriotism.  It  is  no  violence  to  truth  to  affirm,  that,  without 
the  devotion  and  earnest  activity  of  these  churches,  the 
Eevolution  never  could  have  been  effected.  Their  faith,  and 
form  of  church  government,  were  in  harmony  with  the 
reigning  spirit  of  liberty,  and  energized  with  all  the  efforts 
of  patriots  with  piety  and  ardor,  and  infused  into  that  great 
conflict  those  Christian  ideas  and  principles  which  impart  a 
divine  dignity  and  grandeur  to  a  people  struggling  to  be 
free." 

Rev.  George  Mooar  says,*  "It  has  been  the  peculiar  for 
tune  of  these  churches  to  stand  intimately  connected  with 
the  civil  life  of  the  two  Anglo-Saxon  nations.  Great  writers 
not  of  their  communion  have  given  them  the  credit  of 
preserving  the  constitutional  freedom  of  England.  Certain 
it  is  that  these  churches  furnished  the  ecclesiastical  ammu 
nition  for  the  fight  which  the  Independents  made  under 
Vane  and  Milton  and  Cromwell.  Certain  it  is  that  the 
Congregational  churches  of  England  now  take  the  lead, 
as  for  years  past  they  have  done,  in  those  movements  which 
promise  the  final  severance  of  the  Church  from  the  State. 
But  it  is  in  our  own  country  that  these  churches  have  their 
eminent  record  in  behalf  of  civil  freedom  and  all  that  enters 

*  Addisonian  Lecture,  San  Francisco,  Nov.  9,  1865. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  521 

most  vitally  into  the  prosperity  of  a  free  nation.  It  was 
given  to  them,  and  is  a  glory  which  no  other  churches  can  in 
the  same  sense  share,  that  they  founded,  and  their  polity 
entered  fundamentally  into,  this  American  Republic.  The 
compact  which  the  Pilgrims  of  4  The  Mayflower '  signed  was 
'  the  birth  of  popular  constitutional  liberty.'  I  speak  not  at 
random,  nor  in  the  spirit  of  empty  self-gratulation.  When 
De  Tocqueville  began  his  investigations  in  America,  he  began 
at  Boston,  and  with  the  town-meeting.  He  finds  that  the 
purest  and  most  distinctive  elements  of  the  American  nation 
are  to  be  found  where  the  town-system  prevails.  '  The 
farther  we  go  to  the  South '  (this  is  his  language),  'the  less 
active  does  the  business  of  the  township  or  parish  become. 
It  has  fewer  magistrates,  duties,  and  rights ;  the  population 
exercises  a  less  immediate  influence  on  affairs ;  the  public 
spirit  of  the  local  community  is  less  excited,  and  less  influ 
ential.'  This  town-system  fades  out  in  just  the  proportion 
that  we  recede  from  the  region,  east  and  west,  where  Con 
gregational  influence  and  emigration  have  prevailed ;  for 
the  town-system  had  its  origin  in  the  Congregational  Church. 
The  typical  school-system  of  America  had  the  same  birth. 
The  American  college  had  its  origin  in  Harvard  and  Yale, 
founded  by  Congregational  churches.  The  republican  spirit 
was  earliest  and  strongest  in  New  England.  The  church 
polity  of  those  States,  says  a  Tory  writer, '  had  hardened  them 
into  republics.'  John  Wise's  book  concerning  that  polity  was 
reprinted  twice  at  the  Revolutionary  epoch,  and  was  read 
with  new  interest,  we  doubt  not,  by  men  who  took  a  promi 
nent  part  in  the  organization  of  the  independent  nation. 
If  there  be  any  church  polity  which  may  be  called  Ameri 
can,  it  is  this.  It  was  born  of  the  same  impulse  which  gave 
us  free  institutions.  It  was  thought  out  by  the  men  who 
planted  those  institutions.  All  its  affinities  ally  it  to  the 
American  history  and  character. 

"  It  is  a  significant  fact,  confirming  what  has  just  been  said, 
that,  in  the  region  covered  by  the  late  Rebellion,  only  one 


522  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

church  of  this  name  existed  before  the  war.  It  was  in  no 
close  connection  with  the  sisterhood  it  claimed.  It  may  be 
doubted,  indeed,  whether  it  did  not  rather  disown  such  con 
nection.  The  spirit  of  these  churches  was  too  Puritan  and 
free  to  allow  of  their  existence  on  slave  soil.  But  no  sooner 
had  freedom  asserted  its  sway  there  than  twenty  such 
churches  were  planted  in  three  months,  carrying  with 
them  the  same  seeds  of  loyalty  which  their  sister  churches 
had  before  borne  across  New  York  to  Ohio  and  the  great 
North-west. 

"  And  why  did  we  have  that  bitter  and  fierce  onset  upon 
the  Puritan  States,  unless,  in  those  cities  and  towns  of  the 
forefathers,  there  dwell  in  more  perfect  development  than 
elsewhere  those  radical  principles  which  have  led  on  and  still 
lead  the  nation  ?  That  eminent  Kentuckian,  Robert  J.  Breck- 
enridge,  who  has  so  gallantly  led  the  loyal  thinkers  of  his 
State,  wrote,  in  the  height  of  the  recent  struggle,  i  I  never 
doubted,  and  now  less  than  ever,  that  the  roots  of  whatever 
produces  freedom,  equality,  and  high  civilization,  are  more 
deeply  set  in  New  England  than  in  any  equal  population  on 
the  face  of  the  earth.'  Let  me  not  be  arrogant  enough  to 
claim  that  all  this  comes  from  the  influence  of  the  churches 
in  which  these  had  their  early  home  ;  but  the  calm,  philosoph 
ical  inquirer,  whether  he  be  native  or  foreign,  who  shall  go 
beneath  those  surfaces  of  rugged  soil  and  climate  which 
seem  now  to  be  the  universal  solvents  of  social  problems, 
will  not  rest  till  he  trace  an  intimate  connection  between 
those  churches  and  the  freedom  of  this  whole  land.  Such  a 
one,  reading  to-day  the  telegrams  which  tell  with  what  over 
whelming  majorities  Massachusetts  keeps  her  place,  as  of  old, 
at  the  head  of  Union  States,  cannot  fail  to  remember,  that 
in  sight  of  her  sandy  cape  the  Pilgrims  signed  their  civil 
compact,  and  that  on  her  soil  they  asserted  and  illustrated 
the  freedom  of  the  local  church.  So  is  it  again  demon 
strated  that  the  pure  free  churches  of  God  are  lights  of 
nations  as  well  as  of  souls :  they  are  the  salt  of  the  political 
as  well  as  of  the  moral  earth." 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TItUE  RELIGION.  523 

THE    BAPTIST    CHURCH.* 

"  The  Baptists  claim  that  they  have  been,  from  the  first, 
the  true  and  undeviating  conservators  of  the  rights  of  man 
to  self-government  and  soul-liberty.  Early  in  the  present 
century,  the  King  of  Holland  appointed  his  chaplain,  Dr. 
Dermont,  and  Dr.  Ypeig,  professor  of  theology  at  Gronin- 
gen,  to  prepare  a  history  of  the  Dutch  Baptists,  with  the 
purpose  of  tendering  them  State  patronage  if  their  origin 
seemed  to  warrant  it.  The  work  of  these  thorough  histo 
rians  was  published  at  Breda  in  1819  ;  and  the  king  at  once 
offered  them  support  from  the  State  treasury,  which  they 
declined,  as  irreconcilable  with  their  holy  principle  of  per 
sonal  liberty,  and  responsibility  to  God.  These  historians 
say, '  The  Baptists  may  be  considered  as  the  only  Christian 
community  which  has  stood  since  the  days  of  the  apostles, 
and  as  a  Christian  society  which  has  preserved  pure  the  doc 
trines  of  the  gospel  through  all  ages.'  They  add,  that '  the 
perfectly  correct  external  and  internal  economy  of  the  Bap 
tist  denomination  goes  to  confute  the  erroneous  notion  of  the 
Catholics,  that  their  communion  is  the  most  ancient.'  This 
testimony  harmonizes  exactly  with  that  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton, 
who  said, '  The  Baptists  were  the  only  Christians  who  had 
never  symbolized  with  the  Church  of  Rome.'  And  John 
Locke  puts  the  case  more  strongly  still  when  he  says, '  The 
Baptists  were  from  the  beginning  the  friends  and  advocates 
of  absolute  liberty,  just  and  true  liberty,  equal  and  im 
partial  liberty.'  John  Milton,  the  champion  of  republican 
ism  against  Salmasius,  was  a  Baptist,  and  exerted  the  greatest 
possible  influence  as  a  secretary  to  the  council  of  State,  under 
Cromwell,  in  establishing  the  constitutional  rights  and  reli 
gious  liberties  of  Great  Britain. 

"  As  the  time  approached  for  the  colonies  to  shake  off  the 
civil  yoke  of  Great  Britain,  the  Baptists  of  America  seized 
the  opportunity  to  break  off  also  every  trammel  of  religious 

*  From  a  very  able  paper  by  Rev.  THOMAS  ABMITAGB,  D.D. 


524  THE   GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

tyranny  in  the  government  of  the  colonies  themselves,  as 
they  should  come  to  assume  the  independency  of  States. 
Their  American  history  had  been  little  else  than  a  perpetual 
struggle  for  toleration  among  Protestant  sects ;  and  as  they 
claimed  that  they  never  were  Protestants  coming  out  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  because  they  had  never  been  in  it  or  of  it, 
but  had  been  the  outside  '  heretics '  of  all  ages,  they  deter 
mined  to  spare  no  effort  to  make  the  power  and  breadth  of 
their  principles  felt  in  founding  the  grandest  empire  of  the 
earth.  Their  principles  were  radical,  rooted  in  the  man 
hood  of  man,  and  covering  all  his  responsible  relations  toward 
both  God  and  man. 

"  The  Baptists  had  been  so  schooled  in  conscience,  and  so 
scourged  into  unconquerable  resistance  to  tyranny  at  the 
hands  of  the  Puritans  in  New  England,  Episcopalians  in 
Virginia  and  Georgia,  and  Catholics  in  Maryland,  that  they 
were  prompted  by  every  honorable  incentive  to  organize 
in  the  most  spirited  manner  for  the  Revolutionary  contest. 
Scarcely  was  the  first  shot  fired  at  Lexington  before  every 
Baptist  on  the  continent  sprang  to  his  feet,  and  hailed  the 
echo  as  the  pledge  of  his  deliverance  from  foreign  and 
domestic  oppressors.  In  the  field,  and  out  of  the  field,  they 
were  among  the  first  to  sacrifice  and  suffer  for  the  American 
cause. 

"The  first  Continental  Congress  was  held  in  Philadelphia 
in  1774,  two  years  before  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
It  had  been  in  session  little  more  than  a  week  when  Bap 
tist  committees  memorialized  it  for  a  general  redress  of 
grievances.  On  the  14th  of  October,  they  obtained  a  hear 
ing,  in  which  they  besought  Congress  to  secure  the  rights  of 
conscience  for  all.  Here  they  met  with  determined  resist 
ance  from  the  Massachusetts  delegation,  who  insisted,  that, 
with  them,  '  it  was  a  matter  of  conscience  to  support  minis 
ters  by  law,'  and  that  the  Baptists  denied  '  them  the  liberty 
of  conscience  in  denying  their  right  to  do  so/ 

"  Yet,  while  the  State-church  party  were  resorting  to  every 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE   RELIGION.  525 

expedient  for  the  defeat  of  full  religious  freedom,  the  masses 
of  the  people  began  to  see  that  the  principles  of  the  Bap 
tists  were  to  shape  the  future  civil  government  of  the 
country.  Benjamin  Franklin  was  their  firm  friend.  Patrick 
Henry  became  their  able  defender,  against  the  persecu 
tions  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  at  the  Virginia  bar.  But 
they  were  indebted  most  of  all  to  Thomas  Jefferson  and 
James  Madison.  Jefferson  seems  to  have  been  greatly 
assisted,  by  the  Baptists  in  forming  those  clear  and  com 
prehensive  democratic  ideas  which  have  immortalized  him 
as  the  apostle  of  democracy.  Curtis  states,  on  the  authority 
of  Mrs.  Madison,  i  that  there  was  a  small  Baptist  church 
which  held  its  monthly  meetings  for  business  at  a  short 
distance  from  Mr.  Jefferson's  house,  eight  or  ten  years 
before  the  American  Revolution.  Mr.  Jefferson  attended 
these  meetings  for  several  months  in  succession.  The  pastor, 
on  one  occasion,  asked  him  how  he  was  pleased  with  their 
church  government,  Mr.  Jefferson  replied,  that  it  struck 
him  with  great  force,  and  had  interested  him  much ;  that  he 
considered  it  the  only  form  of  true  democracy  then  existing 
in  the,  world,  and  had  concluded  that  it  would  be  the  best 
plan  of  government  for  the  American  colonies' 

"  After  all,  it  was  in  Virginia  that  the  Baptists  fought  their 
great  battle.  As  early  as  1606,  every  form  of  religion  had 
been  prohibited  in  the  colony,  but  that  of  the  Established 
Church  of  England,  on  pain  of  arrest  and  imprisonment. 
Four  years  later,  the  code  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale  required  every 
person  in  the  colony  to  pass  a  satisfactory  examination  of 
their  faith  at  the  hands  of  the  Episcopal  clergy ;  and,  on  re 
fusal  to  do  so,  '  for  the  first  time  of  refusal  to  be  whipped ; 
for  the  second  time  to  be  whipped  twice,  and  to  acknowl 
edge  his  fault  upon  the  sabbath  day  in  the  congregation ; 
and,  for  the  third  time,  to  be  whipped  every  day  until  he 
hath  made  the  same  acknowledgment,  and  asked  forgiveness 
of  the  same  ;  and  shall  repair  to  the  minister  to  be  farther 
instructed  as  aforesaid.'  In  1623,  a  tax  was  levied  for  the 


526  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

support  of  the  Episcopal  ministry.  In  1643,  the  Grand 
Assembly  enacted  that  none  should  preach  but  the  clergy 
of  the  Establishment,  and  enjoined  the  governor  to  see  to 
it  'that  all  nonconformists  depart  the  colony.'  The  year 
1661  brought  an  enactment  of  greater  stringency;  namely, 
that  every  nonconformist  should  pay  a  fine  of  twenty  pounds 
sterling  for  every  month  that  he  should  absent  himself  from 
the  Episcopal  Church ;  and,  if  absent  for  a  year,  he  should 
be  arrested,  and  required  to  give  security  for  his  good 
behavior,  or  be  imprisoned.  Besides,  the  Grand  Assembly 
decreed  that  '  all  persons  who  refused  to  have  their  children 
christened '  by  a  lawful  minister  ( shall  be  amerced  two 
thousand  pounds  of  tobacco.'  The  result  was,  that  no  Bap 
tist  church  was  publicly  organized  till  1714 ;  and  the  or 
ganization  then  effected  was  due  principally  to  the  Act  of 
Toleration,  passed  under  William  and  Mary.  But,  for  a 
hundred  years  after  that,  the  magistrates  and  clergy  resorted 
to  every  possible  subterfuge  to  evade  the  Toleration  Act. 
Obsolete  laws  were  hunted  up,  and  no  form  of  violence  left 
untried  to  crush  them  out.  Dr.  Hawks  says,  in  his  '  History 
of  the  Protestant-Episcopal  Church  in  Virginia/  that  '  no 
dissenters  in  Virginia  experienced,  for  a  time,  harsher  treat 
ment  than  did  the  Baptists.  They  were  beaten  and  impris 
oned  ;  and  cruelty  taxed  its  ingenuity  to  devise  new  modes 
of  punishment  and  annoyance.'  In  1775,  messengers  from 
sixty  Baptist  churches  met  to  consider  their  duty  to  God  and 
their  country.  They  memorialized  the  State  Convention,  — 
that  convention  which  instructed  the  Virginia  delegates  to 
Congress  to  declare  independence.  Of  that  memorial,  which 
covered  the  whole  question  of  civil  and  religious  freedom, 
6  The  Journal '  says, '  An  address  from  the  Baptists  of  this 
colony  was  presented  to  the  convention,  and  read,  setting 
forth,  that,  .  .  .  alarmed  at  the  oppression  which  hangs  over 
America,  they  had  considered  what  part  it  would  be  proper 
for  them  to  take  in  the  unhappy  contest ;  and  had  determined. 
that,  in  some  cases,  it  is  lawful  to  go  to  war ;  and  that  we 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  527 

ought  to  make  military  resistance  to  Great  Britain  in  her  un 
just  invasion,  tyrannical  oppression,  and  repeated  hostilities/ 
The  deputation  which  waited  upon  the  convention  consisted 
of  Rev.  Messrs.  Walker,  Williams,  and  Roberts.  They  suc 
ceeded  in  enlisting  three  of  its  members  in  their  cause  of 
full  religious  freedom;  namely,  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Henry, 
who  submitted  the  document  to  the  body.  Its  effect  was 
powerful  upon  the  whole  country.  Dr.  Hawks  says,  in  refer 
ence  to  this  effect,  'The  Baptists  were  not  slow  in  discover 
ing  the  advantageous  position  in  which  the  political  troubles 
of  the  country  had  placed  them.  Their  numerical  strength 
was  such  as  to  make  it  important  to  both  sides  to  secure 
their  influence :  they  knew  this,  and  therefore  determined  to 
turn  the  circumstances  to  their  profit  as  a  sect.  Persecution 
had  taught  them  not  to  love  the  Establishment,  and  now  they 
saw  before  them  a  reasonable  prospect  of  overturning  it 
entirely.  In  their  association,  they  had  calmly  discussed  the 
matter,  and  resolved  on  their  course :  in  this  course  they 
were  consistent  to  the  end.' 

"In  1779,  all  things  being  now  ready  for  a  final  vote,  the 
question  was  settled,  and  the  Establishment  was  finally  put 
down.  The  Baptists  were  the  principal  promoters  of  this 
work,  and,  in  truth,  aided  more  than  any  other  denomination 
in  its  accomplishment.  After  their  final  success  in  this  mat 
ter,  their  next  efforts  were  to  procure  the  sale  of  the  church 
property.  Inch  by  inch  was  gained,  and  point  by  point 
taken  up.  For  fifteen  years,  the  Baptist  General  Committee 
continued  its  labors.  In  1785,  the  Baptist  General  Conven 
tion  pressed  the  legislature  for  the  passage  of  the  Act  for 
Establishing  Religious  Freedom,  which  was  accomplished 
through  the  efforts  of  Mr.  Madison.  Two  years  after  this, 
the  Act  for  incorporating  the  Episcopal  Church  was  re 
pealed  ;  and,  in  the  same  year,  the  Baptists  commenced  an 
agitation,  through  their  General  Committee,  upon  the  repeal, 
of  the  glebe  laws,  which  resulted  in  the  sale  of  those  enor 
mous  estates  which  had  been  appropriated  to  the  Established 


528  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

Church  by  order  of  the  legislature.  Says  Dr.  Hawks,  '  That 
vote  decided  the  fate  of  the  glebes.  The  war  which  they 
(the  Baptists)  had  waged  against  the  church  was  a  war  of 
extermination.  They  seemed  to  have  known  no  relentings, 
and  their  hostility  never  ceased  for  seven  and  twenty  years. 
They  avenged  themselves  for  their  sufferings  by  the  almost 
total  ruin  of  the  church.'  Thus  after  a  most  stubborn  resist 
ance,  hair's-breadth  after  hair's-breadth,  the  last  vestige  of 
religious  oppression  was  swept  away  in  Virginia.  Still,  it 
was  not  till  the  year  1832  that  Massachusetts  fully  took 
her  place  side  by  side  with  Virginia  on  the  subject  of  re 
ligious  liberty ;  and  Connecticut  did  so  but  a  few  years 
sooner. 

"  A  few  words  upon  the  influence  of  the  Baptists  in  forming 
the  General  Government  must  close  this  paper.  The  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  was  adopted  in  1787.  Imme 
diately  thereafter  (March,  1788),  the  Virginia  Baptist  General 
Committee  took  up  this  question  for  discussion,  '  Whether 
the  new  Federal  Constitution,  which  had  now  lately  made 
its  appearance  in  public,  made  sufficient  provision  for  the 
secure  enjoyment  of  religious  liberty.'  After  full  investiga 
tion,  it  was  unanimously  agreed  '  that  it  did  not.'  The 
committee  then  consulted  with  Mr.  Madison  as  to  what  could 
be  done  in  the  case,  who  recommended  them  to  address  Gen. 
Washington  upon  the  subject.  They  also  sought  the  co-ope 
ration  of  the  Baptists  in  other  States  of  the  Union ;  and  sent 
out  Elder  John  Leland  as  their  representative,  who  secured 
their  cordial  co-operation.  The  sixth  article  in  the  new  Con 
stitution  read, '  No  religious  test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a 
qualification  to  any  office  or  public  trust  under  the  United 
States.'  In  August,  1789,  the  Baptists  sent  a  well-digested 
and  formal  address  to  Washington  on  the  subject  by  a  dele 
gation  from  their  body.  He  pronounced  their  position  right, 
and  the  next  month  he  carried  through  Congress  this  amend 
ment  :  '  Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  estab 
lishment  of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof.' 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TBUE   RELIGION.  529 

This  is  a  part  of  our  present  Constitution.  The  correspond 
ence  on  that  occasion  is  worthy  of  the  men  whom  it  im 
mortalizes  on  both  sides.  The  Baptists  said  to  Washington, 
'  When  the  Constitution  first  made  its  appearance  in  Vir 
ginia,  we,  as  a  society,  had  unusual  strugglings  of  mind, 
fearing  that  the  liberty  of  conscience,  dearer  to  us  than 
property  or  life,  was  not  sufficiently  secured.  Perhaps  our 
jealousies  were  heightened  by  the  usage  we  received  in  Vir 
ginia  under  the  royal  government,  when  mobs,  fines,  bonds, 
and  prisons  were  our  frequent  repast.'  To  which  the  Presi 
dent  replied,  '  If  I  could  have  entertained  the  slightest 
apprehension  that  the  Constitution  framed  by  the  Conven 
tion,  when  I  had  the  honor  to  preside,  might  possibly  en 
danger  the  religious  rights  of  any  ecclesiastical  society, 
certainly  I  would  never  have  placed  my  signature  to  it ;  and, 
if  I  could  now  conceive  that  the  General  Government  might 
ever  be  so  administered  as  to  render  the  liberty  of  conscience 
insecure,  I  beg  you  will  be  persuaded  that  no  one  would  be 
more  zealous  than  myself  to  establish  effectual  barriers 
against  the  horrors  of  spiritual  tyranny  and  every  species  of 
religious  persecution.'  Since  that  time,  no  body  of  Ameri 
can  Christians  has  been  more  faithful  to  the  government,  or 
has  done  more  to  perpetuate  our  liberties,  than  this  denomi 
nation  during  the  early  periods  of  its  history.  They  sup 
ported  the  war  of  1812  as  unanimously  and  as  earnestly  as 
that  of  1776. 

"  With  reference  to  the  late  Rebellion,  the  facts  are  too 
recent  in  the  public  mind  to  need  repetition  here.  The  Bap 
tists  of  the  South  went  with  the  South,  and  those  of  the 
West  and  East  and  North  stood  by  the  National  Govern 
ment  with  most  remarkable  unanimity." 

Baptist  statistics  for  1866  show  in  the  United  States  609 
associations,  12,955  churches,  8,346  ordained  ministers,  92,- 
957  baptized,  and  1,094,806  members;*  colleges,  30;  the 
ological  schools,  14;  periodicals,  36,  of  which  24  are  weekly, 

*  American  Baptist  Almanac,  1868. 


530  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

10  monthly  or  serai-monthly,  and  2  quarterly;  expended  for 
foreign  missions,  for  the  year,  $220,000 ;  home  missions, 
about  $240,000  ;  money  for  the  Publication  Society,  $90,000 ; 
Bible  Society,  $44,000  * 

THE   PRESBYTERIAN    CHURCH,  f 

"  The  Presbyterian  Church  has  contributed  its  due  propor 
tion  to  the  moral  and  civil  development  of  the  United  States. 
We  do  not  propose  to  contrast  its  influence  with  that  of  other 
churches,  but,  by  simple  and  direct  statements  of  the  part 
which  it  took  in  our  early  history,  to  connect  its  official  and 
individual  acts  with  the  growth  of  our  free  institutions. 

"  There  are  five  principal  sources  from  which  the  Presby 
terian  Church  of  this  country  has  drawn  its  members,  —  the 
English  Puritans,  the  Dutch  Calvinists,  the  French  Hugue 
nots,  the  German  Calvinists,  and,  more  largely  than  from 
any  other,  the  Scotch  and  Scotch-Irish  Presbyterians. 

"'The  history  of  American  colonization  is  the  history  of 
the  crimes  of  Europe.'  The  same  remark  might  be  made 
of  the  sources  of  American  Presbyterianism.  The  English 
religious  persecutions  drove  out  the  Puritans,  and,  in  still 
larger  numbers,  the  Scotch  and  Scotch-Irish.  The  Germans 
came  to  this  country  under  similar  pressure.  The  infamous 
Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  drove  out  the  French 
Huguenots  ;  and  Holland  '  had  long  been  the  gathering-place 
of  the  unfortunate/  With  a  common  love  of  liberty,  and 
deep  religious  principle,  these  made  the  broad  foundation 
of  the  present  Presbyterian  Church.  It  has  been  estimated, 
that,  by  the  year  1750,  their  number,  outside  of  New  Eng 
land,  amounted  to  between  one  and  two  hundred  thousand. 

"  The  first  beginnings  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  proper 
date  back  to  about  1680.  In  1716,  there  were  four  presby 
teries,  associating  the  churches  in  Long  Island,  the  Jerseys, 

*  Letter  of  Rev.  O.  B.  STONE. 

t  From  an  admirable  paper  by  Rev.  ROBERT  STRONG,  A.M. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE   RELIGION.  531 

Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  with  scattered  churches 
in  the  Carolinas,  all  united  under  the  Synod  of  Philadelphia. 
The  growth  of  the  church  from  this  period  was  constant  and 
rapid,  by  reason  of  large  immigrations;  until,  in  1788,  a 
General  Assembly  was  constituted,  associating  the  synods 
and  presbyteries  after  the  model  of  the  Church  of  Scotland. 
It  will  be  seen  from  this  how  widely  the  church  was  extend 
ed,  and  over  how  large  a  part  of  the  country  its  influence 
reached. 

"  Its  character  and  influence  may  be  fairly  though  indirectly 
judged  from  its  sources.  Its  members  came  to  this  country 
to  seek  for  religious  and  political  freedom.  Having  found  a 
place  for  its  exercise,  they  established  their  principles  in  pro 
portion  to  their  power.  What  Bancroft  says  of  East  Jersey, 
is  true,  in  a  measure,  of  other  sections,  and  the  other  sources 
of  our  church :  '  Scottish  Presbyterians,  of  virtue,  education, 
and  courage,  blending  a  love  of  popular  liberty  with  reli 
gious  enthusiasm,  came  to  East  Jersey  in  such  numbers  as 
to  give  to  the  rising  Commonwealth  a  character  which  a 
century  and  a  half  has  not  effaced.'  They  were  friends 
of  education,  of  strict  morals,  and  of  the  sabbath.  As  mem 
bers  of  God's  Church,  they  upheld  his  laws  as  supreme. 
As  citizens  of  the  State,  they  were  devoted  to  freedom  and 
justice.  In  our  struggle  for  independence,  we  find  them 
invariably  on  the  right  side ;  the  first  to  suffer,  the  first 
to  fight,  the  first  to  declare  for  independence ;  prominent 
among  its  supporters;  and  stamping  on  the  new-formed 
government  those  principles  of  popular  freedom,  represen 
tation,  and  confederation,  which  were  their  distinguishing 
traits. 

"  In  making  these  broad  statements,  we  intend  no  ungener 
ous  comparisons,  nor  do  we  claim  for  these  men  exclusively 
the  parentage  of  freedom.  Bancroft's  words  are  both  beauti 
ful  and  true  :  '  American  independence  was  the  work,  not  of 
one,  nor  of  a  few,  but  of  all ;  and  was  ratified,  not  by  Congress 
only,  but  by  the  instincts  and  intuitions  of  the  nation ;  just 


532  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

as  the  sunny  smile  of  the  ocean  comes  from  every  one  of  its 
million  of  waves/  Bat  it  is  fair,  and  our  definite  object,  to 
inquire  how  far  this  church  nurtured,  and  was  in  sympathy 
with,  these  popular  instincts. 

"The  Presbyterian  Church,  by  its  government  and  spirit, 
is  pre-eminently  republican.  Its  ministers  are  equal  among 
themselves.  Its  churches  are  united  by  presbyteries  and 
synods  under  a  General  Assembly.  The  authorities  over 
the  individual  are  a  series  of  graded  courts,  composed  of 
ministers  and  ruling  elders,  with  the  right  of  appeal  for  the 
maintenance  of  religious  liberty  and  justice.  '  Euling  elders 
are  properly  representatives  of  the  people,  chosen  by  them 
for  the  purpose  of  exercising  government  and  discipline  in 
connection  with  pastors  and  ministers.'  The  great  repub 
lican  principles  of  our  National  Constitution  are  thus  evi 
dently  in  accord  with  the  principles  which  our  church  has 
drawn  from  the  Bible  for  its  government.  So,  again,  in  its 
spirit,  the  church  is  also  republican.  Its  doctrines  of  grace, 
called,  since  Calvin's  day,  Calvinism,  make  all  men  funda 
mentally  equal  before  God  ;  and  they  recognize  no  other 
distinction  between  man  and  man  than  such  as  is  the  result 
of  the  sovereign  grace  of  God  working  in  him  without  re 
gard  to  condition,  class,  or  previous  merit.  The  doctrinal 
spirit  of  the  church  thus  fits  the  outward  form  of  our 
government.  The  church  sends  out  the  influences  of  its 
fundamental  principles  into  the  State  of  which  its  members 
are  citizens. 

"  It  is  only  to  be  expected,  then,  that  we  shall  find  the 
Presbyterian  Church  in  this  country  acting  prominently  in 
vindication  of  its  liberties  and  government,  as  well  as  pro 
moting  religion.  '  We  shall  find,'  says  Bancroft,  <  that  the 
first  voice  publicly  raised  in  America  to  dissolve  all  con 
nection  with  Great  Britain,  came,  not  from  the  Puritans  of 
New  England,  or  the  Dutch  of  New  York,  or  the  planters 
of  Virginia,  but  from  Scotch-Irish  Presbyterians/  The  refer 
ence  here  is  to  the  famous  Mecklenburg  Declaration.  Once 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  533 

more :  the  first  declaration  for  independence  from  the  con 
stituted  authorities  of  a  State  came  from  North  Carolina  in 
April,  1776,  and  can  be  traced  to  the  same  influences.*  This 
reached  Congress  six  weeks  before  the  National  Declaration 
was  made.  These  facts  are  not  sufficiently  known  in  the 
country,  not  even  among  Presbyterians.  They  are  not  set 
forth  here  as  in  rivalry  with  Lexington  and  Massachusetts, 
but  as  fruits  of  identically  the  same  principles  and  spirit. 
They  show  how  the  religious  element  in  the  country  was 
everywhere  foremost,  and  all  sections  hand  in  hand,  in  the 
struggle  for  liberty.  The  spirit  of  our  people  was  shown, 
also,  by  the  organized  voice  of  our  church.  The  Synod  of 
New  York  and  Philadelphia  nerved  her  people  for  the  com 
ing  conflict,  a  year  before  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
by  a  pastoral  letter ;  and  appointed  also  a  day  of  prayer  for 
the  country  and  for  Congress,  which  was  continued  year  by 
year  till  the  close  of  the  war.  As  this  was  our  record  at  the 
beginning  of  the  war,  so  was  it  sustained  at  the  close  by 
another  pastoral  letter  from  the  General  Synod,  calling  upon 
the  churches  to  return  thanks  to  God,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
congratulating  them  '  on  the  general  and  almost  universal 
attachment  of  the  Presbyterian  body  to  the  cause  of  liberty 
and  the  rights  of  mankind/ 

"  From  this  brief  summation  of  facts,  let  us  turn  back  to  the 
Mecklenburg  Declaration.  In  May,  1775,  a  convention  of 
delegates,  twenty-seven  in  number,  chosen  by  the  people 
from  the  militia  districts  of  Mecklenburg  County,  N.C.,  met 
at  Charlotte  to  discuss  their  political  oppressions  and  rights. 
Their  decisions  were  to  be  binding  on  all  the  people.  In 
view  of  the  acts  of  these  representatives,  and  our  present 
purpose,  it  is  important  to  trace  their  religious  connection. 
They  were,  every  one  of  them,  Presbyterians;  one  a  minister; 
their  president,  secretary,  and  seven  others,  ruling  elders.t 
These  issued  the  famous  Mecklenburg  Declaration  of  Inde- 

*  Bancroft,  viii.  352;  Foote's  Sketches  of  North  Carolina,  pp.  43,  44. 
t   Eoote's  Sketches,  pp.  34-44. 


534  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

pendence,  from  which  we  give  one  spirited  extract :  'Resolved, 
3d,  That  we  do  hereby  declare  ourselves  a  free  and  independ 
ent  people;  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  a  sovereign  and 
self-governing  association,  under  the  control  of  no  power 
other  than  that  of  our  God  and  the  general  government  of 
the  Congress :  to  the  maintenance  of  which  independence  we 
solemnly  pledge  to  each  other  our  mutual  co-operation,  our 
lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  most  sacred  honor/ 

"  The  most  casual  reader  will  notice  the  analogies  in  lan 
guage  and  sentiment  between  this  and  the  National  Declara 
tion,  which  was  fourteen  months  later. 

"  We  have  illustrated  thus  the  warm  attachment  of  Pres 
byterians  and  their  church  to  our  national  principles  of 
liberty,  and  also  their  distinguished  services.  Two  points 
remain  to  be  illustrated,  —  the  influence  of  their  republican 
principles  on  our  government,  and  their  services  in  securing 
complete  religious  liberty. 

"On  the  first  point,  the  proofs  must  necessarily  be  indirect. 
The  framers  of  our  Constitution  followed  no  model  directly? 
but  rather  built  on  fundamental  principles.  Yet  the  Pres 
byterian  churches  of  the  Reformation  presented  to  them 
a  model  government,  in  which  these  principles  were  fully 
recognized,  —  religious  republics,  with  stable  and  true  foun 
dations,  defended  by  great  arguments  drawn  both  from  the 
rights  of  man  and  the  revelation  of  God.  Our  adoption,  not 
only  of  the  great  principles,  but  of  analogous  details,  shows 
the  force  of  the  influence  exerted.  Hon.  W.  C.  Preston  of 
South  Carolina  says,  '  Certainly  it  is  the  most  remarkable 
and  singular  coincidence,  that  the  constitution  of  the  Pres 
byterian  Church  should  bear  such  a  close  and  striking  re 
semblance  to  the  political  Constitution  of  our  country.' 

"  On  the  second  point,  we  have  the  testimony  of  Ban 
croft:  'The  rigid  Presbyterians  proved  in  America  the  sup 
porters  of  religious  freedom.' 

"In  the  colonial  period,  Congregationalism  was  established 
in  most  of  New  England,  except  Rhode  Island.  In  all  south 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  535 

of  New  England,  Episcopacy  was  the  favored  form.  In  both 
sections,  other  churches  existed  by  toleration.  Now,  in  oppo 
sition  to  any  kind  of  church  establishment,  even  for  them 
selves,  it  has  been  asserted,  and  may  be  fairly  claimed,  that 
Presbyterians  urged  and  secured  the  doctrine  of  religious 
liberty,  —  the  entire  independence  of  Church  and  State. 
Their  record  on  this  point  was  just  as  clear  in  those  new 
States,  where  their  influence  had  become  overwhelming,  as 
in  those  where  they  had  not  the  supremacy.  They  proved 
to  be  above  temptation.  Their  services  during  the  war, 
throughout  the  country,  were  so  distinguished,  and  their 
position  so  prominent,  that  no  other  denomination  could 
have  competed  with  them  in  securing  favors  from  the  Gen 
eral  Government.  But  they  never  made  a  move  in  this 
direction.  On  the  contrary,  they  felt  compelled,  by  a  dec 
laration  of  synod, '  That  they  ever  have  renounced,  and  still 
do  renounce  and  abhor,  the  principles  of  intolerance,'  to 
allay  the  apprehension  that  they,  in  turn,  might  prove  intol 
erant. 

"  One  point  was  still  left  undebated ;  viz.,  the  policy  of 
establishing  and  supporting  all  religions,  as  against  the  lib 
erty  and  independence  of  all.  On  this  point,  the  decisive 
and  final  struggle  was  in  Virginia.  A  bill  for  the  support 
of  religion  in  all  denominations,  by  means  of  a  general 
assessment  of  the  people,  was  introduced  in  1777.  It  was 
opposed,  on  principle,  by  Baptists,  Quakers,  and  Presbyteri 
ans  ;  fought  against  by  petitions,  memorials,  and  conventions; 
the  agitation  ranging  through  seven  years.  The  honor  of 
the  long  struggle  belongs  to  all  three  parties :  the  power 
was  exerted  mainly  by  the  Presbyterians.  At  the  last  wa 
vering  moment,  in  1784,  when  the  legislature  seemed  dis 
posed  still  to  press  the  measure,  the  Rev.  John  B.  Smith,  on 
behalf  of  the  Presbytery  of  Hanover,  was  heard  for  three 
successive  days  against  it.  '  This  decided  the  matter :  the 
whole  scheme  was  abandoned.'  The  great  principle  of  the 
rightful  independence  of  Church  and  State,  new  then,  old 


536  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

and  glorious  now,  was  thus  established.  It  was  adopted  by 
the  smaller  States  on  each  side  of  Virginia,  —  Maryland  and 
Delaware,  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia, —  and  in  1789  was 
incorporated  into  the  Federal  Constitution." 

The  following  extract  is  from  the  report  of  Professor 
Henry  B.  Smith  to  the  General  Conference  of  the  Evan 
gelical  Alliance  at  Amsterdam  :  — 

"  Outside  of  New  England,  where  Congregationalism  has 
the  ground,  the  Presbyterian  churches  extend,  in  various 
subdivisions,  throughout  the  country.  The  main  branch  of 
the  church  was  divided,  in  1838,  on  divers  questions  of  doc 
trine  and  polity.  The  two  main  divisions  are  popularly,  not 
ecclesiastically,  known  as  Old  School  and  New  School.  The 
Old  School,  1867,  reports  35  synods,  176  presbyteries,  2,622 
churches,  2,302  ministers,  246,350  communicants,  and  con 
tributions  to  the  amount  of  $3,731,164.  In  its  foreign  mis 
sions  it  has  40  churches,  330  ministers  and  teachers,  and 
1,200  members.  The  New  School,  1867,  reports  23  synods, 
109  presbyteries,  1,870  ministers,  161,539  communicants, 
163,242  Sunday-school  scholars,  and  contributions  of  $3,- 
106,870  for  all  its  objects.  Its  increase  last  year  was  10,938 
members,  and  nearly  $1,000,000  in  contributions."  Meas 
ures  are  in  progress  for  uniting  these  two  departments  of 
the  church  ;  which  it  is  earnestly  hoped  may  succeed. 

In  all  the  great  departments  of  education,  literature,  and 
missionary  effort,  the  Presbyterians  are  among  the  most 
enlightened,  self-sacrificing,  and  energetic  of  our  Christian 
citizens.  The  Old  School  publish  11  weekly  periodicals,  4 
monthlies,  and  2  quarterlies,  of  the  highest  grade ;  the  New 
School,  11  weeklies,  10  monthlies,  1  semi-monthly,  and  1 
quarterly,  of  high  literary  merit.  The  Presbyterians  sup 
port  numerous  colleges  and  seminaries,  generally  not  osten 
sibly  denominational;  and,  while  they  labor  earnestly  to  cir 
culate  their  own  literature,  they  give  their  most  devoted 
energies  to  the  American  Bible  Society,  and  all  the  other 
great  American  institutions. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  537 

THE   METHODIST-EPISCOPAL    CHURCH.* 

"  As  surely  as  the  sun  makes  the  day,  religion  has  made 
this  Republic.  In  the  building  of  our  free  institutions,  the 
churches  have  been  the  great  formative  agencies.  Each 
has  had  its  own  work,  and  left  its  peculiar  impress.  Al 
though  the  youngest  of  the  great  Christian  organizations,  we 
claim,  that,  in  forming  the  character  and  determining  the 
place  of  this  nation  in  history,  the  Methodist-Episcopal 
Church  has  been  among  the  most  influential. 

"  The  itinerant  system  of  ministerial  labor  was  precisely 
adapted  to  the  wants  of  a  new  and  growing  country. 

"  The  older  churches  had  local  strength ;  but  they  lacked 
the  instrumentalities  whereby  the  gospel  could  be  made  to 
keep  pace  with  the  advancing  lines  of  settlement  and  the 
spread  of  population.  Myriads  of  immigrants  were  leaving 
the  shores  of  the  Old  World  to  seek  a  home  in  the  New.  Mul 
titudes  of  our  own  people  were  annually  migrating  from  the 
seaboard,  and  the  abodes  of  civilization,  to  explore  the  wilds 
that  lay  westward.  The  older  Christian  bodies  saw  the 
people  passing  away  from  churches  and  ministers,  but  had 
no  aggressive  force,  no  arm  of  sufficient  length,  no  agency 
sufficiently  mobile,  to  follow  the  rapid  march. 

"The  Methodist  itinerancy  supplied  the  lacking  means.  It 
rendered  it  possible  to  maintain  regular  religious  service  in 
any  little  neighborhood  where  there  was  a  single  family 
willing  to  open  their  house  for  divine  worship,  and  entertain 
the  minister  for  a  day.  The  class-meeting  bound  the  con 
verts  together  in  the  bonds  of  tender  Christian  love,  and,  in 
the  hour  of  spiritual  peril,  brought  to  the  help  of  each  the 
strength  of  Christian  friendship.  The  quarterly  meeting, 
with  its  generous  hospitality  and  social  enjoyments,  its  three 
or  four  stirring  sermons,  its  love-feast,  with  its  rich  experi 
ences  and  thrilling  songs,  was  a  holy  festival,  worth  all  the 
saints'  days  in  the  calendar.  The  annual  conferences  were 

*  From  an  able  paper'by  Rev.  J.  T.  CRANE,  D.D. 


538  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

councils  of  war,  where  Christian  soldiers  told  of  their  victories 
with  tears  of  joy,  and  where  they  laid  their  plans  for  bolder 
campaigns  and  more  extended  conquests. 

"  Methodism  not  only  sought  out  the  people,  but  won 
them.  From  the  very  beginning,  the  great  Head  of  the 
Church  crowned  its  labors  with  wonderful  success.  Organ 
izing  its  feeble  scattered  societies  in  1784,  with  only  83 
preachers  and  15,000  members,  it  numbered,  seven  years 
thereafter,  259  preachers  and  63,269  members.  In  1816, 
fifty  years  from  the  date  of  Philip  Embury's  first  sermon, 
there  were  695  preachers  and  214,235  members.  In  1866, 
at  the  close  of  a  hundred  years  of  evangelical  labor,  the 
Methodist-Episcopal  Church  numbered  a  mighty  host  of 
7,576  ministers  and  1,032,184  members. 

"  Meanwhile,  the  Church,  broad  anS  elevated  in  her  plans, 
and  active  and  strong  to  execute  them,  has  entered  into 
every  department  of  legitimate  labor,  and  gathered  with  an 
unwearied  hand  all  the  elements  of  evangelical  power  and 
efficiency.  Our  sabbath  schools  reported  last  year  (1866) 
153,039  officers  and  teachers,  and  914,587  scholars,  with 
2,542,000  volumes  in  the  libraries ;  while  the  children's 
paper  ('The  Sunday-school  Advocate')  circulated  300,000 
copies,  and  the  expenses  of  the  schools  amounted  to  $285,- 
000  for  the  year.  Statistics  for  1867  show  that  we  have 
1,145,184  communicants,  30,571  preachers,  and  more  th;m 
1,000,000  Sunday-school  scholars.  In  the  department  of 
religious  publication,  we  have  the  book  concern,  with  7 
depositories  in  our  principal  cities,  with  an  aggregate  capital 
of  $1,213,000,  and  sales  amounting,  in  1866,  to  $1,245,000. 
The  church  also  publishes  9  papers,  with  a  weekly  circu 
lation  of  147,000  copies,  besides  an  able  and  successful ' Quar 
terly  Review.'  For  the  general  education  of  the  people,  we 
have  23  colleges,  3  theological  schools,  and  84  seminaries  or 
academies  ;  in  all,  110  institutions  of  learning,  with  770  in 
structors  and  22,305  students.  In  the  year  named,  the 
church  expended  $275,000  for  foreign,  and  $254,000  for 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  539 

domestic  missions;  contributed  $107,000  for  the  gratuitous 
circulation  of  the  Scriptures ;  collected  $23,349  for  the  Tract 
cause;  gave  $19,850  for  the  Sunday-school  Union, and  $50,- 
000  to  aid  weak  societies  in  the  erection  of  houses  of  wor 
ship  ;  and  at  the  same  time  has  made,  chiefly  for  purposes 
of  education  and  church  extension,  a  grand  Memorial  Cen 
tenary  Collection,  amounting  to  $7,000,000.  This  exhibit 
of  numbers  and  results  belongs  to  the  original  family  of 
Methodism  on  this  continent,  —  the  Methodist  -  Episcopal 
Church.  Eight  other  organizations,  numbering  more  than 
1,000,000,  identical  in  doctrine,  and  differing  little  in  usage, 
have  arisen  from  the  parent  stock. 

"  It  will  thus  be  seen,  that,  by  a  fair  estimate,  the  Method 
ists  mould  the  principles  and  influence  the  actions  of  about 
one-third  of  our  entire  population. 

"  The  MethodistrEpiscopal  Church  has  not  gained  its  great 
numerical  strength  by  any  indirection.  We  have  not  courted 
the  suffrages  of  the  frivolous,  the  worldly,  or  the  wicked,  by 
flattering  them  with  the  promise  of  an  easy  way  to  heaven. 
For  the  whole  hundred  years  of  our  history,  we  have  borne 
a  steady  testimony  against  wrong,  urged  the  necessity  of 
inward  and  outward  holiness,  the  reality  of  spiritual  religion, 
and  the  value  of  high  attainments  in  the  divine  life. 

"The  simple,  just,  and  generous  theology  of  Methodism 
has  been  the  means,  in  the  Divine  Hand,  of  saving  the  nation 
from  fatal  religious  error,  and  of  breathing  a  new  life  into 
the  older  religious  organizations. 

"  A  century  ago,  the  religious  state  of  the  country  was  very 
far  from  being  satisfactory  to  the  pious  and  the  thoughtful. 
"The  prospect  was  dark.  Without  virtue  as  well  as  intelli 
gence  among  the  people,  free  institutions  are  impossible. 
New-born  liberty  was  in  danger  of  perishing  in  its  infancy. 
A  new  spirit  on  the  part  of  the  churches  was  needed.  Some 
more  efficient  instrument  of  aggressive  warfare,  some  new 
agency  strong  enough  and  bold  enough  to  cope  with  the 
evils  of  the  age,  was  required.  God  was  not  limited,  indeed, 


540  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

to  any  one  mode  of  accomplishing  his  great  purposes ;  yet 
none  will  dispute  the  fact  that  he  chose  Methodism  as  the 
chief  agency  for  doing  the  work.  He  called  to  this  ministry 
Dr.  Thomas  Coke  and  Francis  Asbury,  and  their  fellow- 
laborers;  men  of  deep  piety  and  fervent  zeal,  men  of  mighty 
faith  and  courage  and  energy.  They  did  not  appear  with 
a  novel  system  of  theology.  The  great  doctrines  of  the 
Triune  God,  of  human  depravity,  a  general  atonement  and 
universal  grace,  and  man's  consequent  just  accountability, 
were  the  theme  and  the  life  of  sermon,  song,  and  prayer. 
The  people  heard  and  felt.  The  heart  of  the  nation  was 
reached,  and  its  conscience  was  roused.  A  new  church 
organization,  fresh,  vigorous,  laborious,  shot  up  into  sudden 
strength,  and  began  its  career  of  evangelical  power.  The 
older  churches  caught  the  inspiration ;  and  a  new  era  of 
religious  faith  and  hope,  and  bold  aggressive  movement 
against  the  enemy,  was  inaugurated.  Thus  the  tide  of 
spiritual  death  which  threatened  to  overwhelm  the  nation 
was  arrested ;  and  large  numbers  of  the  people  were  deeply 
imbued  with  the  feeling  of  personal  liberty  against  despot- 
ism  on  the  one  hand,  and  licentiousness  on  the  other.  All 
this  immense  moral  power  has  wrought  against  every  species 
of  bondage,  and  in  favor  of  the  true  republican  liberty  which 
is  triumphant  in  the  United  States  to-day. 

"  Methodism,  at  the  very  beginning,  joined  battle  with  the 
sins  that  threatened  national  ruin.  There  is  a  gigantic  crime 
which  has  haunted  the  footsteps  of  civilization  through  all 
human  history.  As  soon  as  a  people  emerge  from  barbarism, 
and  begin  to  realize  their  superiority  over  the  savages 
around  them,  they  are  tempted  to  take  advantage  of  their 
strength  to  enslave  the  weak  and  the  helpless.  And  slavery 
is  sure  to  curse  the  oppressor.  The  plagues  which  smote  the 
Egyptians  are  but  the  symbols  of  the  multiform  evils  which 
this  crime  against  humanity  brings  in  its  train.  Sooner  or 
later,  it  rolls  a  Red  Sea  of  slaughter  and  woe  upon  those  who 
deny  justice  and  mercy.  The  early  Methodists  spoke  out 
boldly  against  the  wrong. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  541 

"  Intemperance  is  another  gigantic  evil,  the  sin  and  the 
shame  of  our  Christianity  and  our  civilization.  The  rule  of 
Mr.  Wesley,  incorporated  into  the  discipline  of  the  infant 
societies  at  the  very  dawn  of  Methodism,  not  only  prohibits 
intoxication,  but  forbids  buying  or  selling  spirituous  liquors, 
or  drinking  them,  unless  in  cases  of  extreme  necessity. 
As  early  as  1780,  it  was  resolved  to  disown  those  who 
distil  grain  into  liquor.  This  was  almost  half  a  century 
before  Dr.  Nott,  Dr.  Beecher,  and  others  who  are  commonly 
regarded  as  the  pioneers  of  the  Temperance  reform,  began 
their  labors.  Let  it  be  remenbered,  too,  that  the  Methodist- 
Episcopal  Church  advanced  at  once  to  the  true  ground,  — 
total  abstinence  from  all  that  intoxicates.  Here,  also,  the 
church  has  borne  a  steady  testimony  from  the  beginning. 

"  The  spirit  of  Methodism  harmonizes  with  the  spirit  of 
liberty,  and  tends  to  strengthen  in  the  popular  mind  the 
principles  upon  which  free  institutions  are  based.  When 
religion  enters  into  the  heart,  and  becomes  the  master- 
passion,  it  cannot  fail  to  influence  the  mental  attitude  in 
regard  to  all  questions  which  have  in  them  a  moral  element. 
Not  only  will  it  demand  care  and  caution  in  coming  to  con 
clusions,  but  often  supply  the  premises  by  which  the  conclu 
sion  is  reached.  He  who  receives  cordially  and  in  good  faith 
a  system  of  religious  doctrine,  will  find,  that  by  virtue  of  a 
certain  mental  process  which  is  too  subtile  and  swift  to  need 
language,  or  even  allow  its  use,  it  supplies  the  light  by 
which  he  views,  and  the  rule  by  which  he  measures,  a  thou 
sand  other  things. 

"The  generous  theology  of  Methodism  favors  civil  liberty. 
Personal  freedom,  the  ballot,  popular  education,  equality  be 
fore  the  law  for  all  citizens,  are  the  natural  corollaries  of  the 
doctrines  of  a  general  atonement  and  universal  grace.  No 
system  less  broad  can  justify  the  republican  argument,  or 
become  the  inspiration  and  the  organizing  power  of  univer 
sal  liberty.  They  who  are  convinced  that  Jesus  Christ,  by 
the  grace  of  God,  tasted  death  for  every  man,  must  be  bold, 


542  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

indeed,  if  they  dare  to  oppress  their  fellows,  denying  them 
their  rights.  Thus  the  theology  of  Methodism  has  infused 
a  silent  yet  powerful  element  into  our  political  life,  incul 
cating  a  broad  humanity,  recognizing  the  divine  interest  in 
every  human  being,  and  asserting  everywhere  fraternity 
and  the  rights  of  all  races  and  all  men. 

"  Americans  reason.  As  they  pass  from  the  house  of  God 
to  the  civil  assembly  of  the  citizens,  they  cannot  in  either 
place  wholly  forget  what  they  hear  in  the  other.  He  who 
glowed  with  patriotic  delight  as  he  listened  to  the  enuncia 
tion  of  republican  doctrines,  demanding  equal  rights  for  all 
men,  because  God  created  them  free  and  equal,  rejoiced 
when  the  pulpit  proclaimed  salvation  for  all.  He  who 
listened  to  the  arguments  of  the  Methodist  ministry,  and  was 
convinced  that  God  is  no  respecter  of  persons,  and  went 
thence  to  the  popular  meeting,  and  heard  the  great  truths 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  felt  that  his  religious 
belief,  and  the  American  theory  of  civil  government,  rest  on 
the  same  foundation  of  eternal  truth.  Thus  Methodism  has 
re-enforced  the  fundamental  principles  of  our  Kepublic,  and 
strengthened  their  hold  upon  the  popular  mind. 

"  And,  while  Methodism  has  thus  been  powerfully  progres 
sive  in  its  influence  upon  our  civil  institutions,  it  has  always 
carried  with  it  those  salutary  tendencies  which  make  prog 
ress  safe  and  real.  Revolutions  do  not  always  lead  to  free 
dom.  A  people  may  break  the  chains  of  tyranny,  and  stand 
for  a  moment  free,  but,  having  no  solid  religious  conviction 
to  keep  them  from  excess,  destroy  by  folly  what  they 
bought  with  blood.  Methodism  has  cast  the  prophetic  salt 
into  the  fountain  of  our  national  life.  Turning  many  from 
sin  to  righteousness,  and  warring  everywhere  against  the 
vices  which  unfit  men  for  good  citizenship,  laying  upon  all 
within  her  pale  the  strong  restraints  of  her  preaching  and 
her  discipline,  she  checks  the  passions  which  are  destructive 
to  law  and  public  order.  Preaching  a  free  salvation  in  free 
churches,  to  which  the  poor,  and  the  stranger  of  our  own  or 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  543 

other  lands,  were  welcome,  she  has  built  up  the  nation  in  the 
principles  of  rational  liberty,  not  less  really  and  effectually 
than  she  has  strengthened  the  walls  of  the  general  Church. 

"  The  Methodist-Episcopal  Church,  by  its  peculiar  organi 
zation,  has  tended  powerfully  to  the  preservation  of  our 
national  unity.  In  1784,  when  our  church  adopted  its 
ecclesiastical  organization,  it  was  the  first  among  the  re 
ligious  bodies  of  the  country  to  affirm  the  rightful  inde 
pendence  of  the  American  people,  and  recognize  the  new 
government;  thus  binding  all  our  people  to  loyalty  and  civil 
obedience.  On  Thursday,  May  28,  the  Conference  met  in 
New  York,  Bishops  Coke  and  Asbury  being  both  in  attend 
ance.  By  order  of  the  Conference,  an  address  to  President 
Washington  was  prepared ;  and,-  on  the  second  day  of  the 
session,  the  bishops  waited  upon  him,  and  performed  the 
office  assigned  them,  Bishop  Asbury  reading  the  address. 
In  the  name  of  the  church,  they  congratulate  Washington 
on  his  '  appointment  to  the  presidentship  of  these  States,' 
recognize  his  great  services,  and  declare  that  they  '  place  as 
full  confidence  in  his  wisdom  and  integrity  for  the  preserva 
tion  of  those  civil  and  religious  liberties  which  have  been 
transmitted  to  us  by  the  providence  of  God,  and  the  glorious 
Kevolution,  as  we  believe  ought  to  be  reposed  in  man/  They 
speak  also  of '  the  most  excellent  constitution  of  these  States, 
which  is  at  present  the  admiration  of  the  world  ; '  and  pledge 
their  fervent  prayers  for  him,  and  the  welfare  of  the  nation 
over  which  he  was  called  to  preside. 

"  Washington  made  a  fit  reply,  thanking  them,  and  the 
society  which  they  represented,  '  for  the  demonstration  of 
affection  ; '  expressing  a  hope,  that,  <  by  the  assistance  of  Di 
vine  Providence,'  he  would  'not  altogether  disappoint  the 
confidence  reposed  in  him  ; '  and  assuring  them  '  in  particu 
lar,  that  he  took  in  the  kindest  part  the  promise  they  made 
of  presenting  their  prayers  at  the  throne  of  grace  for  him ; 
and  that  he  likewise  implored  the  divine  benediction  on 
them  and  their  religious  community.' 


544  THE   GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

"  Its  language  having  become  inapplicable,  by  reason  of  the 
abrogation  of  the  Act  of  Confederation  and  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  the  23d  Article  of  Religion  was  changed  so 
as  to  recognize  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land;  and  a  new  clause  was  added, 
affirming  that  <  the  said  States  are  a  sovereign  and  inde 
pendent  nation]  as  if  the  author  of  the  change  had  received 
prophetic  warning  of  the  events  of  later  days.  With  its 
whole  weight,  oar  church  gravitates  in  the  direction  of 
national  unity.  The  church  itself  is  a  unit,  '  fitly  joined 
together,  and  compacted  by  that  which  every  joint  suppli- 
eth.'  The  common  pastorate  of  all  the  ministers  over  all 
the  churches,  the  methods  of  distributing  ministerial  service, 
the  mode  of  supervision  by  means  of  the  presiding  eldership, 
and  the  general  superintendency,  are  so  many  strong  cords 
wherewith  to  '  undergird  the  ship.'  Every  pastor  and  every 
society  feels  an  interest  in  every  other,  because,  by  the  law 
of  the  church,  they  are  liable  at  any  time  to  be  brought 
into  the  closest  relations.  The  rapid  interchange  of  pastors 
through  all  the  land  has  tended  to  preserve  both  ministry 
and  laity  from  local  narrow  views,  and  make  their  love  for 
the  church  in  its  unity  equal  to  their  regard  for  the  local 
society.  Both  ministry  and  laity  are  trained  to  love 
and  respect  the  whole  church.  Every  individual  man 
shares  the  pain  of  every  local  failure  and  the  joy  of  every 
victory.  Every  church  is  but  one  wheel  in  the  vast  en 
ginery,  and  feels  every  impulse  and  every  jar,  however 
remote  the  cause.  The  same  pulse  throbs  throughout  the 
whole  body,  from  the  heart  to  the  farthest  extremity. 

"A  church  thus  compactly  organized,  instinct  in  every  fibre 
with  zeal,  energy,  and  courage,  wielding  a  living  theology, 
harmonizing  so  perfectly  with  the  spirit  of  our  civil  insti 
tutions,  winning  the  suffrages  of  so  vast  a  multitude,  and 
binding  them  together  in  so  warm  a  brotherhood,  could  not 
fail  to  infuse  a  large  measure  of  its  own  distinctive  spirit 
into  the  nation's  life." 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  545 


OTHER    CHURCHES. 

LUTHERANS.  —  The  Lutheran  Church  numbers,  in  all,  421 
synods,  1,644  ministers,  2,915  congregations,  and  323,825 
communicants.  Of  these,  there  are  connected  with  the  Gen 
eral  Synod  23  synods,  695  ministers,  1,255  congregations,  and 
110,450  communicants.  The  rest  are  embraced  in  other 
synods.  There  is  a  general  synod  at  the  South.  A  new 
synod  is  projected,  on  the  basis  of  a  more  strict  adherence 
to  the  symbols.  A  convention  for  this  object  was  held  at 
Reading,  Penn.,  in  December,  1866,  attended  by  representa 
tives  from  15  synods;  but  no  further  action  has  yet  been 
taken.  The  two  Western  Scandinavian  synods  number 
40,000  members.  The  emigration  from  Scandinavia  alone 
last  year  was  29,000,  chiefly  Lutheran.  There  are  29 
Lutheran  periodicals  in  the  United  States  (14  of  which  are 
in  the  German  language),  15  theological  schools,  and  17 
colleges. 

REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  AMERICA.  —  Churches,  444 ;  ministers, 
461;  candidates,  8;  communicants,  57,846;  Sunday-school 
scholars,  46,411 :  contributions  for  congregational  objects, 
$765,980;  for  benevolent  objects,  $277,209.  Its  last  synod, 
by  a  vote  of  109  to  10,  submitted  the  question  of  dropping 
the  words  "Dutch"  and  "Protestant"  from  its  title,  and 
adopting  the  name  of  "  The  Reformed  Church  in  America ; " 
and  the  change  has  been  effected.  They  have  a  theological 
seminary  with  34  students,  and  two  colleges  with  264  stu 
dents.  They  have  thoroughly  organized  and  efficient  boards 
of  education ;  publication  and  domestic  and  foreign  missions, 
with  foreign  missions  in  India,  China,  and  Japan. 

GERMAN  REFORMED.  —  This  church  has  2  synods,  29  classes, 
476  ministers,  1,162  churches,  109,258  communicants,  11,088 
baptisms,  5  colleges,  3  theological  schools,  and  9  periodicals : 
contributions  for  benevolent  objects,  $60,882.  The  Tercen- 

69 


546  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

tenary  of  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  was  duly  celebrated,  and 
an  excellent  edition  of  the  same  was  issued.  In  connection 
with  this,  more  than  $100,000  were  raised  for  the  colleges 
of  the  church.  It  is  proposed  to  drop  the  word  "  German  " 
from  the  title  of  the  church. 

THE  UNITED  PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH  was  formed  in  1853  by 
a  union  of  the  Associate  Presbyterian  and  Associate  Re 
formed  Churches.  It  reports,  1867,  7  synods,  54  presby 
teries,  543  ministers,  717  congregations,  63,489  members, 
and  $1,277,204  contributions.  In  the  eight  years  of  its 
history,  it  has  increased  in  its  ministry  from  408  to  543 ; 
and  in  its  contributions,  from  an  average  of  forty-one  cents 
per  member  to  an  average  of  nine  dollars.  It  has  mission 
ary  presbyteries  in  India,  China,  Syria,  and  Oregon.  It  is 
antislavery  and  close  communion  in  its  character. 

THE  PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  (the  style 
of  the  Southern  Church)  was  formed  by  a  union  of  the  Old 
and  New  School  Churches  (South)  during  the  war.  They 
report,  186*7,  10  synods,  46  presbyteries,  66,528  communi 
cants,  829  ministers,  1,290  churches.  The  contributions  are 
set  down  as  $409,282.  There  are  340  churches  and  4  pres 
byteries  from  which  there  is  no  report.  The  numbers  given 
are  probably  much  below  the  facts.  There  is  no  present 
prospect  of  re-union  with  the  Northern  churches. 

THE  CUMBERLAND  PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCHES,  North  and  South, 
are  re-united.  They  had,  before  the  war,  588  ministers,  and 
48,600  members. 

THE  REFORMED  PRESBYTERIANS  in  the  North  have  two  synods ; 
one  of  about  100,  the  other  of  about  60  ministers. 

THE  UNITED  BRETHREN  IN  CHRIST  (organized  1744)  is  "  Ar- 
minian  in  doctrine,  and  Methodistic  in  polity."  It  has  4,255 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  TRUE   BELIGION.  547 

preaching  places,  3,297  societies,  and  91,570  members;  con 
tributions,  $341,279. 

THE  MORAVIANS.  —  89  mission  stations ;  307  preaching 
places ;  213  missionaries,  male  and  female,  and  882  assistants ; 
expended,  $120,189.  Under  the  religious  instruction  of  the 
Unitus  Fratrum,  there  are  177,669  persons  in  Europe  and 
America.  The  adult  communicants  number  14,240. 

THE  FRIENDS,  or  QUAKERS,  of  the  orthodox  side,  number 
54,000.*' 

FREEWILL  BAPTISTS.  —  This  denomination  of  evangelical 
Christians  numbers  (including  Canada  West)  31  yearly  and 
147  quarterly  meetings,  1,264  churches,  and  56,738  mem 
bers.  They  ha\*e  a  biblical  school  and  three  colleges  ;  a  print 
ing  establishment,  publishing  a  quarterly  review,  a  weekly, 
and  a  sabbath-school  paper  semi-monthly.  They  practise 
baptism  by  immersion.  They  are  Arminian  with  respect  to 
the  doctrine  of  freewill,  and  are  open  communists. 

Concerning  other  evangelical  churches  and  religious  or 
ganizations,  such  information  as  our  limited  space  will  allow, 
in  addition  to  what  has  been  already  given,  will  be  found  in 
the  following  statistical  tables :  — 

SUMMARY    AND    RESULTS. 

Churches.                                           Ministers  Members. 

Methodist-Episcopal  Church    .         .     14,889  1,032,184 

Methodist-Episcopal,  South      .         .       7,495  708,949 

African  Methodist-Episcopal    .         .       2,613  53,670 

Protestant  Methodist      ....  1,560  105,120 

Evangelical  Association  .         .         .          727  51,185 

African  Zion  Methodist-Episcopal     .          661  30,600 

Wesleyan  Methodist       .         .         .          400  25,620 

Free  Methodist      ....          136  3,655 

Primitive      .                  .                              64  1,805 


Total  .    28,545  2,012,788 

*  The  above  statistics  are  taken  chiefly  from  the  Report  of  Rev.  HENRY  B.  SMITH,  D.D. 


548 


THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 


Churches. 
Baptist  Church 
Freewill  Baptist 
Campbellite  Baptist 
Anti-mission 
Winebrenarians 
Tunkers 

Six-principle  Baptist 
Seventh-day  Baptist 

Total 


Ministers. 

Members. 

7,869 

1,041,003 

.       1,050 

56,738 

st                                1,000 

200,000 

700 

50,000 

273 

23,800 

100 

20,000 

ist       .                              72 

3,000 

st       .         .                    62 

6,796 

11,126 


1,401,337 


Presbyterian,  Old  School 
Presbyterian,  New  School 
Cumberland 

Southern  Presbyterian    . 
United  Presbyterian 
Reformed  Presbyterian  . 
Associate  Reformed 
Associated  Presbyterian . 

Total 


2,346 

287,360 

1,779 

138,074 

1,150 

103,062 

840 

560 

67,900 

119 

16,660 

91 

2,581 

41 

1,000 

6,926 


616,637* 


AGGREGATE  NUMBERS. 


Denominations. 

Ministers. 

Members. 

Methodists 

.     28,545 

2,012,788 

Baptists    . 

.     11,148 

1,401,337 

Presbyterians     . 

.      6,705 

616,637 

C  on  gregationalists 

.      2,719 

268,015 

Episcopalians     . 

.      2,530 

161,224 

Lutherans 

.      2,533 

269,985 

United  Brethren 

.       1,677 

102,983 

German  Reformed 

505 

91,200 

Reformed  (Dutch)      . 

436 

54,268 

Moravian  . 

40 

5,859 

Friends     . 

. 

94,672 

Minor  sects 

230 

37,600 

Grand  total 


57,068 


5,116,568 


*  Some  discrepancy  between  the  statistics  given  in  different  places  is  inevitable,  for  the 
reason  that  they  represent  the  facts  at  different  periods.  Simultaneous  and  full  reports 
of  the  several  churches  do  not  exist.  This,  however,  does  in  no  way  affect  the  argument 
for  which  these  figures  are  brought  forward. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE   RELIGION. 


549 


HOUSES    OF    WORSHIP. 


Denominations. 

Church  Edifices. 

Accommodations. 

Value. 

Methodists 

.     19,883 

6,259,799 

$33,093,371 

Baptists     .         . 

.     11,221 

3,749,553 

19,799,378 

Presbyterians 

.       5,061 

2,088,838 

24,227,359 

Roman  Catholics 

.       2,550 

1,404,437 

26,774,119 

Congregationalists 

.       2,334 

956,351 

13,327,511 

Episcopalians 

.       2,145 

847,296 

21,665,698 

Lutherans 

.       2,128 

757,637 

5,385,179 

Christians  .. 

.       2,068 

681,016 

2,518,045 

Union 

.       1,366 

371,899 

1,370,212 

Cumberland  Presbyterians 

820 

262,978 

914,256 

German  Reformed 

676 

273,697 

2,422,670 

Universalists 

664 

235,219 

2,856,095 

Freewill  Baptists 

530 

148,693 

2,789,295 

Friends 

765 

269,084 

2,544,507 

Reformed  Dutch 

440 

211,068 

4,453,850 

United  Presbyterians  . 

389 

1,312,275 

1,312,275 

Unitarians 

264 

138,213 

4,438,316 

Tunkers     . 

163 

67,995 

162,956 

Reformed  Presbyterians 

136 

48,897 

386,635 

Mennonites 

109 

36,425 

137,960 

Jewish 

77 

34,412 

1,135,300 

Adventists          .         . 

70 

17,120 

101,170 

Winebreharians  . 

65 

27,700 

74,175 

Swedenborgians  . 

58 

15,395 

321,200 

Seventh-day  Baptists   . 

53 

17,864 

107,200 

Moravians  . 

49 

20,316 

227,450 

Spiritists    . 

17 

6,275 

7,500 

Shakers 

12 

5,200 

41,000 

Six-principle  Baptists  . 

8 

1,990 

8,150 

Minor  sects 

26 

14,150 

895,100 

Total 


54,147        20,281,792        $173,497,932* 


From  reliable  statistics  of  the  population  of  the  United 
States,  and  of  the  evangelical  churches,  Rev.  D.  Dorches- 

*  Taken  from  the  census  of  1860.  It  cannot  be  claimed  that  the  figures  are  absolutely 
correct ;  but  they  can  be  relied  upon  to  show,  in  general,  the  relative  material  progress  of 
the  several  denominations. 


550  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

ter  has  ascertained  that  the  ratio  of  communicants  to 
the  inhabitants  ten  years  of  age  and  upwards  was  as  fol 
lows  :  — 

In  1800,  one  communicant  for  10  5-6     inhabitants. 

„  1832,  „              „  „      7  1-3 

„  1843,  „              „  „      5  4-25 

„  1850,  ,,              „  „      4  31-33 

„  I860,  „              „  „      4  2-8 

"During  this  same  period,  the  population  has  increased 
nearly  sixfold  ;  but  the  communicants  of  evangelical  churches 
have  increased  nearly  fourteen  and  one-half  fold,  or  the  in 
crease  of  church-membership  has  been  two  and  a  half  times 
greater  than  the  population."  This  progress  is  most  encour 
aging. 

It  would  certainly  be  a  wrong  use  of  language  to  call 
these  dry  statistics.  They  point  directly  to  the  great  doc 
trine  of  the  atonement  by  the  death  of  Christ,  to  the'  inspira 
tion  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  the  publication  of  the  gospel  by 
authority  of  God,  the  privilege  of  believing  prayer,  the  new 
creation  by  the  Holy  Spirit;  to  the  great  reformation  of 
heart  and  life,  of  principles  and  manners,  distinguishing  civ 
ilization  from  barbarism.  What  man  will  claim  the  ability 
to  estimate  the  influence  upon  the  morals  and  piety  of  this 
nation  which  has  come  from  all  the  sermons,  and  other 
pastoral  labors,  of  more  than  fifty  thousand  ministers  of  the 
gospel,  with  those  of  their  predecessors,  since  the  landing  of 
the  first  Christian  colonists  on  this  continent  ?  Who  will 
venture  to  describe  the  power  of  all  the  prayers,  exhorta 
tions,  tears,  and  examples  of  the  unquestionably  good  among 
the  more  than  five  millions  of  enrolled  laboring  Protestant 
Christians  of  the  country,  and  the  multitudes  who  have  gone 
before  them  ?  Were  it  possible  to  abstract  all  these  benign 
influences  from  our  history,  the  world  would  then  see  how 
dark  a  moral  night  would  have  set  in  upon  this  fair  portion 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  551 

of  the  globe  without  them.  We  can,  however,  now  say, 
unequivocally,  that  the  Holy  Bible,  the  Christian  pulpit, 
Christian  education,  the  religious  press,  and  experimental 
piety,  have  been  the  chart  of  our  liberties,  the  inspiration 
of  our  patriotism,  the  regeneration  of  civil  society,  and  the 
exaltation  of  the  national  character. 

As  a  clear  result,  these  States  are  proclaimed  to  the  world, 
in  their  fundamental  laws,  to  be  Christian  States;  thus  rep 
resenting  the  common  faith  of  the  people.  By  authority 
of  Congress,  chaplains  have  been  from  time  to  time  appointed 
to  implore  the  blessing  of  God  upon  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Kepresentatives,  and  "all  in  authority."  By  law,  this 
religious  provision  is  extended  to  our  army  and  navy. 

The  holy  sabbath  is  recognized  in  the  Constitution.  Of 
this  the  President  is  duly  informed,  by  express  provision,  in 
Art.  I,  sect.  7.  Dr.  Adams  says, "  In  adopting  this  provision, 
it  was  clearly  presumed  by  the  people  that  the  President  of 
the  United  States  would  not  employ  himself  in  public  business 
on  Sunday.  The  people  had  been  accustomed  to  pay  special 
respect  to  Sunday  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  country. 
They  Assumed  that  the  President  also  would  wish  to  respect 
the  day.  The  people,  in  adopting  the  Constitution,  must 
have  been  convinced  that  the  public  business  intrusted  to 
the  President  would  be  greater  in  importance  and  variety 
than  that  which  would  fall  to  the  share  of  any  functionary 
employed  in  a  subordinate  station.  The  expectation  and 
confidence,  then,  manifested  by  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  that  their  President  will  respect  their  Sunday  by 
abstaining  from  public  business  on  that  day,  must  extend, 
a  fortiori,  to  all  employed  in  subordinate  stations."  Senator 
Frelinghuysen,  before  Congress,  in  1836,  said,  "  Our  prede 
cessors  wisely  determined,  in  accordance  with  the  sentiments 
of  at  least  nine-tenths  of  our  people,  that  the  first  day  of  the 
week  should  be  the  sabbath  of  our  government.  This  public 
recognition  is  accorded  to  the  sabbath  in  the  Federal  Con 
stitution.  The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  the  dis- 


552  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

charge  of  the  high  functions  of  his  legislative  department,  is 
relieved  from  all  embarrassment  on  Sunday.  Both  Houses 
of  Congress,  the  offices  of  the  State,  Treasury,  War  and  Navy 
Departments,  are  all  closed  on  Sunday."  And  again  :  "  The 
framers  of  the  Constitution,  and  those  who  for  many  years 
administered  it,  doubtless  had  in  their  eye  the  first  day,  the 
sabbath  of  the  Christian  religion.  They  were  legislating, 
not  for  Jews,  Mohammedans,  infidels,  pagans,  atheists,  but 
for  Christians ;  and,  believing  the  Christian  religion  the  only 
one  calculated  to  sustain  and  perpetuate  the  government 
about  to  be  formed,  they  adopted  it  as  the  basis  of  the  infant 
Republic.  This  nation  had  a  religion,  and  it  was  the  Chris 
tian  religion.  Christianity  is  the  religion  of  this  country, 
and,  as  such,  is  recognized  in  the  whole  structure  of  its 
government,  and  lies  at  the  foundation  of  all  our  civil  and 
political  institutions :  in  other  words,  Christianity,  as  really 
as  republicanism,  is  part  and  parcel  of  our  laws." 


GENERAL    CHRISTIAN    SOCIETIES. 

THE  AMERICAN  BIBLE  SOCIETY,  during  the  first  ten  years  of 
its  history,  circulated  439.580  copies  of  the  Bible ;  the  second 
decade,  1,549,848  copies;  the  third,  2,510,156  copies;  the 
fourth,  6,772,338  copies ;  the  fifth,  10,138,044  copies :  thus 
furnishing  to  the  needy  by  gift,  and  at  very  low  rates  to  those 
desiring  to  purchase,  in  all  their  various  dialects,  21,409,966 
copies  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  The  Missionary,  Tract,  and 
Sunday-school  Societies  have  felt  this  strong  influence,  and, 
in  return,  become  grand  pervading  agencies  for  reaching  the 
world.  Orphan  asylums,  penitentiaries,  hospitals,  soldiers' 
homes,  homes  for  the  friendless,  and,  indeed,  the  haunts  of 
the  most  degrading  vices,  have  been  reached  by  this  indis 
pensable  means  of  instruction,  comfort,  elevation,  and  sal 
vation. 

The  funds  furnished  by  business  industry,  and  very  largely 
by  pure  Christian  liberality,  show  the  public  confidence  in 


* 

DEVELOPMENT   OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  553 

the  Bible  Society,  and  the  providential  supply  of  its  benev 
olent  demands.  During  the  first  ten  years,  the  figures 
reached  $449,552.73 ;  the  second  decade,  $954,897.94 ;  the 
third,  $1,233,039.95;  the  fourth,  $3,042,632.44;  and  the 
fifth,  $4,754,850.68 :  making  the  grand  total  in  fifty  years, 
up  to  1866,  of  $10,434,953.74. 

The  receipts  from  all  sources,  for  the  year  ending  1867, 
coining  from  thirty-nine  States  and  Territories,  and  from 
"twelve  foreign  countries,  which  have  contributed  small 
amounts,"  were  $734,089.14;  and  the  entire  number  of 
volumes  issued  by  the  society  during  fifty-one  years  is 
22,667,926.  Thus  a  great  national  book  is  circulated  every 
where  under  the  patronage  of  national  men,  for  the  purifi 
cation  and  elevation  of  national  patriotism. 

THE  AMERICAN  SUNDAY-SCHOOL  UNION,  at  their  annual  meet 
ing  in  1830,  resolved,  "  in  reliance  upon  divine  aid,  within 
two  years  to  establish  a  Sunday  school,  in  every  destitute 
place  where  it  is  practicable,  throughout  the  Valley  of  the 
Mississippi."  In  eighteen  months,  2,867  schools  were  estab 
lished,  and  1,121  visited  and  revived.  In  the  year  1833,  this 
resolution  was  extended  in  time,  and  enlarged  to  embrace 
the  Southern  States  generally.  It  was  reported,  that,  in 
nine  years,  there  had  been  established  in  connection  with 
the  society,  or  by  its  direct  agency,  14,550  Sunday  schools, 
containing  109,000  teachers  and  760,000  scholars.  Accord 
ing  to  the  report  in  1860,  during  the  eleven  years  preceding, 
the  missionaries  of  the  society  organized  about  20,000  new 
schools,  containing  about  760,000  scholars,  taught  by  127,000 
teachers.  During  these  years,  the  number  of  schools  visited, 
aided,  and  strengthened  by  these  missionaries,  was  much 
greater.  During  the  past  year  (1866-7),  these  missionaries 
organized  1,671  new  schools,  having  10,559  teachers  and 
67,204  scholars.  They  visited  and  aided  6,090  schools,  hav 
ing  45,175  teachers  and  351,485  scholars.  They  visited 
35,924  families;  distributed  9,821  Scriptures  and  books,  and 


554  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

other  Sunday-school  requisites,  amounting  to  $15,332.* 
Who  can  estimate  the  national  power  of  these  regenerat 
ing  agencies,  forming  and  directing  the  rising  generations 
of  American  citizens? 

THE  AMERICAN  TRACT  SOCIETY  (Boston).  —  This  institution, 
essentially  New  England  in  principles  and  spirit,  after  some 
twelve  years  of  independent  labors  in  the  circulation  of 
Christian  tracts  and  other  religious  literature,  was  merged 
in  the  American  Tract  Society  in  New  York.  In  1859, 
determining  to  send  forth  everywhere  publications  thorough 
ly  antislavery,  it  resumed  its  distinct  organization.  Since 
that  time,  it  has  accomplished  a  work  of  the  greatest  na 
tional  importance. 

"  It  has  furnished  its  publications  to  laborers,  clerical  and 
lay,  wherever  they  were  needed  and  there  was  a  call  for 
them.  Sailors  and  landsmen ;  the  poor  and  neglected  in  our 
cities  and  large  towns,  as  well  as  in  the  sparsely-populated 
portions  of  the  country;  various  institutions,  educational, 
humane,  reformatory,  and  penal;  sabbath  schools,  feeble 
churches,"  and  especially  the  soldiers  of  our  army  and  the 
freedmen  of  the  South,  —  have  been  cared  for  and  instructed 
by  the  agents  and  publications  of  this  society.  "  It  has  re 
ceived  for  its  charitable  operations,  from  May  1, 1859,  to  May 
1, 1867,  eight  years,  $38,688.977  :  of  this  amount,  $243,787.- 
41  have  been  expended  in  the  gratuitous  distribution  of  re 
ligious  books,  papers,  tracts,  &c.  During  the  same  time,  the 
number  of  books,  tracts,  &c.,  published,  has  been  16,091,276  ; 
copies  of  periodicals  of  different  kinds,  24,541,700.  Total, 
40,632,976."  f 

THE  AMERICAN  TRACT  SOCIETY  (New  York).  —  This  institu 
tion  has  on  its  list  3,800  distinct  publications,  "of  which  775 
are  volumes." 

*  From  a  paper  by  Rev.  S.  B.  S.  BISSBLL. 

't  From  a  paper  by  Rev.  WILLIAM  C.  CHILD,  D.D. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  555 

"  Among  the  home  publications  are  900  in  foreign  lan 
guages  for  immigrants,  thousands  of  whom  have  thus  been 
enabled  to  read  '  in  their  own  tongue  the  wonderful  works 
of  God/  with  great  joy,  and  often  with  saving  benefit. 

"  Of  the  periodicals,  a  total  of  over  106,000,000  copies 
have  been  issued,  or,  at  present  rates,  6,000,000  yearly,  to 
500,000  subscribers. 

"  Of  the  other  home  publications,  21,000,000  volumes  have 
been  printed,  and  2,295,000,000  pages  of  tracts,  —  a  flood 
of  gospel  truth  which  has  certainly  told  with  immense  power 
on  the  character  and  destiny  of  America.  Probably  there  is 
no  inhabited  country  in  the  land  where  some  of  these  publi 
cations  might  not  be  found,  and  no  citizen  of  the  United 
States  who  is  not  indirectly  benefited  by  their  effects. 

"  Annual  grants  of  our  home  publications  are  made  to  the 
destitute,  amounting  to  some  $50,000;  and  these  have  gone 
to  working  Christians,  for  circulation  in  prisons  and  hospi 
tals,  in  sabbath  schools  and  mission  schools,  in  cities  and  in 
remote  and  lonely  hamlets,  to  soldiers,  and  to  sailors  on  our 
inland  waters,  and  in  hundreds  of  outward-bound  vessels 
from  every  corner  of  the  globe. 

"  Besides  large  amounts  thus  granted  for  foreign  nations,  a 
total  of  $560,000  in  money  has  been  granted  from  the  first 
year  to  the  present,  to  aid  the  missionaries,  at  twenty  different 
stations  in  heathen  lands,  to  print  for  this  mission-work  certain 
books  which  the  society  approves ;  and  thus  3,750  different 
publications  have  been  issued  abroad,  including  over  500 
volumes  in  141  languages. 

"  Of  the  good  results  of  colportage  a  volume  might  be 
written,  and  yet  but  a  small  part  be  told.  In  26  years,  it 
has  done  a  work  equal  to  that  of  one  man  for  4,137  years; 
it  has  sold  8,550,000  volumes,  and  granted  2,300,000 ;  it  has 
made  9,596,000  visits,  in  more  than  half  of  which  prayer 
was  offered  or  a  personal  appeal  made  ;  it  has  found  1,292,- 
000  Protestant  families  neglecting  evangelical  worship,  833,- 
000  Romanist  families;  494,000  Protestant  families  without 


556  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

Bibles,  and  800,000  with  no  other  religious  book.  It  has, 
to  a  good  degree,  met  the  wants  of  a  rapidly-advancing  popu 
lation,  where  no  book-stores,  schools,  or  churches  existed ; 
where  the  message  of  salvation  would  not  otherwise  have 
been  borne. 

"  The  amount  received  and  expended,  from  its  commence 
ment  to  this  time,  is  over  $9,000,000. 

"Among  the  reasons  for  its  success,  we  notice  the  fact 
that  the  whole  plan  of  operation  is  such  as  to  secure  re 
sponsibility  and  efficiency.  The  foresight  and  liberality  of 
friends  have  given  the  society  a  large  and  commodious 
building,  where,  with  twenty  steam-presses,  tens  of  thousands 
of  stereotype  plates,  and  every  facility  for  composing,  print 
ing,  binding,  and  storing,  its  publications  reach  the  number 
of  4,000  books,  30,000  tracts,  and  20,000  papers,  daily.  So 
large  and  powerful  a  Christian  agency  operating  upon  the 
masses  must  be  an  effective  force  for  the  improvement  of 
national  character."  * 

THE  AMERICAN  SEAMAN'S  FRIEND  SOCIETY  is  the  concentration 
of  earnest  sympathy  for  those  who  "do  business  in  great 
waters."  Christian  philanthropy  finds  in  seamen  an  im 
portant  class  of  men,  capable  of  great  excellence,  and  liable 
to  the  most  destructive  vices.  Without  our  consent,  they 
will  be  regarded  abroad  as  representatives  of  a  Christian 
nation.  With  what  propriety,  therefore,  are  the  most  self- 
sacrificing  and  devoted  efforts  made  to  give  them,  on  land 
and  on  the  sea,  the  means  of  grace  and  Christian  culture ! 

This  society  has  been  in  operation  less  than  half  a  century, 
and  it  now  has  its  chaplaincies  in  almost  every  part  of  the 
world.  At  home  and  abroad,  our  seafaring  men  are  cared 
for :  our  Bethel  churches  and  ships,  our  "  homes "  and  hos 
pitals,  invite  them  to  the  blessings  of  holy  worship  and 
Christian  hospitality.  They  are  treated  not  so  much  as 
sailors  as  men  ;  and  thousands  of  them  are  noble  represen- 

*  From  a  paper  by  Rev.  W.  W.  RAXD. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  BELIGION.  557 

tatives  of  American  Christianity,  and  many  become  truly 
devoted  missionaries  in  foreign  lands. 

Libraries  of  some  40  or  50  volumes  each  provide  them 
valuable  reading  on  shipboard.  "  Up  to  this  time,  Oct.  25, 
1867,  nearly  2,500  of  them  have  been  put  afloat  in  the  navy 
and  merchant  service,  composed  of  over  100,000  volumes, 
and  accessible  to  about  115,000  seamen  at  sea.  The  system 
is  making  a  revolution  in  the  conduct  and  character  of  sea 
men  on  shipboard.  Up  to  May  1,  1867,  a  few  of  these  libra 
rians  had  reported  518  hopeful  conversions  at  sea  through 
the  influence  of  these  books."  * 


YOUNG   MEN'S   CHRISTIAN  ASSOCIATIONS/)" 

"  The  origin  and  progress  of  Young  Men's  Christian  Asso 
ciations  in  America  must  always  be  cause  of  thankfulness 
to  God.  They  were  adopted  from  Germany  and  England ; 
and  Providence  has  kindly  aided  their  permanent  establish 
ment  in  this  Western  World. 

"  Who  can  recall,  without  a  thrill  of  pleasure,  the  Samari 
tan  labors  of  the  New-Orleans  Association,  when,  in  1858,  a 
fearful  epidemic  swept  the  streets  of  that  city  as  with  the 
besom  of  destruction  ?  Or  who  can  contemplate,  unmoved, 
the  organized  and  fruitful  sympathy,  which,  from  its  well- 
spring  in  the  bosom  of  the  New- York  Association,  flowed  in 
an  abundant  and  still  enduring  stream  to  minister  comfort 
to  the  little  ones  of  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth,  Va.,  smitten 
orphans  by  a  pitiless  pestilence  ?  Blessed  memories  are 
there,  too,  of  the  firemen's  meetings,  inaugurated  in  Philadel 
phia,  —  an  instrumentality  owned  of  the  Master,  and  there 
and  elsewhere  made  the  means  of  many  a  soul's  salvation. 
Nor  can  we  forget  the  system  of  tent-preaching,  by  which, 
in  our  larger  cities,  the  poor  have  had  the  gospel  preached 
unto  them. 

*  From  a  paper  by  Rev.  H.  LOOMIS,  D.D. 
t  From  a  paper  by  FRANK  W.  BALLARD. 


558  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

"  No  other  agency  has  yet  been  discovered  in  which  are 
combined,  to  the  same  degree,  those  desirable  constituent 
elements,  —  catholicity,  economy,  sympathy,  originality,  pro- 
gressiveness,  efficiency,  and  vitality. 

"  The  meetings,  the  rooms,  the  library,  the  lectures,  and 
the  friendships  of  a  well-appointed  Christian  association  are 
calculated  to  attract  and  satisfy  all  the  merely  temporal 
cravings  of  a  mind  and  heart  not  pre-occupied  with  vice ; 
while  many  a  sorrowing  subject  of  depravity  has  found  in 
them  an  invitation  to  repentance,  and  an  antidote  to  the 
poison  of  previous  evil  companionships.  Superadd  to  these 
merely  material  attractions  the  exercise  of  that  positive 
religious  influence  which  is  professedly  the  main  feature  of 
a  Christian  Association,  and  the  institution  is  made  to  assume 
no  subordinate  position  in  the  moral  machinery  of  the  world. 
It  becomes  at  once,  and  so  remains,  an  indispensable  adjunct 
to  the  Church,  and,  as  thousands  of  new-born  souls  will  tes 
tify,  a  means  of  grace  both  owned  and  blessed  of  God. 

"  The  Christian  Association,  in  proportion  to  its  member 
ship  and  their  activity,  becomes  a  moral  police  wherever  it 
is  established;  arresting  the  vicious  in  their  mad  career; 
preventing  much  of  the  sin  that  promises  to  ripen  into 
crime;  removing  or  diminishing,  so  far  as  its  influence  ex 
tends,  the  teeming  temptations  of  city  life ;  and  attracting 
towards  itself  the  confidence  and  love  of  those  whose  rescue 
has  thus  been  wrought.  By  its  well-arranged  system  of 
practical  fraternity,  the  institution  provides  employment  for 
the  unemployed,  homes  and  churches  and  friends  for  the 
stranger,  nurses  and  physicians  for  the  sick;  and  all  this 
without  other  incentive  than  the  consciousness  of  dischar 
ging  duty,  and  the  hope  of  winning  souls  to  Christ. 

"  The  annual  conventions  invariably  concentrate  the  deep 
est  sympathies  of  the  Christian  people  in  whose  cities  they 
are  held.  At  Montreal,  in  June,  1867,  more  than  500  dele 
gates,  from  106  localities,  and  representing  an  equal  number 
of  associations,  held  their  sessions  during  several  days,  amid 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TRUE  EELIGIOK  559 

the  solemn  surroundings  of  crowds, —  at  times  numbering 
3,000  souls.  And  it  has  become  the  rule,  that  revivals  of 
religion  are  the  blessed  legacies  left  behind  as  precious 
souvenirs  wherever  the  conventions  have  been  held. 

"A  central  organ  has  been  successfully  published  during 
the  past  year,  called  '  The  Quarterly/  which,  under  the 
editorial  supervision  of  the  Executive  Committee  resident  at 
New  York,  has  found  favor  with  the  associations,  and  has  a 
self-supporting  circulation  of  2,000  volumes. 

"  Several  associations  have  received  from  liberal  friends  of 
the  cause  large  sums  of  money  towards  erecting  permanent 
buildings  for  their  accommodation.  In  New  York,  more  than 
$250,000  will  be  invested  in  a  home  for  the  association  of 
that  city;  the  association  in  Chicago  has  already  erected 
and  occupied  a  splendid  structure ;  while  Washington,  Bos 
ton,  Brooklyn,  Philadelphia,  and  other  cities,  will  soon  be 
enriched  by  similar  noble  Christian  edifices. 

"Most  of  the  associations  are  enjoying  the  presence 
of  the  Master's  spirit ;  and  their  prayer-meetings,  Bible- 
classes,  monthly  meetings,  and  social  gatherings,  have  usual 
ly  abounded  in  good  results  of  glory  to  God. 

"There  are  some  250  Young  Men's  Christian  Associations 
in  this  country,  aggregating  about  40,000  members,  and 
composed  of  memberships  varying  from  16  to  near  4,000 
souls  each.  The  largest  organization  in  the  country,  and 
one  of  the  most  active,  is  that  of  Brooklyn,  N.Y.,  which  had, 
in  June,  1867,  3,895  members.  Among  the  other  important 
and  influential  societies  are  those  of  New  York,  1,600  mem 
bers;  Boston,  2,300  ;  Philadelphia,  2,500 ;  Providence,  1,3 00; 
Troy,  1,258;  Chicago,  1,000;  Cincinnati,  500;  Baltimore, 
712;  Harrisburg,  600;  Washington  City,  650;  Pittsburg, 
526. 

"  The  power  of  such  an  institution  as  we  have  here  de 
scribed,  in  doing  the  work  of  Christ  among  the  young  men 
of  democratic,  republican  America,  and  in  promoting  sterling 
patriotism,  can  scarcely  be  over-estimated." 


560  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 


THE   GREAT   REVIVAL. 

At  length  there  is  place  for  a  revival  of  religion  in  the 
history  of  a  great  nation.  The  Christian  life  is  no  accident 
al  fact,  no  temporary  influence,  to  be  merely  a  subject  of 
wonder  or  ridicule,  and  then  pass  out  of  sight.  Religion  is 
no  mere  segment  of  the  great  circle  of  philosophy:  it  is 
the  inner  force,  the  vitalizing  power,  of  all  philosophy,  —  the 
life  and  exposition  of  history.  A  revival  of  religion  is  a 
revival  of  the  national  life.  So  far  as  it  extends,  the  ten 
dency  to  insubordination  is  broken  down  ;  the  very  propen 
sities  which  give  to  all  governments  their  most  serious  trouble 
are  reduced  to  control,  and  finally  eradicated ;  the  reign  of 
justice  and  of  love  begins,  in  the  individual  soul,  to  give 
strength  and  force  to  all  right  dispositions,  growing  and  en 
larging  perpetually.  This  is  true  religion,  —  a  revival  of 
the  right,  the  just,  and  the  true.  Now,  let  it  extend  until  it 
subdues,  reduces  to  order,  and  saves  hundreds,  thousands, 
throughout  our  various  communities  :  is  this  nothing  in  his 
tory,  nothing  to  a  nation  ? 

It  was  the  fall  of  1857.  There  had  been  a  sudden  and 
appalling  overthrow  of  the  business  plans  and  prosperity  of 
the  city  and  country.  Various  reasons  for  this  revulsion 
were  given  by  political  economists;  but  they  were  very 
conflicting  and  unsatisfactory.  At  length  the  thought  began 
to  move  among  the  churches  and  business-men,  that  this  was 
God  arresting  the  headlong  worldly  schemes  of  men,  and 
warning  them  not  to  set  their  affections  on  things  on  the 
earth.  These  convictions  began  to  appear  in  the  several 
churches ;  and  they  soon  found  a  rallying-point  and  a  com 
mon  expression  in  a  noonday  prayer-meeting.  The  room 
was  filled ;  then  another  and  another.  Soon  a  large  church 
was  opened;  then  others  in  other  parts  of  the  city;  then 
parlors  in  splendid  residences,  hotel  drawing-rooms,  vast 
public  halls,  and  theatres,  were  converted  into  prayer-rooms. 

Christian  men  and  women,  old  people  and  children,  rich 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  TRUE  RELIGION.  561 

men  and  poor,  all  gathered  daily,  sometimes  twice  in  the 
day,  reverently  to  worship  God,  the  great  Sovereign  of  men. 
It  was  strange.  Citizens  who  had  heretofore  shown  no  special 
interest  in  experimental  religion,  very  rich  merchants,  high- 
minded  lawyers,  physicians,  and  laborers,  —  some  recognized 
as  virtuous,  deserving,  but  unconverted,  others  as  grossly  prof 
ligate,  —  all  wept  together  over  their  sins,  and  triumphed  to 
gether,  when  one  after  another,  to  the  number  of  thousands, 
they  passed  "  from  darkness  to  light,  and  from  the  power  of 
Satan  to  God."  Those  who  had  been  suddenly  reduced  from 
affluence  to  poverty  rejoiced,  and  thanked  God,  with  tears, 
that  they  had  been  brought  by  discipline  to  choose  a  better 
and  more  enduring  treasure.  Many  who  were  still  prosper 
ous  seemed  to  hear  ringing  through  their  whole  being  the 
demand,  "  What  shall  it  profit  a  man  if  he  shall  gain  the 
whole  world,  and  lose  his  own  soul  ?  "  and  body,  mind,  prop 
erty,  and  talents  were  all  freely  laid  upon  the  altar  of  God. 


PERVADING   CHRISTIANITY. 

The  great  revival  was  no  longer  local :  it  was  a  movement 
—  a  grand,  wide-spreading  movement  —  away  from  vice  and 
perdition  towards  virtue,  holiness,  and  heaven.  All  agencies 
seemed  to  wait  its  commands,  and  bow  to  its  control.  If 
suggestions,  appointments,  or  direction  from  some  responsi 
ble  head,  representing  all  the  Church,  were  required,  God 
had  prepared  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Associations,  and 
adapted  them  to  this  very  necessity.  The  religious  press, 
of  course,  but  the  secular  press  just  as  submissively,  surren 
dered  its  best  services  and  most  valuable  columns  to  give  the 
world  due  information  of  this  grand  movement.  Eailroads 
and  steamboats  bore  the  messengers  of  mercy  rapidly  from 
place  to  place,  and  rendered  almost  ubiquitous  the  multitudes 
given  up  altogether  to  labor  for  the  salvation  of  men.  The 
great  national  mail  bore  the  tidings  of  salvation  and  the  call 
to  repentance  over  the  continent ;  and  the  telegraph  flashed 


562  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  news  of  conversions,  and  words  of  warning  and  comfort, 
to  dear  friends  hundreds  and  thousands  of  miles  away.  The 
ships  of  our  harbors  bore  out,  with  every  sail,  young  con 
verts,  of  various  nations  and  tongues,  to  tell  the  glad  tidings 
in  other  lands,  and  establish  centres  of  prayer  and  revival 
influences  on  distant  continents  and  islands.  Daily  prayer- 
meetings  extended  from  town  to  town,  from  city  to  country, 
from  state  to  state,  and  from  land  to  land,  until  they  literally 
encircled  the  globe,  and  countless  multitudes  were  saved  by 
faith  in  Christ. 

How  distinctly,  now,  does  this  power  from  God  identify 
itself  with  "the  new  inspiration"  which  decided  the  mind- 
battles  ushering  in  the  period  of  American  independence ! 
The  life  of  God  in  man  is  soul-liberty,  —  is  the  clearest,  full 
est  expression  of  freedom  possible  to  human  apprehension. 

And  it  is  precisely  thus  that  the  life  of  the  Church  mani 
fests  itself  as  the  life  of  the  nation.  Each  individual  created 
anew  in  Christ  Jesus,  each  truly  Christian  family,  each  evan 
gelical  denomination,  with  all  its  enlightening  agencies,  ap 
pears  wrestling  with  the  vices  which  destroy  men,  and  throw 
society  into  disorder ;  sustaining  virtue  and  law ;  concentrat 
ing  and  then  diffusing  the  elements  of  a  high  Christian  civili 
zation  everywhere  ;  bearing  down  all  unjust  enactments,  and 
superseding  them  by  a  higher,  broader,  nobler  equity.  This 
divine,  vitalizing  force  —  the  only  thing  so  subtle  and  irre 
sistible  that  it  can  literally  permeate  the  social  and  civil 
organism,  and  master  the  evils  which  prey  upon  the  rights 
of  men  —  becomes  at  once  attractive  to  every  truth  in  the 
political  condition,  joins  it  to  the  grand  unity  of  national 
strength,  and  thus  reveals  itself  as  the  vitalizing  force  and 
organizing  power  of  liberty.  It  is  living  justice.  Remove 
it,  destroy  it,  and  liberty  is  dead ;  extend  it  through  all  the 
governments  of  earth,  and  the  world  is  free. 


i 


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PEKIOI 


ih<:  other  iru-»  f>t\?.m'.<*K,  — «€*tFt<   ing  ti>      ;«.    *.;•.  <  ':'  t?n:  ••"»«?  p.->.  •„  )•,::<!  the  awo? 

hon  -ere  ha\ 

only  firtn  btsis'— -a  «'0i;rv:-:km  ir:  the  I'^.rr.d*  </t'  ti>c-  people  tiiat  'heir  liberties  ar'-  the  gin 
of  God  '     Indoc-1,  I  tfleirrK*  for  my  .-junlry  when  I  n'flect  rhat  God  is  just,  and  that  j1^- 

-V-er»  forever.     The  Alruighty  has  no  attribute  that  can  take  sides  with 
su'.'ii  A  contest,"  —  JKFF 


IN  another  part  of  this  w 


liei-. 

En< 

the  col' 

customs  of 

tured  as 

the  • 

and  when,  in   1*.  :.' 


366 


564  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

Jamestown,  and  offered  them  for  sale  as  slaves,  it  was  not 
difficult  to  find  customers. 

The  slave-trade,  which  had  been  in  progress  for  more  than 
four  hundred  years,  was  at  this  time  led  on  by  Portugal,  and 
became  an  extended  and  lucrative  traffic  by  maritime  na 
tions  generally.  It  had  no  reference  to  color ;  but  when  a 
few  black  men  were  brought  from  Africa,  and  exchanged 
for  Moorish  captives,  it  was  found  that  they  were  a  strong, 
powerful  race  of  men,  and  they  soon  became  a  coveted 
article  of  traffic.  The  African  slave-trade  thus  began,  under 
the  patronage  of  Prince  Henry  III.,  son  of  John  I.  of  Por 
tugal,  in  1418.  It  received  a  new  impulse  from  the  great 
revival  of  commercial  activity  following  the  discovery  by 
Columbus,  and  the  entrance  of  Africa  by  the  enemies  of  the 
race. 

MEN   ENSLAVED. 

The  first  great  fact  which  deserves  to  be  mentioned  here 
is,  that  slaves  were  human  beings.  In  each  of  these  plain, 
muscular  bodies  was  a  soul,  formed,  by  the  power  of  God, 
to  think  and  feel,  to  reason  and  will,  —  a  soul  with  a  con 
science,  capable  of  enjoying  and  suffering,  redeemed  by  the 
blood  of  Christ,  and  stamped  with  immortality. 

Each  slave  might  be  taught  to  fear  God  and  read  his  holy 
Word,  exercise  saving  faith  in  Christ,  receive  forgiveness  of 
sins,  and  be  thrilled  with  the  hope  of  heaven.  And  the 
grandest  fact  of  his  natural  being  was,  that  he  was  free. 
God  had  made  his  power  of  volition  a  fundamental  part  of 
him.  He  had  a  right  to  breathe  this  free  air,  walk  abroad 
when  he  pleased,  work  and  earn  his  living,  support  and 
educate  his  family,  keep  around  him  the  dear  objects  of 
paternal  love,  and  obey  the  laws  of  chastity. 

But  this  cruel  love  of  personal  ease  and  aggrandizement, 
this  lust  of  power,  came  in,  and  robbed  him  of  all  these 
rights.  It  bound  his  body,  so  that  it  could  not  go  where  his 
interest  and  duty  required ;  it  seized  his  hands,  his  feet,  his 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY.  565 

muscles,  his  brain,  his  nerves,  and  said  they  should  all  work 
for  the  benefit  of  a  master. 

And  there  was  no  hope.  Children's  children  were  doomed, 
down  to  the  latest  generation.  Their  numbers  swelled,  and 
their  value  increased.  Every  additional  pound  of  sugar, 
tobacco,  and  rice,  told  the  increasing  woe  of  their  bondage. 
The  vast  cotton-fields,  and  the  triumphs  of  Whitney  and 
Arkwright,  all  rose  up  to  show  how  utterly  hopeless  was 
their  future.  Christians  and  infidels  enslaved  men,  —  thou- 
ands,  millions,  of  men,  women,  and  children, — and  made 
laws  to  protect  their  villany.  Is  a  greater  crime  than  this 
possible  ? 

MIND    SUBJUGATED. 

Slave-owners  were  right  in  the  judgment  that  the  body 
could  not  be  "held  to  service,"  and  the -soul  be  free.  There 
was  dangerous  power  in  soul-liberty.  God  made  it  to  take 
control  of  brain  and  muscle,  hands  and  feet.  It  must  be 
suppressed,  controlled  absolutely,  or  it  would  break  chains 
asunder  like  the  withs  of  Samson.  It  was  a  crime  to 
teach  a  slave  to  read.  His  intellect,  expanded,  might  seize 
with  more  power  the  thought  of  his  natural  right  to  free 
dom  ;  he  might  catch  in  a  newspaper  a  glimpse  of  the 
condemnation  of  the  tyranny  that  bound  him  ;  he  might 
put  on  paper  some  allusions  to  his  personal  rights,  and  the 
rghts  of  his  wife  and  children :  he  must  not  learn  to  read, 
therefore. 

But  the  limitation  of  rights  could  not  stop  here.  Igno 
rance  required  by  a  great  system  of  wrong  would  not  be 
confined  to  slaves.  The  common  people  must  not  be  edu 
cated.  They  had  no  slaves,  and  might  inquire  why  the  few 
who  held  them  were  the  governors  of  the  land.  They  might 
expect  even  to  associate  with  gentlemen.  Education  must, 
therefore,  be  the  privilege  of  the  few,  of  the  wealthy,  of  the 
children  of  slaveholders,  their  blood:relations,  and  high-born 
friends.  Common  schools  were  dangerous.  They  would 


566  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

make  the  poor  whites  impudent,  and  difficult  to  manage  at 
the  elections.  They  might  originate  ideas  of  liberty  that 
would  be  exceedingly  inconvenient  to  an  oligarchy. 

But  mental  subjection  must  extend  farther  than  this,  or 
the  cherished  institution  would  not  be  entirely  safe.  Popu 
lar  sentiment  must  be  moulded  so  as  to  force  humanity 
itself  to  tolerate  this  enormous  wrong ;  nay,  to  accept  it, 
call  it  right,  extol  it  as  the  best  and  purest  form  of  society. 
Slaveholders  themselves  must  not  indulge  a  doubt  of  their 
right  to  make  "  chattels "  of  human  beings ;  much  less 
might  a  stranger,  a  man  who  had  been  accustomed  to  free 
thought  and  free  speech,  utter  sentiments  of  condemnation 
in  the  midst  of  slavery.  He  would  soon  find  that  he  had 
a  master.  The  tyranny  of  custom  and  popular  sentiment 
could  not  be  restrained  for  lack  of  argument.  It  was  learned 
and  ingenious;  and  the  violence  of  the  mob  would  help  in 
the  last  extremity  to  a  summary  conclusion  and  a  glorious 
triumph. 

Laws  which  would  allow  a  slave  no  will  of  his  own,  which 
would  subject  him  in  every  respect  to  the  will  of  his  master 
which  made  it  a  felony  to  teach  him  to  read,  or  to  believe 
that  he  had  a  right  to  himself  or  his  wife  or  children,  were 
necessary.  The  will  of  the  people,  the  popular  sentiment, 
must  sustain  these  laws  at  all  hazards,  and,  whenever  the 
most  reckless  deemed  it  necessary,  deal  out  summary  pun 
ishment  to  all  advocates  of  liberty.  This  was  mind  sub 
jugated. 

GOVERNMENT   INTHRALLED. 

For  a  time,  it  seemed  as  if  the  whole  United  States  might 
become  slave  territory.  But  the  cold  and  the  rocks  of  the* 
North  would  not  allow  the  negro  to  become  a  perpetual  slave 
here.  State  sovereignty  was,  therefore,  the  next  strong 
hope  of  Southern  political  leaders.  Slavery  must  enter 
into  every  department  of  government,  and  absolutely  rule 
the  State.  If  an  emancipationist  should  find  his  way  into 


AMERICAN  SLAVERY.  567 

the  legislature,  he  must  learn  his  utter  impotence.  No 
man  could  be  a  ruler,  in  any  controlling  sense,  who  showed 
the  least  hesitancy  with  regard  to  the  usurpations  of  slavery. 

The  construction  of  State  sovereignty  must  be  so  ex 
tended  and  stringent  as  utterly  to  exclude  the  interference 
of  the  General  Government  with  State  despotism.  All  this 
was  easy ;  for  the  few  who  deemed  themselves  born  to  rule 
had  very  little  difficulty  in  making  and  interpreting  law  for 
the  multitude,  accustomed,  from  generation  to  generation,  te 
know  their  places. 

Slavery  must  also  rule  the  General  Government.  It  must, 
therefore,  dictate  candidates,  decide  the  elections,  and  con 
trol  the  administration.  It  will  be  almost  incredible  in 
history,  but  it  is  now  known  to  the  world,  that,  in  all  this, 
it  succeeded.  For  three-quarters  of  a  century,  it  seemed 
impossible  to  pass  a  law  in  Congress  that  had  the  least 
tendency  towards  emancipation,  or  the  amelioration  of  the 
condition  of  the  black  race ;  or  to  avoid  adopting  a  measure 
which  was  demanded,  to  increase  the  securities  and  extend 
the  power  of  slavery.  Equally  hopeless  was  any  attempt  to 
bring  forward  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  who  was  not 
known  to  favor  the  peculiar  institution,  or  firmly  pledged  to 
guard  its  interests.  Even  the  sacred  right  of  petition  must 
be  frowned  down  and  stamped  under  foot,  lest  the  ears  of 
slaveholders  should  be  reached  by  a  word  in  behalf  of  human 
freedom  in  the  South,  and  the  friends  of  the  institution  be 
insulted  by  some  intimations  of  a  popular  sentiment,  some 
where  in  the  Union,  against  this  "  sum  of  all  villanies."  This 
was  not  mere  pretence  :  it  was  sober,  downright  earnest 
ness  ;  studied,  persistent  purpose,  rising  up  from  the  very 
foundations  of  Southern  society,  handed  down  from  sire  to 
son,  and  well  judged  to  be  an  absolute  necessity  for  the 
preservation  of  slavery. 

When  the  rapid  growth  of  the  free  States,  and  the  exten 
sion  of  population  into  the  North-west,  over-balanced  the 
South  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  there  was  only  one 


568  THE  GEE  AT  KEPUBLIC. 

alternative,  —  guaranties  from  the  free  States,  or  secession. 
Slavery  must  rule  the  nation,  or  destroy  it. 

Nor  can  we  claim  that  these  enormous  burdens  were 
lightened  by  the  growth  of  mind,  the  refinement  of  man 
ners,  or  the  patronizing  customs,  of  the  South.  Neither  the 
conceded  kindness  of  a  portion  of  the  Southern  planters  to 
their  slaves,  nor  the  power  of  Southern  hospitality,  nor  the 
skill  and  courtesy  of  leading  politicians,  could  ever  mean 
liberty  to  the  people,  black  or  white,  South  or  North ;  nor 
imply  the  right  of  free  principles  to  a  controlling  influence 
in  the  government. 

CIVILIZATION   FETTERED. 

The  great  foundations  of  civilization  are  laid  in  con 
science,  in  an  accurate  sense  of  justice ;  but  slavery  obliter 
ates  the  broadest  distinctions  between  right  and  wrong,  and 
reconciles  men  to  robbery.  It  crushes  the  feeling  of  per 
sonal  rights  upon  the  part  of  the  slave,  and  brings  the 
slave-owner  to  consent  to  a  life  of  dishonesty.  It  makes 
licentiousness,  with  its  brood  of  vices,  so  convenient  and 
irresponsible  as  to  demoralize  a  whole  people  under  shield 
of  popular  social  license.  And  this  must  produce  a  .low 
standard  of  civilization.  It  ought  not  to  be  surprising  to 
find  in  a  country  so  polluted  a  few  living  in  splendor,  but 
the  many  in  squalid  hovels ;  a  few  in  brilliant  costume,  but 
the  multitude  in  rags ;  a  few  having  the  appearance  of  edu 
cated  softness  and  polished  lassitude,  while  the  great  num 
bers,  white  or  colored,  show  the  low  breeding  and  animali- 
zation  of  menials,  scorned  and  contemned  whether  they 
do  right  or  wrong,  vulgar  and  filthy  in  word  and  appear 
ance. 

Civilization  seeks  to  increase  the  productiveness  of  the 
soil  and  all  the  common  blessings  of  life ;  but  slavery  de 
mands  a  large  area  of  land,  runs  over  it  slightly,  impover 
ishes,  and  abandons  it.  It  makes  labor  dishonorable,  and,  for 
its  white  population,  substitutes  hunting,  fishing,  idleness, 


AMERICAN    SLAVERY.  569 

and  general  dissipation.  There  will  hence  be  a  few  palatial 
residences  with  costly  furniture  and  sumptuous  tables,  amid 
multitudes  of  huts  with  broken  chairs,  benches,  beds  of  straw, 
and  the  coarsest  food. 

Civilization  struggles  to  educate ;  but  slavery,  as  we  have 
seen,  denies  education  to  the  slave  and  to  the  masses  of  the 
poor  whites.  Hence  vast  majorities  of  the  people  will  not 
be  able  to  read  or  write ;  will  be  shut  out  of  the  great  world 
of  letters,  and  consigned  to  a  night  of  virtual  barbarism.  To 
avoid  danger  from  liberalizing  tendencies,  school-books  must 
be  subjected  to  a  narrow  censorship,  and  all  sentiments 
of  personal  freedom  for  the  millions  thoroughly  expurgated. 
Sons  and  daughters  of  the  ruling  class  must  be  sent  abroad 
to  be  educated';  or  teachers  must  be  imported,  and  their 
instincts  of  humanity  suppressed. 

Civilization  requires  a  pure,  experimental  Christianity  and 
a  true  literature;  but  slavery  allows  neither. 


THE  PRESS  AND  THE  PULPIT  BOUND. 

When  the  great  crisis  came,  how  long  a  time  had  elapsed 
since  a  man  could  safely  publish  a  paper,  or  circulate  tracts 
and  volumes,  which,  with  outspoken  honesty  and  thorough 
ness,  sj^mpathized  with  the  slave,  and  advocated  his  right  to 
freedom  !  Nothing  could  be  more  inevitable  in  th^»  «lave 
States  than  the  subjection  of  the  press  to  the  imperious 
dictation  of  the  system.  And  just  as  inevitable  was  the 
submission  of  the  party  press  in  the  free  States,  if  the  votes 
of  this  domineering  interest  were  to  be  won  for  the  success 
of  candidates.  No  political  party  whose  periodical  press  ad 
vocated  emancipation,  immediate  or  gradual,  could  hope  for 
this  vote,  or  had  the  remotest  chance  of  success. 

Nothing  can  be  more  vital  to  liberty  than  the  independ 
ence  of  the  pulpit ;  but  no  minister  of  Christ  could  preach 
in  a  land  of  slavery,  freed  from  the  shackles  of  popular 
opinion,  nor  at  all,  unless  it  was  known  that  he  would  com- 

72 


570  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

pel  the  great  law  of  love  to  harmonize  with  bonds  and  coer* 
cion. 

This  is  not  all.  The  national  pulpit  must  either  denounce 
or  tolerate  robbery :  it  must  either  bear  full  and  decided 
testimony  against  "  man-stealing  "  and  its  mildest  as  well  as 
its  most  brutal  sequences,  or  it  must  subordinate  its  teach 
ing  to  the  great  dominant  idea  of  unity,  and  smother  con 
science  in  sympathy  for  slaveholding  misfortunes.  And  thus 
it  was.  When  wre  thought  and  felt  that  every  thing  must 
bow  to  the  one  sentiment  of  confraternity,  we  preached  care 
fully,  or  not  at  all,  the  great  common  rights  of  manhood 
and  the  fearful  crimes  of  slavery. 

All  this,  let  it  be  observed,  in  a  land  of  liberty,  —  the 
land  of  the  great  Declaration.  And,  thus  far,  this  power 
had  been  mightier  than  the  power  of  foreign  oppression. 
Against  that  we  rose  in  the  strength  of  our  manhood,  and 
hurled  it  to  the  ground ;  but  to  this  we  bowed,  until  its 
lordly  dictations  and  insulting  menaces  became  natural  and 
tolerable,  and  until  we  had  actually  manufactured  an  entire 
department  of  law  and  logic  and  gospel  and  etiquette  to 
accommodate  and  defend  it. 

Thus  the  slave-power  grew  and  smiled,  and  preached  and 
prayed,  and  raved  and  swore,  until  the  cup  of  its  iniquity 
was  full ;  and  this  is  where  the  moral  struggle  that  immedi 
ately  preceded  the  war  of  emancipation  found  us. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  GREAT  MORAL   CONFLICT. 

"  After-ages  will  moralize  on  the  hallucination  under  which  an  exceptional  and  transi 
tional  state  of  things,  marking  the  last  phase  in  the  existence  of  an  old  feudal  monarchy, 
has  been  regarded  and  confidentially  propagated  as  the  normal  and  final  state  of  man."  — 
GOLDWIN  SMITH. 

COULD  this  state  of  American  subjection  to  a  foreign  idea 
last  forever?  Was  it  possible  that  the  domination  of  the 
slave-power  would  be  final  in  the  Great  Republic,  and  the 
purposes  of  freedom,  to  which  this  splendid  country  was 
so  early  consecrated,  utterly  overthrown  ?  If  the  compara 
tive  skill,  the  daring  and  persistent  purpose,  of  men  could 
decide  it,  the  answer  would  be  clearly,  Yes.  If  the  wrong 
could  hold  its  conquests  by  power,  by  bold  and  unscrupulous 
talent  trained  in  the  art  of  politics  for  many  long  years; 
if  astute  scheming  upon  the  part  of  the  few  could  control 
the  many, —  there  could  be  no  question:  we  were  des 
tined  to  be  a  great  nation  of  usurpers  and  despots  ;  to  live 
and  rankle  in  corruption,  and  die  under  the  visitations  of 
God,  remembered  but  to  be  despised  and  execrated  wherever 
history  should  record  our  name.  But  if  truth  and  right  were 
imperishable,  if  true  religion  was  in  the  conflict,  if  God  would 
decide  the  question,  then  the  answer  was,  No. 

But  we  must  not  forget  that  the  plans  of  God  develop 
slowly ;  that  they  include  a  vast  sweep  of  redeeming  agen 
cies,  dealing  with  wrongs  deeply  rooted,  and  coming  down 
from  long-distant  ages.  Venerable  in  antiquity  and  hoary 
in  crime,  slavery  had  only  yielded  in  one  country,  to  reveal 
its  strength  in  another ;  and  here,  in  this  land  of  liberty,  it 

571 


572  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

gathered  its  power  for  its  last  and  desperate  conflict  with 
the  rights  of  man.  It  may  not,  therefore,  be  deemed  strange, 
that,  upon  the  part  of  the  right,  the  preparations  for  the 
grandest  and  most  appalling  battle  of  all  time  should  be 
long,  profound,  and  finally  irresistible. 

In  1786,  Washington  said,  "I  never  mean,  unless  some 
particular  circumstances  should  compel  me  to  it,  to  possess 
another  slave  by  purchase ;  it  being  among  the  first  wishes 
of  my  heart  to  see  some  plan  adopted  by  which  slavery  in 
this  country  may  be  abolished  by  law." 

Jefferson,  writing  from  Paris  in  1788,  said,  "We  must 
wait  with  patience  the  workings  of  an  overruling  Provi 
dence,  and  hope  that  that  is  preparing  the  deliverance  of 
these  our  suffering  brethren.  When  the  measure  of  their 
tears  shall  be  full,  when  their  tears  shall  involve  heaven 
itself  in  darkness,  doubtless  a  God  of  justice  will  awaken  to 
their  distress,  and  by  diffusing  light  and  liberty  among  their 
oppressors,  or  at  length  by  his  exterminating  thunder,  mani 
fest  his  attention  to  things  of  this  world,  and  show  that  they 
are  not  left  to  the  guidance  of  blind  fatality." 

John  Jay,  in  1780,  said,  "An  excellent  law  might  be  made 
out  of  the  Pennsylvania  one,  for  the  gradual  abolition  of 
slavery.  Till  America  comes  into  this  measure,  her  prayers 
to  Heaven  will  be  impious.  This  is  a  strong  expression ;  but 
it  is  just.  I  believe  God  governs  the  world;  and  I  believe 
it  to  be  a  maxim  in  his  as  in  our  court,  that  those  who  ask 
for  equity  should  grant  it." 

Monroe,  before  the  Virginia  Convention,  said,  "  We  have 
found  that  this  evil  has  preyed  upon  the  very  vitals  of  the 
Union,  and  has  been  prejudicial  to  all  the  States  in  which  it 
has  existed." 

Henry  Laurens  of  South  Carolina  wrote  to  his  son,  Aug. 
14,  1776,  "You  know,  my  son,  I  abhor  slavery.  I  was  born 
in  a  country  where  slavery  had  been  established  by  British 
kings  and  parliaments,  as  well  as  by  the  laws  of  that  coun 
try,  ages  before  my  existence.  I  found  the  Christian  reli- 


THE  GREAT  MORAL  CONFLICT.  573 

gion  and  slavery  growing  together  under  the  same  authority 
and  cultivation.  I,  nevertheless,  disliked  it.  In  former  days, 
there  was  no  combating  the  prejudices  of  men,  supported 
by  interest.  The  day,  I  hope,  is  approaching,  when,  from 
principles  of  gratitude,  as  well  as  justice,  every  man  will 
strive  to  be  foremost  in  showing  his  readiness  to  comply 
with  the  golden  rule." 

Patrick  Henry  said,  "  Slavery  is  detested ;  we  feel  its  fatal 
effects;  we  deplore  it  with  all  the  pity  of  humanity.  It 
would  rejoice  my  very  soul  to  know  that  every  one  of  my 
fellow-beings  was  emancipated.  I  believe  the  time  will  come 
when  an  opportunity  will  be  offered  to  abolish  this  lamen 
table  evil." 

These  are  only  specimens  of  the  honest  and  prophetic 
announcements  of  our  great  men,  from  the  foundations  of 
our  government ;  and  they  show  conclusively  that  the  in 
stitution  of  slavery  was  as  anti-American  as  it  was  anti- 
Christian. 

Against  these  high  inspirations  of  wisdom,  and  all  the  warn 
ings  of  history  in  this  Eepublic,  for  near  a  century,  slavery 
advanced  until  it  had  reached  the  climax  of  insolence  and 
oppression,  which,  in  the  preceding  chapter,  we  traced  up  to 
our  own  period.  Surely  it  was  time  for  "  the  uprising  of  a 
great  people." 

CHRISTIANITY   REVOLTS. 

One  thing  was  indestructible.  The  law  of  Jesus  Christ, 
66  All  things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to 
you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them,"  was  not  made  to  be  annihilated 
by  human  power,  however  proud  and  defiant  it  might  be 
come.  "  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself"  was  the 
law  of  Christian  life,  written,  not  upon  tables  of  stone,  but 
upon  the  hearts  of  the  regenerate  of  all  time  and  all  lands, 
and  would  ultimately  gain  the  mastery  over  proud,  oppres 
sive  selfishness.  Accordingly,  a  very  bold  and  formidable 
demonstration  against  slavery  came  from  religious  justice, 


574  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

and  love  for  the  race.  We  do  not  claim  that  it  was  at  first 
pure,  unmixed  Christianity.  In  its  bursts  of  indignation,  it 
not  unfrequently  revealed  an  unchristian  temper,  and  a  dis 
position  to  prompt  and  summary  justice  not  in  harmony  with 
the  laws  and  plans  of  God ;  and  when  it  was,  without  due 
consideration,  claimed  that  the  Holy  Bible  justified  slavery, 
and  the  solid  conservatism  of  the  churches  rose  up  in  the 
way  of  radical  reformers,  a  few  denounced  the  Bible  and  the 
churches.  But  this  rashness  was  gradually  counteracted. 
Sound  exegesis  soon  rescued  the  Bible  from  the  undeserved 
reproach  of  sanctioning  slavery;  and  members  of  the  churches, 
in  numbers  constantly  increasing,  showed  that  their  love  of 
justice  was  superior  to  all  prescriptive  usages.  The  great 
principles  of  righteousness,  utterly  denying  the  right  of 
property  in  man,  were  found  to  have  their  very  strongest 
security  and  expression  in  divine  revelation  and  in  the  fun 
damental  doctrines  of  the  Church. 

Agitation  was  fearful  to  the  timid,  and  most  honestly  dis 
couraged  by  a  very  strong  conservatism  in  the  Church  and 
Nation.  It  seemed  likely  to  sweep  away  the  very  founda 
tions  of  public  order,  and  result  in  the  wildest  anarchy.  No 
doubt,  denunciation  sometimes  assumed  a  bitterness,  and 
measures  of  reform  a  recklessness,  which  few  right-minded 
men  would  now  attempt  to  justify;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  cool  complacency,  the  endless  delays,  of  conservatism, 
the  apologies  for  slavery,  and,  finally,  the  studied  attempts 
to  vindicate  it  in  the  face  of  its  vile  corruptions  and  atroci 
ties,  were  very  provoking. 

In  the  mean  time,  it  began  to  appear  that  God  was  in  the 
midst  of  the  storm ;  that  he  suffered,  if  he  did  not  actually 
order,  this  terrific  agitation  to  break  up  the  reign  of  stupid 
ity  and  death.  It  was,  in  fact,  the  trump  of  resurrection  to 
the  slumbering  justice  of  the  Church  and  the  Nation.  There 
was  really  no  danger. 

Of  course,  as  suppression  began  to  appear  hopeless,  the 
principles  of  the  conflict  began  to  release  themselves;  and  a 


THE  GREAT  MORAL  CONFLICT.  575 

potent  Providence  compelled  men  to  take  sides  in  the  great 
battle,  the  moral  grandeur  of  which  few  men  could  distinctly 
see,  none  could  comprehend.  Conservative  Christians  and 
churches  in  the  North  began  to  reveal  a  strength  of  anti- 
slavery  principle  which  had  been  hardly  suspected. 

In  the  South,  members  of  the  churches,  and  the  ministry, 
seemed  shut  up  to  a  fatal  blindness.  For  many  years,  they 
generally  conceded  the  wrong  of  the  system  ;  but  they  felt 
the  power  of  that  terrorism  which  was  everywhere,  and 
shrank  from  the  mission  of  "  liberty  to  the  captives,"  upon 
which  they  were  sent  by  their  great  Master.  They  excused 
the  wrong,  and  at  length  placed  themselves  at  the  head  of  its 
violent  defenders.  Thus  it  must  be  mournfully  confessed  that 
Southern  churches  committed  a  crime  for  which  the  atone 
ment  required  has  been  bloody,  protracted,  and  terrible. 
When  will  the  hour  of  forgiveness  come  ?  Let  us  mingle 
our  tears  of  penitence  with  theirs.  We  have  been  too  deep 
ly  involved  in  their  guilt  to  avoid  a  frightful  participation 
in  the  demand  for  retribution ;  and  it  may  be  feared  that  we 
have  not  yet  exhausted  the  cup  of  our  merited  sorrow. 

But,  all  this  time,  true  Christianity  never  wavered.  Its 
great  historic  truth  of  the  brotherhood  of  the  race  came 
out  more  and  more  distinctly  ;  and,  even  from  the  lips  of 
"  unreasonable  men,"  it  was  a  grand  gospel,  the  very  evan 
gel  of  God  to  the  oppressed  American  mind. 

Ardent  and  perhaps  not  very  well  regulated  men  in  the 
Church  took  it  up,  and  rang  it  through  the  land,  until  con 
servatism  was  startled,  said  it  was  perverted,  and  made  to 
mean  "  another  gospel ; "  then  affirmed  that  it  was  an  old 
truth,  and  that,  in  obedience  to  its  behest,  the  Church  had 
always  cared  most  wisely  for  both  master  and  slave.  But 
at  length  great  and  grave  conservative  men  began  to  speak 
with  authority  to  the  men  who  held  human  bodies  and  souls 
in  thraldom,  and  say,  "  Let  the  oppressed  go  free,"  so  irre 
sistibly  did  the  right  work  its  way  to  fhe  surface,  and,  amid 
the  roar  of  battle,  compel  the  people  to  listen  to  its  procla 
mation. 


576  THE  GKEAT  REPUBLIC. 

True,  schism  rent  church'  organizations  here  and  there ; 
secession  spurned  what  it  thought  an  ecclesiastical  monster, 
and  fled  away,  to  be  alone,  or  form  new  combinations,  which 
would  give  voice  to  justice  in  the  name  of  God. 

Then  slavery  reached  out  its  arm  to  grasp  more  power, 
and  dominate  over  more  millions ;  and  the  Church  came  sud 
denly  up  to  the  question,  Would  she  submit  to  these  new 
aggressions,  or  risk  her  threatened  losses  ?  This  was  the  first 
great  public  test  which  indicated  that  the  age  of  compro 
mises  was  worn  out  and  must  soon  be  laid  aside.  And  the 
Church  endured  the  trial.  Challenged  to  show  her  submis 
sion  and  her  shame,  by  accepting  the  advance  of  the  slave- 
power  Northward,  or  be  torn  asunder  and  go  out  of  the  way, 
she  dug  down  after  her  old  principles,  and  found  them  sound 
and  bright  as  ever.  She  threw  herself  upon  the  arm  of  God, 
and  dared  to  do  right.  The  crash  came ;  and  one  after 
another  of  the  great  denominations  received  the  blows  of 
the  tyrant,  looked  mournfully  upon  their  severed  members, 
and,  bowing  reverently  before  God,  found  that  their  strength 
was  in  justice. 

In  the  land  of  the  slave  there  were  found  souls  strong 
enough  to  endure  the  trial,  and,  in  the  face  of  the  vilest 
persecution,  deny  the  right  of  property  in  man.  Faith  in 
God,  and  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  right,  brought  up  from 
the  South  to  the  throne  of  grace  many  fervent  prayers,  and 
into  the  ranks  of  God's  liberating  army  many  strong,  brave 
men.  Loyalty,  first  to  the  truth,  and  then  to  the  govern 
ment,  cost  something  there ;  and  its  day  of  recognition  and 
honor  before  earth  and  heaven  was  sure  to  come. 


HUMANITY    PLEADS. 

The  first  great  mission  of  truth  in  this  grand  upheaval 
was  to  show  the  wrong  of  the  slave-system  by  the  sufferings 
of  its  victims.  The  fair  exterior  of  this  pagan  temple  was 
always  to  be  seen.  The  worshippers  at  its  shrine  were  proud 
of  it. 


THE  GREAT  MORAL  CONFLICT.  577 

See  the  soft  luxuriance  of  its  petted  domestics,  their  com 
fortable  and  even  splendid  costumes,  their  sumptuous,  fair, 
and  boasted  indolence  !  See  the  fond  attachment  of  these 
house-servants  to  their  master  and  mistress,  the  devoted 
love  between  the  children  of  fortune  and  the  enslaved 
children  of  slaves !  See  how  reluctant  they  are  to  leave  their 
masters !  —  how  they  beg  not  to  be  sold  away  from  the  home 
of  their  childhood !  Most  of  all,  see  those  multiplied  thou 
sands  of  converted,  praying  slave  Christians!  —  how  they 
sing  and  jump  and  shout  in  exultant  joy,  in  despite  of  their 
bonds !  And  see  how  comfortable  we  are  while  these  black 
people  do  our  bidding,  toil  for  us,  and  surround  us  with  lux 
urious  elegance  !  Is  it  not  a  beautiful  system,  a  glorious 
structure  ? 

But  the  age  had  become  inquisitive.  Groans  and  sighs 
were  heard  faintly  from  the  inside  of  this  temple.  It  was 
getting  old ;  and  openings  here  and  there  let  in  the  light, 
and  revealed  miserable  objects  to  the  eyes  of  strangers;  and 
men,  persistent,  —  impertinent  if  you  will,  —  demanded  to 
know  what  was  done  inside. 

Scores,  hundreds,  fled  away,  guided  by  the  north  star; 
and  they  told  horrid  tales,  and  showed  wounds  fresh  and 
bleeding,  and  scars  deep  and  old.  A  wail  came  up  from  the 
rice-swamps,  and  the  world  heard  it.  The  baying  of  blood 
hounds,  and  the  screech  of  lacerated  victims,  came  from  the 
dark  woods  and  bloody  streams.  What  did  it  all  mean  ? 
Was  this  Christian  slavery  ?  —  a  loving,  voluntary,  coveted, 
civilized  bondage  ?  The  world  absolutely  would  know. 

Timid  honesty,  from  the  heart  of  the  slave  empire  rising 
up  in  such  formidable  proportions  amid  the  institutions  of 
republican  liberty,  whispered  explanations  of  these  wounds 
and  scars,  these  wailings  and  tears,  —  these  men  and  women 
were  not  willing  slaves ;  in  large  numbers  they  had  to  be 
scourged  to  their  task ;  and  the  brooding  horrors  of  fear 
alone  could  keep  them  in  bondage ;  their  occasional  joy, 
and  their  affectionate  gratitude,  told  that  they  were  human, 

73 


578  THE    GKEAT    REPUBLIC. 

if  they  were  "chattels/5  and  could  respond  to  kind  treat 
ment  ;  that  they  could  be  Christians  by  the  grace  of  God, 
if  they  were  denied  the  privilege  of  reading  the  word  of 
God.  But  nothing  in  all  this  had  prevented,  or  could  pre 
vent,  the  absolute  demand  for  force.  Why  did  not  those  ser 
vants  go  where  they  pleased  ?  work  where  they  could  make 
honest  bargains  and  obtain  honest  wages  ?  Why  could  not 
they  be  the  judges  as  to  whether  they  would  learn  to  read, 
or  were  well  used  ?  and  why  could  they  not,  in  the  absence 
of  white  witnesses,  come  into  court,  testify  to  the  violence 
inflicted  upon  them,  and  receive  justice?  No:  the  truth 
must  come  out,  and  go  abroad  the  world  over,  —  it  was  a 
system  of  cruel  coercion.  Travellers  would  tell  it;  poets 
would  echo  its  wail;  and  the  pen  would  turn  away  from 
fiction,  and  write  truth,  stranger,  wilder,  more  terrible,  than 
fiction. 

And  what  was  to  be  the  response  to  all  this  ?  From 
Christianity,  as  we  have  seen,  clear,  strong,  unequivocal  con 
demnation,  with  a  kind  but  peremptory  demand  for  free 
dom.  But  this  condemnation  and  demand  were  unheeded ; 
and  "  the  sighing  of  the  poor  and  the  needy "  went  on. 
Then  pity  began  to  weep  and  to  plead.  Christian  humanity 
entreated, "  Let  these  poor  people  change  their  residences  and 
employers  if  they  desire  it.  Let  them  learn  to  read  God's 
holy  word.  They  long  to  know  for  themselves  what  con 
solation  it  has  for  mourning  captives  and  for  penitent  sin 
ners  :  let  them  read  it."  Even  natural  humanity  said, "  Don't 
strike  again  !  See  how  the  blood  gushes,  how  the  flesh 
quivers !  Don't  strike  again ;  don't  tear  that  infant  from  its 
mother's  arms  ;  don't  sell  these  poor  people  away  from  their 
little  ones,  and  chain  them  together  like  felons,  and  drive 
them  off  into  the  swamps,  —  husbands,  wives,  and  children, 
—  far  and  forever  away  from  each  other." 

There  was  no  possibility  of  suppressing  this  cry  of  hu 
manity  :  it  became  increasingly  tender  and  earnest ;  it 
swelled  louder  and  louder  its  notes  of  plaintive  sorrow ;  its 


THE  GEE  AT  MORAL  CONFLICT.  579 

circle  of  prayer  and  weeping  spread  wider  and  wider.  Never 
before  were  such  pleadings  addressed  to  God  or  man ;  never 
was  the  ear  of  man  so  utterly  deaf,  never  the  ear  of  God  so 
quick  and  listening. 

JUSTICE  DENOUNCES. 

There  was  another  voice  for  the  ear  of  oppression,  —  a 
deeper,  sterner,  more  commanding  voice.  For  what  purpose 
was  it  said,  "  Rob  not  the  poor,  because  he  is  poor ;  neither 
oppress  the  afflicted  in  the  gate :  for  the  Lord  will  plead 
their  cause,  and  spoil  the  soul  of  those  that  spoiled  them  "  ? 
Surely  this  was  not  simply  an  announcement  for  the  people 
then  to  hear  and  forget.  It  must  have  been  a  great  fact  for 
all  time,  an  inevitable  law  which  God  would  certainly  exe 
cute  in  his  righteous  wisdom  everywhere.  Then  it  spake  in 
tones  of  authority  to  these  masters  as  well  as  to  oppressors 
of  old,  "  Rob  not  that  poor  man ;  I  am  his  witness,  and  I  am 
your  omniscient  Judge :  I  will  be  his  advocate.  You  have 
cruelly  beaten  him  to  get  more  labor  out  of  him  for  yoWself, 
and  you  give  him  no  wages.  But  you  have  committed  a 
higher  crime  than  this :  you  have  robbed  him  of  himself,  and 
made  him  your  slave.  The  day  of  retribution  is  coming." 
Oh,  this  is  dreadful !  But  listen  again  :  "  Go  to  now,  ye  rich 
men,  weep  and  howl  for  your  miseries  that  shall  come  upon 
you.  Your  riches  are  corrupted,  and  your  garments  are 
moth-eaten.  Your  gold  and  silver  is  cankered  ;  and  the  rust 
of  them  shall  be  a  witness  against  you,  and  shall  eat  your 
flesh  as  it  were  fire.  Ye  have  heaped  treasure  together  for 
the  last  days.  Behold,  the  hire  of  the  laborers  who  have 
reaped  down  your  fields,  which  is  of  you  kept  back  by  fraud, 
crieth;  and  the  cries  of  them  which  have  reaped  are  en 
tered  into  the  ears  of  the  Lord  of  sabaoth."  Read  thought 
fully  one  word  more : "  Whoso  stoppeth  his  ears  at  the  cry 
of  the  poor,  he  also  shall  cry  himself,  but  shall  not  be 
heard." 

Thus  did  justice  thunder  in  the  ears  of  slaveholders  their 


580  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

crime  and  their  impending  calamities.  They  might  see  with 
their  own  eyes  the  beginnings  of  retribution.  There  were, 
in  vast  extent,  all  desolate  and  valueless,  the  fields  which 
had  been  reaped  by  those  who  had  been  denied  their  wages. 
There  were  the  figures  of  the  census,  showing  the  border 
slave  States  cursed  by  some  strange  power,  and,  as  compared 
with  the  free  States  by  their  side,  doomed  to  inferiority ; 
and,  more  frightful  still,  these  figures  showed  the  alarming 
relative  increase  of  the  black  over  the  white  population. 
What  could  that  mean  ? 

Then  there  were  prophets  in  these  latter  days.  Grave, 
devout  old  negroes  were  on  their  knees  night  and  day  in 
prayer.  They  returned  from  their  interviews  with  God, 
alarmed  for  the  fate  of  their  masters.  Perhaps  no  intelligi 
ble  words  were  spoken ;  but  the  deep  sigh  and  the  ominous 
shake  of  the  head  meant  justice.  Many  poor  black  men 
were  listeners,  and  understood  the  still  small  voice  when 
it  said,  "  The  cries  of  them  which  have  reaped  are  entered 
into  the  ears  of  the  Lord  of  sabaoth."  How  quick  and 
prompt  is  that  subtle  public  sense  which  blanches  the  faces 
of  oppressors  when  the  word  "  insurrection  "  is  whispered  ! 
The  quakings  of  fear  when  the  armless  hand  appears  writing 
on  the  wall  are  the  beginnings  of  justice. 

Just  before  the  storm  broke,  justice  had  a  thousand 
tongues.  The  warnings  came  from  violent  and  fanatical 
men,  from  great  and  good  men,  from  political  economists, 
from  sober  judges,  from  profound  statesmen.  Men  every 
where  could  feel  it.  There  was  sorrow  in  the  air.  There 
were  signs  of  wrath  in  the  clear  sky  as  well  as  in  the  gather 
ing  storm-cloud.  Great  and  wise  men  of  other  lands  gave 
the  alarm.  They  told  us,  in  books,  in  periodicals,  in  mes 
sages  of  kindness  from  across  the  sea,  that  we  were  nearing 
the  fatal  gulf.  Flippant  jests  and  loud  bravado  did  but  in 
crease  the  awful  apprehensions  which  came  to  the  souls  of 
men  from  this  quickened  sense  of  God's  all-pervading  jus 
tice. 


THE  GREAT  MORAL  CONFLICT.  581 

POLITICAL   PARTIES   TEMPORIZE. 

We  must  now  return  to  the  human  side  of  this  threaten 
ing  controversy.  Men  would  not  hear.  Party  spirit  and 
sectional  feeling  rose  high.  Many  shrewd  men  had  their 
theories  of  relief  and  safety.  Politicians  sternly  opposite 
to  each  other  indicated  a  purpose  to  rule  the  storm.  Here 
and  there  were  men  who  said, "  Be  just,  do  the  right,  and  God 
will  avert  our  perils : "  but  the  men  strongest  before  the  peo 
ple  said,  "We  must  make  concessions;"  meaning,  chiefly,  there 
is  no  other  way  to  majorities. 

There  had  been  other  storms  and  threatened  destruction 
in  other  days  ;  and,  in  the  midst  of  one  of  these  storms,  there 
had  been  a  strong,  bold  attempt  to»fix  a  line  between  free 
dom  and  slavery  in  this  Republic,  as  though  two  utterly  in 
compatible  and  fiercely  hostile  institutions  could  permanently 
agree  to  rule  a  great  nation.  Slavery  was  uneasy  within  its 
limits.  It  could  not  be  restricted.  It  must  have  more  ter 
ritory,  or  die.  An  empire  had  been  added  to  its  domain  in 
Texas ;  but  this  was  not  enough.  Its  covetous  eyes  were 
fixed  upon  the  great  North-west.  There,  above  the  line  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  must  ultimately  lie  the  balance 
of  power  in  the  nation ;  and  it  must  be  gradually  won. 
Political  schemers  in  the  North  would  yield  this  territory, 
enough  for  a  State  at  a  time,  for  votes  to  secure  the  success 
of  a  party.  And  quietly  the  proposition  came  before  Con 
gress  to  make  a  new  State  of  enormous  size,  much  of  it 
above  the  line,  and  take  up  the  line,  leaving  it  open  for  the 
introduction  of  slavery.  It  was  not  a  question  to  be  settled 
by  reason  nor  by  history.  The  one  party  must  do  it,  or  fail. 
The  other  party  must  do  it,  or  fail.  The  nation  must  do  it, 
or  the  South  would  secede. 

Then  the  cry  of  danger  came  up  from  the  American  Sen 
ate  and  House  of  Representatives.  A  few  faithful  men  were 
there  who  did  not  fear  the  imperious  edicts  of  the  slave- 
power,  nor  the  threat  of  breaking  up  the  government,  nor 


582  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  bludgeon,  the  bowie-knife,  or  the  pistol.  They  feared 
God,  and  reverenced  justice.  They  sent  out  their  notes  of 
alarm,  and  the  people  were  startled.  Could  it  be  possible 
that  slavery  entertained  the  thought  of  moving  northward  ? 
There  was  the  line,  the  great  compromise  line,  that  could  not 
be  taken  up  nor  passed  over.  The  South  had  pleaded  com 
promises  from  the  days  of  the  Constitutional  Conven 
tion,  and  they  surely  would  respect  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise.  No :  they  would  not.  It  was  against  the  right  to 
take  slavery  wherever  the  masters  emigrated,  and  it  must 
come  up. 

The  outcry  from  Northern  freemen  was  a  little  stronger 
and  more  threatening  than  usual.  Something  must  be  con 
ceded;  and,  for  the  sake- of  getting  rid  of  the  line,  the  terri 
tory  of  the  proposed  State  should  be  cut  in  two,  and  one  of 
the  new  States  might  be  free  if  the  people  insisted.  It  was 
done,  and  the  line  was  destroyed.  Henceforth  it  was  an 
open  question.  The  people  were  sovereign,  and  they  could 
decide  for  themselves  whether  their  new  States  should  be 
free  or  slave.  This  was  plausible.  The  South  had  no  doubt 
but  this  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  could  be  managed 
so  that  Kansas  would  be  certainly  a  slave  State,  and  Nebras 
ka  probably. 

In  the  North,  and  especially  in  New  England,  a  new  idea 
seemed  to  come  up,  move  about,  and  gather  power :  "  If  it  is 
to  be  a  question  of  enterprise  and  majorities,  we  will  try  it. 
Let  the  compromise  line  go."  For  once,  "  the  wise  "  had  been 
"  taken  in  their  own  craftiness."  The  race  was  a  hard  one  ; 
but  the  free  spirit  was  roused,  and  it  triumphed.  If  the  doc 
trine  of  the  people's  sovereignty  was  fairly  adhered  to,  Kan 
sas  would  be  a  free  State.  But  no  thanks  to  political  parties. 
This  was  the  people.  Parties  truckled  and  bargained  as 
aforetime  ;  but  they  were  gradually  losing  their  hold  of  the 
popular  will.  The  freemen  of  the  North  began  to  feel  that 
their  liberties  were  endangered,  and  to  show  strong  symp 
toms  of  a  purpose  to  take  the  direction  of  affairs  into  their 


THE  GREAT  MORAL  CONFLICT.  583 

own  hands.  They  could  not  control  the  nominations ;  but 
they  could  emigrate  and  vote.  They  did ;  and  this  was  the 
movement  from  which  the  slave-power  in  America  received 
its  first  significant  check. 


THE    STRAIN   AND    THE   RECOIL. 

To  the  Southern  mind,  this  rapid  increase  of  Northern 
freemen,  and  hence  the  use  that  could  be  made  of  "  popular 
sovereignty,"  was  a  revelation.  It  showed  clearly  that  the 
control  of  the  government  by  the  ballot  was  no  longer  se 
cure.  As  the  people  began  to  organize,  the  dominant  major 
ity  ,drew  closer  to  the  slave-power ;  and  the  administration 
showed  a  strong  purpose  to  add  patronage  to  party  tactics 
against  the  people,  now  evidently  determined  to  commence 
a  new  struggle  for  liberty.  The  representatives  of  free 
principles  won  a  decided  majority  in  Kansas.  Slavery,  fol 
lowing  its  instincts,  tried  first  brute  force ;  but  John  Brown, 
and  other  brave  spirits  on  the  border,  showed  this  to  be 
dangerous,  and,  in  that  form,  certainly  hopeless.  The 
people,  in  what  they  deemed  a  legitimate  way,  organized 
a  provisional  State  government,  and,  without  slavery,  ap 
plied  for  admission  into  the  Union.  The  advocates  of 
slavery  organized,  adopted  a  proslavery  constitution,  and 
appealed  to  Congress.  The  fearful  crisis  thus  brought  on 
is,  for  the  present,  sufficiently  known.  Slavery,  with  all  the 
power  of  government  patronage,  undertook  the  desperate 
task  of  forcing  a  slave  constitution  and  government  on  to 
the  people  of  a  free,  inchoate  State,  against  the  expressed 
will  of  a  majority  of  its  people.  This  was  an  open  repu 
diation  of  the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty :  it  was 
more,  —  it  was,  by  fair  construction,  treason  against  the 
fundamental  principles  of  the  Republic.  The  issue  was 
joined  between  the  parties  of  freedom  and  slavery ;  and  the 
distinguished  Mr.  Douglas  of  Illinois  ultimately  refused  to 
go  with  his  party  against  his  own  doctrine  of  "  popular  sov- 


584  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

ereignty."  But  he  joined  issue  with.  Abraham  Lincoln,  who 
said,  "  I  believe  this  government  cannot  permanently  endure 
half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be 
dissolved  ;  I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall :  but  I  do  expect 
that  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  Either  the  opponents  of 
slavery  will  arrest  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it 
where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that'  it  is  in 
the  course  of  ultimate  extinction ;  or  its  advocates  will  push 
it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the  States, 
old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South."  Mr.  Seward 
made  his  famous  announcement  concerning  this  contest 
in  these  words :  "  It  is  an  irrepressible  conflict  between 
opposing  and  enduring  forces ;  and  it  means  that  .  the 
United  States  must  and  will,  sooner  or  later,  become 
either  entirely  a  slaveholding  nation,  or  entirely  a  free- 
labor  nation." 

Henceforth,  therefore,  there  would  be  no  attempt  to  con 
ceal  the  aggressions  of  the  slave-power ;  and  the  advocates  of 
freedom  must  gather  to  the  battle,  and  conquer,  or  be  utterly 
overthrown. 

Contrary  to  the  indignant  rhetoric  of  Mr.  Webster,  in 
which  he  asserted  the  impossibility  of  such  an  event,  slavery 
was  formally  legalized  in  the  vast  Territory  of  New  Mexico, 
and,  beyond  a  doubt,  as. the  result  of  dictation  from  Wash 
ington. 

Under  the  leadership  of  Jefferson  Davis  of  Mississippi,  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  was  to  be  tested,  and  the  ad 
vanced  doctrines  of  the  slave-power  were  formally  indorsed. 
A  series  of  resolutions,  all  for  this  one  purpose,  included  the 
following :  "  Resolved,  That  negro  slavery,  as  it  exists  in  fif 
teen  States  of  this  Union,  composes  an  important  portion  of 
their  domestic  institutions,  inherited  from  their  ancestors, 
and  existing  at  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  by  which 
it  is  recognized  as  an  important  element  in  the  apportion 
ment  of  powers  among  the  States ;  and  that  no  change  of 
opinion  or  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  non-slaveholding  States 


THE  GREAT  MORAL  CONFLICT.  585 

of  the  Union,  in  relation  to  this  institution,  can  justify  them 
or  their  citizens  in  open  or  covert  attacks  thereon,  with  a 
view  to  its  overthrow ;  and  that  all  such  attacks  are  in  man 
ifest  violation  of  the  mutual  and  solemn  pledge  to  protect 
and  defend  each  other  given  by  the  States  respectively  on 
entering  into  the  compact  which  formed  the  Union  ;  and 
are  a  manifest  breach  of  faith,  and  a  violation  of  the  most 
solemn  obligations." 

Mr.  Harlan  of  Iowa  moved  to  amend  this  defiant  resolu 
tion  by  the  following :  "  But  the  free  discussion  of  the  mo 
rality  and  expediency  of  slavery  should  never  be  interfered 
with  by  the  laws  of  any  State  or  of  the  United  States ;  and 
the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  on  this  and  every 
other  subject  of  domestic  and  national  policy  should  be 
maintained  inviolate  in  all  the  States."  This  amendment 
was  promptly  voted  down,  and  the  original  resolution  was 
adopted.  The  vote  stood  twenty-five  yeas,  and  thirty-six 
nays.  Another  of  these  famous  resolutions  read,  "  Resolved, 
That  neither  Congress  nor  a  territorial  legislature,  whether 
by  direct  legislation,  or  legislation  of  an  indirect  and  un 
friendly  character,  possesses  power  to  annul  or  impair  the 
constitutional  right  of  any  citizen  of  the  United  States  to  take 
his  slave-property  into  the  common  Territories,  and  there 
hold  and  enjoy  the  same  while  the  territorial  condition  re 
mains."  This  was  adopted  by  thirty-five  yeas  to  twenty-one 
nays.  Thus  did  the  Southern  oligarchy  set  up  the  claim,  that 
slavery  was  the  normal  state  of  all  our  vast  Territories;  and 
that,  if  they  became  free,  it  must  be  by  the  success  of  the 
free  voters  in  a  struggle  against  an  institution  already  estab 
lished,  and  fortified  by  custom  and  law.  If  this  were  true, 
then,  in  reality,  the  United  States  had  ceased  to  be  a  gov 
ernment  and  nation  of  freedom,  and  existed  simply  for  the 
purposes  and  in  the  spirit  of  oppression. 

Another  resolution  declared,  that  "  all  acts  of  individuals 
or  of  State  legislatures  to  defeat  the  purposes  or  nullify  the 


586  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

requirements  of  the  fugitive-slave  law,  and  the  laws  made 
in  pursuance  of  it,  are  hostile  in  character,  subversive  of  the 
Constitution,  and  revolutionary  in  their  effect."  Thus  the 
free  citizens  of  the  free  States  were  to  be  firmly  held  to 
the  obligation  to  arrest,  and  forcibly  return  to  bondage,  all 
struggling,  panting  slaves  who  had  reached  their  territory. 
One  other  step  in  advance  was  to  be  demanded  ;  but  that 
was  deferred  for  consideration  in  the  Democratic  National 
Convention,  which  met  in  Charleston,  S.C.,  on  the  23d  of 
April,  I860.*  This  was  a  most  important  meeting.  It  was 
to  be  settled  whether  Northern  men  would  endure  a  fur 
ther  strain  for  the  sake  of  the  oligarchy.  The  resolutions 
proposed  re-affirmed  the  right  of  slaveholders  to  take  their 
slave  -  property  into  the  Territories,  and  there  hold  it ; 
but,  in  addition,  they  asserted  the  duty  of  the  government 
to  protect  them  in  this  right.  This  was  the  last  step  in 
advance  now  proposed  by  the  slave-power ;  but  it  was  one 
step  too  far.  Many  distinguished  men  felt  that  they  had 
long  enough  submitted  to  the  domination  of  a  power  that 
they  really  abhorred.  They  were  now  asked  to  commit 
the  whole  United-States  Government  to  stand  up  with  any 
number,  however  small,  and,  by  force,  enable  them  to 
establish  slavery  in  any  Territory  against  the  will  of  a 
majority  of  the  people ;  and  this  demand  was  argued  in 
a  way  to  extend  the  duty  of  protection  into  the  free  States 
and  to  the  slave-trade.  To  this  they  could  not,  would  not, 
consent.  The  Southern  delegates,  declining  all  attempts  at 
compromise,  withdrew,  organized  apart,  and  adjourned.  The 
majority  also  adjourned  without  making  a  nomination. 
The  rest  is  known.  Our  readers  now  understand  what  we 
mean  by  the  strain  and  the  recoil.  The  free  spirit  of  the 
North  had  been  so  long  crushed  by  the  bony  hand  of  this 
inexorable  tyranny,  that,  in  very  agony,  it  writhed  out  of 
its  grasp. 

*  The  American  Conflict,  by  Horace  Greeley,  p.  309,  et  ssq. 


THE  GKEAT  MORAL  CONFLICT.  587 


ANOTHER   GRAND    CRISIS   IN  HISTORY. 

As,  before  the  great  Revolution,  the  gathered  power  of  free 
dom  had  reached  a  point  at  which  it  must  assert  itself, — 
a  period  in  history  in  which  the  right  of  foreign  domination 
must  be  resisted  by  force,  or  become  absolute  and  perpetual ; 
so  now  it  began  to  appear,  that,  for  the  questions  of  power 
between  freedom  and  slavery,  the  hour  of  decision  was  at 
hand.  Despotism  had  become  defiant,  and  would  brook  no 
control.  It  had  thrown  off  all  disguise,  and  openly  demand 
ed  simple,  absolute,  unconditional  submission.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  rights  of  liberty  could  no  longer  be  ignored.  They 
had  risen  calmly  and  slowly  to  a  position  of  firmness  and 
self-respect,  which  began  to  say  to  the  slave-power,  "  Thus  far, 
and  no  farther."  The  time  had  come  in  which  the  question 
could  not  be  settled  by  threats  nor  by  argument.  The  South 
must  now  take  by  force  what  it  had  so  imperiously  de 
manded,  or  own  that  the  day  of  its  insolent  dictation  had 
passed.  The  North  must  prepare  to  resist,  even  to  death, 
the  assaults  which  would  soon  be  made,  or  own  its  subjection 
to  this  imperious  despotism. 

There  would,  it  was  true,  be  one  more  appeal  to  the  bal 
lot  ;  but  this,  so  far  as  the  slave-power  was  concerned,  was 
merely  nominal.  Simply  to  gain  time,  they  named  their 
candidate,  but  took  measures  which  they  were  perfectly 
aware  would  result  in  his  defeat.  Old  party  lines  were  an 
nihilated  ;  and,  from  the  chaos,  two,  only  two,  grand  parties 
could  be  seen  distinctly  revealing  their  outlines,  —  one  the 
party  of  freedom  and  loyalty,  the  other  of  slavery  and  re 
bellion. 

Men  became  grave  and  solemn  under  the  power  of  these 
momentous  events.  Not  America  alone,  but  the  world,  was 
interested.  Liberty  could  not  falter  and  die  here  for  this 
continent  merely.  Slavery  could  not  now  complete  its  usur 
pations  and  consolidate  its  power  for  America  only.  Clear 
sighted  philanthropists  in  England  and  on  the  continent  of 


588  THE    GEE  AT   REPUBLIC. 

Europe  knew  that  we  were  making  history,  not  for  ourselves 
alone,  but  for  the  race.  Hence  the  grand  divisions  of  men 
which  were  forming  here,  promptly  extended  themselves 
around  the  globe.  Freedom  and  oppression  revealed  their 
indissoluble  unities,  and  prepared  for  the  battle. 

One  question  only  remained  to  be  settled  :  Would  the 
representatives  of  liberty  in  the  United  States  be  firm? 
would  they  receive  calmly  the  menaces  of  destruction  to 
their  cherished  government,  and  of  cruel,  bloody  war,  and 
move  steadily  on  to  the  clear,  final  announcement  of  the 
great  decision  ?  Another  grand  crisis  of  history  had  come. 

The  crisis  had  passed.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  was  elected  Pres 
ident  of  the  United  States.  The  clock  of  ages  struck,  and 
the  human  race  moved  into  the  opening  period  of  a  new 
dispensation. 


"MR 

I  made,  that 
South  Caroli 
,,a«his.    if. 
that  banner. 


ami  these   *•-:*•  iia^teuecl  by  the  Impatience  of  Southern 
leaders. 

Thisr .would  seem  to  have  been  the  time  for  sober  reflec 
tion;  for  broad,  statesmanlike  view*  of  the  true 'reasons  for 

IK.VP    Kf»Pn  TCiwio    ft,* 


}  worl 


ful,  cbul  .1  succeed  . 
the  fearf  o  1  earn  ,  :  0  o  o 
come  up  from  our  ha 
the  Helds  of  blood  , 


Beyond  a  doubt.  :•  ^*  v>  .; 

suppressea.      ooutuern    men   could   not    thm¥   their  own 


ssy 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY   AND  FREEDOM.  591 

South  came  up  to  the  greatest  question  in  history  under 
the  control  of  this  ignorant  deception. 

Moreover,  the  sectional  doctrine  of  State  rights,  which  we 
have  met  so  frequently  in  the  history  of  the  Kepublic,  now 
came  to  its  ultimate  expression,  affirming  that  the  Union 
was  a  mere  expediency  for  the  temporary  convenience  of  the 
States ;  that  each  State  was  an  independent  sovereignty, 
having  the  right  to  withdraw  from  the  confederacy  of  States 
at  its  pleasure ;  that  we  had  no  American  nation,  only  as 
each  State  was  a  hation  in  itself;  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States  neither  had  originally,  nor  had  acquired,  any 
interests  in  common,  which  a  single  State  might  not  sacrifice 
at  any  moment.  It  was  now  easy  to  see  the  purpose  for 
which  this  doctrine  of  State  rights  had  been  adhered  to  with 
such  persistent  tenacity.  The  time  had  come  which  had  been 
contemplated  for  more  than  a  generation,  when  it  was  to  be 
used  as  a  most  potent  weapon  for  destroying  the  national 
government. 

The  leaders  of  this  conspiracy  thought  they  saw  in  the 
election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  the  long-desired  occasion  for  the 
uprising  of  treason.  Under  the  call  of  Gov.  Gist,  on  Mon 
day,  Nov.  5,  1860,  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina  met  in 
extra  session,  first  to  choose  electors  for  President  and  Vice- 
President,  but  chiefly  to  provide  for  open  secession.  In 
his  message  to  this  legislature,  Gov.  Gist  said,  "  I  am  con 
strained  to  say  that  the  only  alternative  left,  in  my  judgment, 
is  the  secession  of  South  Carolina  from  the  Federal  Union. 
The  indications  from  many  of  the  Southern  States  justify 
the  conclusion  that  the  secession  of  South  Carolina  will  be 
immediately  followed,  if  not  adopted  simultaneously,  by  them, 
and,  ultimately,  by  the  whole  South."  He  recommended 
"  to  place  the  whole  military  force  of  the  State  in  a  posi 
tion  to  be  used  at  the  shortest  notice."  A  few  honest  efforts 
were  made  to  stern  the  tide  by  bringing  forward  the  idea  of 
waiting  for  co-operation  from  the  other  slave  States;  but 
this  policy,  which  had  heretofore  enabled  the  conservatives 


592  THE   GKEAT   REPUBLIC. 

of  South  Carolina  to  triumph  over  constructive  treason,  was 
of  no  avail  at  this  time.  The  bill  for  a  convention  to  give 
the  semblance  of  authority  to  the  secession  of  the  State 
passed  finally  on  the  12th  of  November. 

On  the  17th  of  December,  this  convention  met  at  Colum 
bia.  Messages  encouraging  the  daring  act  of  secession  came 
from  Alabama  and  Mississippi.  One  message  came  which 
was  promptly  suppressed.  It  was  from  fifty-two  members  of 
the  Legislature  of  Georgia,  urging  "  delay  and  consultation 
among  the  slave  States."  This  was  the  last  appeal  of  reason 
which  these  violent  conspirators  had  patience  to  hear.  On 
the  twentieth  day  of  December,  I860,  the  fatal  act  of  se 
cession  was  passed.  South  Carolina  was  declared  to  be  "  now 
and  henceforth  a  free  and  independent  commonwealth." 

Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Mississippi,  and  Louisiana  soon 
followed.  In  Texas,  Arkansas,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee, 
and  Virginia,  the  conspirators  were  baffled  for  a  while  by  the 
people,  large  majorities  of  whom  voted  and  acted  with  great 
vigor  against  the  proposed  treason ;  but  they  were  at  length 
overborne  by  Southern  feeling,  led  on  by  the  most  unscru 
pulous  intrigue.  Missouri,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  and  Dela 
ware  alone,  of  the  Southern  States,  finally  resisted  the  reck 
less  attempts  of  fraud  and  violence  to  involve  them  in  the 
criminal  act  of  secession. 

The  leaders  did  not  pretend  that  the  election  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln  had  been  unconstitutional,  nor  that  it  was  the  real  cause 
of  this  movement.  In  October,  1856,  a  secret  convention 
of  Southern  governors,  called  together  by  Gov.  Wise  of  Vir 
ginia,  was  held  at  the  capital  of  North  Carolina.  The  pur 
pose  and  spirit  of  this  convention  may  be  judged  by  the 
declaration  of  Gov.  Wise,  "  that,  had  Fremont  been  elected, 
he  would  have  marched  at  the  head  of  twenty  thousand 
men  to  Washington,  and  taken  possession  of  the  Capitol,  pre 
venting  by  force  Fremont's  inauguration  at  that  place."  '  In 
the  secession  convention  of  South  Carolina,  Mr.  Parker  said, 

*  Greeley,  i.  329. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         5Q3 

"  It  is  no  spasmodic  effort  that  has  come  suddenly  upon  us : 
it  has  been  gradually  culminating  for  the  last  thirty  years." 
Mr.  Keitt  said,  "  I  have  been  engaged  in  this  movement  ever 
since  I  entered  political  life."  Mr.  Rhett  said,  "  The  secession 
of  South  Carolina  is  not  an  event  of  a  day ;  it  is  not  any 
thing  produced  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  election,  or  by  the  non-exe 
cution  of  the  fugitive-slave  law :  it  has  been  a  matter  which 
has  been  gathering  head  for  thirty  years."  Thus  was  this 
grand  conspiracy  deliberately  nurtured,  ostensibly  in  the  in 
terests  of  the  South,  but  really  to  give  power  to  an  oligarchy 
against  the  liberties  of  mankind.  It  had  been  managed 
with  great  skill,  and  chiefly  by  a  few  ambitious  men.  It 
was  virtually  conceded  that  the  people  were  not  generally 
in  favor  of  the  measure.  Mr.  Mullin  said,  "  If  we  wait  for 
co-operation,  slavery  arid  State  rights  will  be  abandoned,  and 
the  cause  of  the  South  lost  forever."  Mr.  Edmund  Ruffin  of 
Virginia  said  "  he  wished  Virginia  was  as  ready  as  South 
Carolina ;  but,  unfortunately,  she  was  not."  No  :  the  people 
loved  their  government,  and  did  not  wish  to  sacrifice  it  on 
the  altar  of  sectional  ambition.  Mr.  Alexander  H.  Stephens 
of  Georgia,  in  his  celebrated  speech  in  which  he  undertook 
to  stem  'the  tide  of  ruin,  said  most  truthfully,  "  Some  of  our 
public  men  have  failed  in  their  aspirations,  that  is  true  ;  and 
from  that  comes  a  great  part  of  our  trouble."  Had  Mr. 
Stephens  stood  firmly  to  his  position*  his  history  would  have 
closed  grandly;  but  his  fatal  adherence  to  State  rights  led 
him  to  say  that  he  should  go  with  his  State.  He  went,  and, 
by  accepting  high  office  under  the  rebel  government,  gave 
reason  to  suspect  that  he  was  not  wholly  free  from  the  per 
sonal  ambition  to  which  he  had  so  correctly  ascribed  the 
dangers  of  the  Republic. 


TREASON   AND    REBELLION. 

The  first  overt  act  of  rebellion  was  the  ordinance  of  seces 
sion.     It  was  an  open,  formal  renunciation  of  the  authority 

75 


594  THE   GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

of  the  United  States.  Very  grave  questions  arose  from  this 
act.  Should  the  law  immediately  assert  its  prerogatives,  fill 
the  places  of  national  trust  made  vacant  by  the  conspiracy, 
and  arrest  the  leading  conspirators?  Would  the  govern 
ment  promptly  increase  its  defences  and  the  number  of  men 
in  arms  within  its  rebellious  territory  ?  No.  Whether  wise 
or  unwise,  it  would  forbear :  it  was  great,  magnanimous,  and 
paternal,  and  would  only  remonstrate :  it  would  do  nothing, 
that,  in  the  slightest  degree,  could  be  construed  into  hos 
tility. 

In  the  mean  time,  rebellion  went  on.  The  South  imme 
diately  began  to  arouse  her  people  for  stern  war.  Her  mem 
bers  of  Congress  kept  their  places,  and  uttered  bold,  defiant 
treason  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  in  the  Senate. 
But  Northern  men  replied  with  forbearance,  or  not  at  all. 
Conservatives  were  allowed  to  take  the  lead.  Representa 
tives  of  strong  States  were  ready  to  pledge  the  repeal  of  all 
obnoxious  laws,  and  promise  that  there  should  be  no  obsta 
cles  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  recovery  of  fugitive  slaves. 
Most  condescending  compromise  measures  were  brought  for 
ward  ;  but  Southern  men  defeated  them.  A  Peace  Congress 
was  called,  in  which  the  greatest  exertions  were  made  to 
satisfy  the  proud,  defiant  spirit  that  seemed  to  have  no  other 
purpose  but  to  increase  the  irritation  and  to  gain  time. 
Brave,  patriotic  men  from  the  border  on  both  sides  did  their 
utmost  to  reach  some  pacific  result ;  but  it  was  literally  im 
possible.  A  few  men  of  broad  national  views  stood  up  man 
fully  for  the  honor  and  dignity  of  their  country ;  but  they 
were  overwhelmed  by  the  power  of  treason  on  the  one  hand, 
and  conciliation  on  the  other.  Only  God  could  have  prevent 
ed  and  did  prevent  the  passage  of  measures  which  would 
have  condemned  the  Republic  to  irredeemable  disgrace. 
When  the  last  grand  crisis  came,  and  only  two  votes  were 
needed  to  compromise  the  government  in  behalf  of  the 
slave-power,  Southern  men  refused  the  votes ;  and  it  was  all 
over.  Once  more  the  voice  of  the  Great  Sovereign  was 
heard  saying.  "  Thou  shalt  not  bow  down  to  them." 


THE   WAR  OF  SLAVERY   AND  FREEDOM.  595 

But  rebellion  went  steadily  on.  The  Executive  was  with 
out  nerve.  He  declared  that  the  government  had  no  power 
to  coerce  a  State.  There  was  treason  in  the  cabinet.  The 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  a  Southern  man ;  and  he  had 
managed  so  as  to  reduce  the  nation  to  the  very  verge  of 
bankruptcy.  The  Secretary  of  War  was  a  Southern  conspir 
ator;  and  he  had  sent  off  all  the  arms  within  his  reach  to 
the  South.  Mr.  Pollard,  their  own  historian,  says,  "  It  had 
been  supposed  that  the  Southern  people,  poor  in  manufac 
tures  as  they  were,  and  in  the  haste  for  the  mighty  contest  that 
was  to  ensue,  would  find  themselves  but  illy  provided  with 
arms  to  contend  with  an  enemy  rich  in  the  means  and  muni 
tions  of  war.  This  disadvantage  had  been  provided  against  by 
the  timely  act  of  one  man.  Mr.  Floyd  of  Virginia,  when 
Secretary  of  War  under  Mr.  Buchanan's  administration,  had, 
by  a  single  order,  effected  the  transfer  of  a  hundred  and 
fifteen  thousand  improved  muskets  and  rifles  from  the  Spring 
field  Armory  and  Watervleit  Arsenal  to  different  arsenals 
at  the  South.  Adding  to  these  the  number  of  arms  distrib 
uted  by  the  Federal  Government  to  the  States  in  preceding 
years  of  our  history,  and  those  purchased  by  the  States  and 
citizens,  it  was  safely  estimated  that  the  South  entered 
upon  the  war  with  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  small 
arms  of  the  most  approved  modern  pattern,  and  the  best 
in  the  world."  Thus  had  this  faithless  cabinet  minister 
availed  himself  of  his  high  position  to  betray  the  govern 
ment  he  was  sworn  to  defend.  He  made  an  additional 
bold  attempt  to  supply  the  rebels  with  heavy  ordnance ;  but 
the  prompt  uprising  and  loyal  resistance  of  citizens  of  Pitts- 
burg  defeated  this  treacherous  order.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  also  a  Southern  secessionist,  had  suffered  an  enor 
mous  fraud  in  connection  with  his  department,  tending  to 
shake  the  public  confidence  in  government  securities.  The 
obsequious  power  at  the  head  of  the  Navy  Department  had 
scattered  our  ships-of-war  over  the  world;  so  that,  at  the 
opening  of  hostilities,  we  had  but  twelve  vessels  belonging 


596  THE   GEE  AT   REPUBLIC. 

to  the  home  squadron ;  and  only  three  of  these,  with  a  store- 
ship  in  the  harbor  of  New  York,  were  in  Northern  waters. 

There  was,  moreover,  treason  in  the  army.  Several  dis 
tinguished  generals  and  subordinate  officers  of  the  regular 
army  resigned  their  commissions,  and  appeared  in  command 
of  the  organizing  forces  of  rebellion.  Finally,  Brig.-Gen. 
Twiggs  turned  over  his  whole  army  in  Texas,  with  prop 
erty  amounting  to  $1,209,500,  besides  real  estate,  to  Gen. 
Ben  M'Culloch,  representing  the  rebels  in  that  State.  Thus, 
by  one  act  of  most  dishonorable  treason,  the  United  States 
lost  full  one-half  of  her  entire  military  force. 

It  would  seem  that  Providence  permitted  the  government 
of  freedom  to  come  up  to  this  terrible  crisis,  and  commence 
its  struggle  for  life,  in  a  state  of  absolute  helplessness. 
According  to  all  human  appearance,  ruin  was  inevitable. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  public  property  in  the  South  was 
seized  by  the  conspirators.  One  after  another,  our  forts  and 
arsenals,  post-offices  and  vessels,  were  surrendered  to  the 
rebels,  or  violently  seized ;  and  on  the  ninth  day  of  February, 
1861,  by  a  convention  in  Montgomery,  Ala.,  assembled  at  the 
call  of  South  Carolina,  the  great  act  of  treason  was  consum 
mated  by  the  formal  organization  of  the  Confederate  States 
of  America.  The  Confederate  Congress  elected  Jefferson 
Davis,  of  Mississippi,  President ;  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens, 
of  Georgia,  Vice-President.  With  protestations  of  a  desire 
for  peace,  but  a  readiness  for  war,  this  treasonable  organiza 
tion  entered  upon  its  career  of  blood  and  ruin  in  the  spirit 
of  triumph.  Mr.  Davis  said  in  Stephen,  Ala.,  "  Your  border 
States  will  gladly  come  into  the  Southern  Confederacy  with 
in  sixty  days,  as  we  will  be  their  only  friends.  England  will 
recognize  us,  and  a  glorious  future  is  before  us.  The  grass  will 
grow  in  the  Northern  cities,  where  the  pavements  have  been 
worn  off  by  the  tread  of  commerce.  We  will  carry  war  where 
it  is  easy  to  advance,  where  food  for  the  sword  and  torch  await 
our  armies  in  the  densely-populated  cities;  and,  though  they 
may  come  and  spoil  our  crops,  we  can  raise  them  as  before, 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         597 

while  they  cannot  rear  the  cities  which  took  years  of  indus 
try  and  millions  of  money  to  build." 

Mr.  Stephens  said  of  this  new  government,  "Its  founda 
tions  are  laid,  its  corner-stone  rests,  upon  the  great  truth, 
that  the  negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white  man ;  that  slavery, 
subordination  to  the  superior  race,  is  his  natural  and  normal 
condition.  This  our  new  government  is  the  first  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  world  based  upon  this  great  physical,  philosophical, 
and  moral  truth.  This  stone,  which  was  rejected  by  the 
first  builders,  is  become  the  chief  stone  of  the  corner  in  our 
new  edifice.  I  have  been  asked,  What  of  the  future  ?  It 
has  been  apprehended  by  some  that  we  would  have  arrayed 
against  us  the  civilized  world.  I  care  not  who  or  how  many 
they  may  be:  when  we  stand  upon  the  eternal  principles 
of  truth,  we  are  obliged  to  and  must  triumph." 

See  also  with  what  complacency  this  otherwise  truly  great 
man  alludes  to  the  future  of  the  old  United  States,  and  the 
gracious  arrangements  made  for  their  accommodation,  as,  one 
after  another,  they  should  by  necessity  turn  to  the  glorious 
Confederacy  for  protection.  "  Our  growth,"  he  says,  "  by 
accessions  of  other  States,  will  depend  greatly  upon  whether 
we  present  to  the  world,  as  I  trust  we  shall,  a  better  govern 
ment  than  that  to  which  they  belong.  If  we  do  this,  North 
Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Arkansas  cannot  hesitate  long; 
neither  can  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri.  They  will 
necessarily  gravitate  to  us  by  an  imperious  law.  We  made 
ample  provision  in  our  constitution  for  the  admission  of  other 
States.  It  is  more  guarded,  and  wisely  so  I  think,  than  the 
old  Constitution  on  the  same  subject ;  but  not  too  guarded 
to  receive  them  so  fast  as  it  may  be  proper.  Looking  to  the 
distant  future,  and  perhaps  not  very  distant  either,  it  is  not 
beyond  the  range  of  possibility,  and  even  probability,  that 
all  the  great  States  of  the  North-west  shall  gravitate  this 
way.  Should  they  do  so,  our  doors  are  wide  open  to  receive 
them,  but  not  until  they  are  ready  to  assimilate  with  us  in 
principle.  The  process  of  disintegration  in  the  old  Union 


598  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

may  be  expected  to  go  on  with  almost  absolute  certainty. 
We  are  now  the  nucleus  of  a  growing  power,  which,  if  we 
are  true  to  ourselves,  our  destiny,  and  our  high  mission,  will 
become  the  controlling  power  on  this  continent." 

FORT   SUMTER. 

When  the  undisguised  treason  of  South  Carolina  appeared, 
Major  Kobert  Anderson,  a  gallant  Kentuckian,  had  com 
mand  of  seventy  men,  with  headquarters  at  Fort  Moultrie. 
Regarding  this  position  as  critical  and  unsafe,  he  quietly 
removed  his  small  garrison  to  Fort  Sumter.  It  was  farther 
from  Charleston,  and  a  better  fort.  This  the  leaders  of  the 
Rebellion  considered  an  offence  to  the  nation  of  South  Caro 
lina.  Their  papers  denounced  it  as  an  act  of  hostility,  and 
in  violation  of  an  express  understanding  with  the  govern 
ment.  Mr.  Floyd  professed  to  be  very  indignant  at  this 
breach  of  faith,  and  demanded  that  Mr.  Buchanan  should 
order  our  troops  to  evacuate  the  forts  in  Charleston  Harbor. 
As  the  President  hesitated,  and  Floyd  saw  no  further  oppor 
tunity  of  serving  the  cause  of  secession  without  danger  to 
himself,  he  made  this  the  occasion  of  his  resignation,  and 
went  deliberately  from  under  the  eyes  of  the  government 
over  to  her  deadly  foes. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  volunteers  from  South  Carolina, 
and  then  from  other  Southern  States,  came  into  Charleston 
in  great  numbers,  armed  and  drilled,  ready  to  open  the  war. 
They  immediately  took  possession  of  Fort  Moultrie,  and 
commenced  a  vigorous  improvement  of  all  their  military 
defences. 

The  feeling  of  concern  and  alarm  began  to  extend  through 
the  North.  Timid,  conservative  men  joined  with  the  rebels 
to  entreat  Mr.  Buchanan  not  to  do  any  thing  that  would  irri 
tate  the  South,  or  provoke  hostilities;  while  brave,  manly 
patriots  demanded  that  Fort  Sumter  should  be  immediately 
re-enforced  and  provisioned.  The  Legislature  of  South  Caro- 


THE  WAR  OF   SLAVERY  AND   FREEDOM.  599 

lina  resolved,  that  "  any  attempt  by  the  Federal  Government 
to  re-enforce  Fort  Sumter  will  be  regarded  as  an  act  of  open 
hostility,  and  a  declaration  of  war."  Gen.  Dix,  then  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  had  attempted,  but  too  late,  to  save 
two  or  three  vessels  at  Mobile  and  on  the  Mississippi,  and 
had  sent  that  despatch  which  thrilled  the  patriotic  heart  of 
the  nation,  — "  If  any  man  attempts  to  haul  down  the 
American  flag,  shoot  him  on  the  spot." 

Government  determined  to  make  an  effort  to  relieve  our 
garrison.  For  this  purpose,  "  The  Star  of  the  West,"  a  small 
steamer,  left  on  the  night  of  the  5th  of  June,  with  two 
hundred  and  fifty  men  and  a  supply  of  food,  for  Fort  Sumter. 
She  reached  the  waters  off  the  city  of  Charleston  on  the 
9th ;  and,  as  she  moved  up  toward  Fort  Sumter,  "  she  was 
fired  upon  from  Fort  Moultrie  and  a  battery  on  Morris  Is 
land,  and,  being  struck  by  a  shot,  put  about,  and  left  for  New 
York,  without  even  communicating  with  Major  Anderson."  * 
Thus  the  conspirators  commenced  the  war. 

On  the  third  day  of  March,  P.  G.  T.  Beauregard  was  com 
missioned  by  Jefferson  Davis  as  a  brigadier-general,  and 
placed  in  command  of  all  the  forces  at  Charleston.  On  the 
day  following,  Abraham  Lincoln  was  inaugurated  President 
of  the  United  States. 

A  small  number  of  vessels  had  been  collected,  and  sent  to 
the  relief  of  Fort  Sumter  ;  the  President  frankly  and  humane 
ly  sending  word  to  the  men  leading  the  Rebellion,  that  these 
vessels  were  not  to  make  war  upon  them,  but  "  to  supply  Fort 
Sumter  with  provisions  only ;  and  that,  if  such  attempt  be  not 
resisted,  no  effort  to  throw  in  more  arms  or  ammunition  will 
be  made,  without  further  notice,  or  in  case  of  an  attack  upon 
the  fort." 

Under  instructions  from  Mr.  Walker,  Confederate  Secretary 
of  War,  Gen.  Beauregard,  on  the  llth  of  April,  demanded 
the  surrender  of  the  fort,  which  Major  Anderson  promptly 
declined.  After  notice  of  a  single  hour,  at  half-past  four, 

*  Greeley,  i.  412. 


600  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

A.M.,  on  the  twelfth  day  of  April,  1861,  the  first  gun  was  fired 
at  Fort  Sumter,  from  Fort  Johnson,  by  Mr.  Ruffin  of  Vir 
ginia,  who  craved  the  privilege  as  a  distinguished  honor. 
This  gun  awoke  the  nation  from  its  slumbers.  To  the  Con 
federate  rebels  it  was  the  signal  of  the  complete  triumph  of 
the  slave-power  and  the  death-knell  of  the  Union :  in  fact, 
however,  it  was  the  death-knell  of  slavery,  and  the  formal 
announcement  of  a  new  era  of  liberty  to  the  continent  and 
the  world. 

The  conflict  was  short.  Immediately  the  fires  of  Moul- 
trie,  Cumming's  Point,  and  the  floating-battery,  answered 
the  signal  gun  from  Johnson ;  and  a  sheet  of  flame  encir 
cled  the  doomed  fort  and  its  gallant  defenders. 

Major  Anderson  made  no  hasty  response.  As  was  fitting, 
for  two  hoars  and  a  half  this  rebel  fire  poured  its  missiles 
upon  the  government  fort  without  a  note  of  response,  that  the 
world  might  know  that  the  Confederates  began  the  war.  At 
length  the  guns  of  Major  Anderson  told  the  world  that  the 
nation  would  resist,  and  fight  for  its  life.  For  thirty-four 
hours,  this  storm  of  ruin  fell  upon  Fort  Sumter,  to  be  answered 
by  the  few  guns  of  the  Republic  amid  suffocating  smoke  and 
the  flames  of  every  thing  combustible.  The  provisions  of 
the  little  garrison  were  almost  exhausted,  their  guns  dis 
mounted,  their  ammunition  nearly  gone.  A  chivalrous  feel 
ing  rose  in  the  hearts  of  the  assailants  toward  their  heroic 
countrymen  in  their  imperilled  condition.  Mr.  Wigfall  of 
Texas  risked  his  life  to  induce  Major  Anderson  to  cease  re 
sistance.  Representatives  of  the  conspirators  took  up  the 
negotiation,  and  the  fort  was  surrendered.  The  brief  de 
spatch  of  Major  Anderson  to  his  government,  dated  April  18, 
1861,  will  explain  the  whole  :  "  Having  defended  Fort  Sum 
ter  for  thirty-four  hours,  until  the  quarters  were  entirely 
burned,  the  main  gates  destroyed,  the  gorge-wall  seriously 
injured,  the  magazine  surrounded  by  flames,  and  its  door 
closed  from  the  effects  of  the  heat,  —  four  barrels  and  three 
cartridges  of  powder  only  being  available,  and  no  provisions 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         601 

but  pork  remaining,  —  I  accepted  terms  of  evacuation  offered 
by  Gen.  Beauregard  (being  the  same  offered  by  him  on  the 
llth  instant,  prior  to  the  commencement  of  hostilities),  and 
marched  out  of  the  fort  on  Sunday  afternoon,  the  14th  in 
stant,  with  colors  flying  and  drums  beating,  bringing  away 
company  and  private  property,  and  saluting  my  flag  with 
fifty  guns." 

It  is  not  as  a  battle  between  armies  that  this  event  is  to 
be  considered  \  for  it  was  simply  seventy  men  in  a  beleaguered 
fort,  with  nothing  in  preparation  for  war,  maintaining  with 
the  greatest  heroism  the  honor  of  their  nation  and  flag  to  the 
last  moment,  against  some  seven  thousand  men  with  all 
the  munitions  of  war  and  perfection  of  appointments  which 
money  or  science  could  provide.  Not  a  man  had  been  killed 
(God  so  ordered),  excepting  one  by  the  bursting  of  a  gun 
in  firing  the  salute.  But  enough  had  been  done  to  "  fire  the 
Southern  heart,"  and  to  awaken  in  the  breasts  of  patriot 
Americans  the  spirit  which  would  rise  to  vindicate  the  na 
tion's  honor,  and  save  our  liberties. 


PROVIDENTIAL    ADJUSTMENTS. 

"We  have  seen,  that,  whether  willing  or  otherwise,  American 
freemen  were  brought  sternly  up  to  confront  this  menacing 
despotism.  No  cringing  submission,  no  humiliating  com 
promise,  could  avert  the  danger.  All  the  endeavors  of 
men,  however  rash  or  grave,  were  baffled  by  a  power  to  a 
large  extent  unseen.  Thus  did  God  indicate  that  the  time 
had  come  for  a  final  settlement  of  this  grand  question  of 
the  continents  and  the  ages. 

The  war,  as  it  advanced,  would  show  that  vast  sums  of 
money  were  required  to  meet  its  expenses ;  and,  in  the  re 
duced  condition  of  government  finances,  faith  in  God, 
and  confidence  in  the  people,  took  the  place  of  visible  re 
sources.  We  were  compelled  to  fight.  The  bayonet  was  at 
our  breasts.  The  shouts  of  defiance  from  the  gathering 


602  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

hosts  of  rebellion  were  ringing  in  our  ears.  The  overt  acts 
of  treason  were  rapidly  impoverishing  us,  and  taking  away 
the  means  of  resistance.  There  was  no  alternative  but  to 
rise  in  arms,  or  hand  over  the  fairest  country  and  best 
government  in  the  world  to  the  hopeless  rule  of  an  odious 
tyranny.  In  such  a  crisis,  how  manifestly  the  wisdom  of 
God  rises  above  the  folly  of  men !  It  soon  began  to  appear 
that  he  had  given  to  the  friends  of  the  government  every 
where  a  large  amount  of  surplus  wealth,  and  a  disposition 
to  use  it  freely  in  defence  of  the  public  liberties.  It  was, 
moreover,  a  striking  consideration  that  the  rich  and  exhaust- 
less  mines  of  gold  and  silver  on  the  Pacific  slope,  and  on  both 
sides  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  the  Sierra  Nevadas,  had 
been  hid  away  during  the  long  ages,  and  then  discovered 
and  developed  just  in  time  to  meet  this  grand  emergency. 
Without  the  large  annual  yield  of  the  precious  metals  from 
these  mines,  it  may  be  safely  said  that  the  resources  for  the 
war  would  have  been  soon  exhausted,  and  the  absolute  destruc 
tion  of  trade  must  have  compelled  a  premature  accommoda 
tion.  Equally  providential  was  the  fact,  that  the  death- 
struggle  of  the  slave-power  to  get  control  of  our  Pacific  em 
pire  in  advance  of  the  crisis  signally  failed.  God  stirred  up 
the  spirit  of  a  few  brave  men  to  fight  that  battle  on  the 
coast ;  and  they  were  Christian  men,  Christian  ministers  in 
deed,  who  moved  to  the  front  in  the  conflict,  and,  at  the  risk  of 
obloquy  and  personal  violence,  led  on  the  moral  battles  which 
saved  that  grand  inheritance  for  freedom.  This  was  Provi 
dence  :  it  was  God  forecasting,  and  providing  for  contingen 
cies  utterly  beyond  the  reach  of  human  sagacity. 

And  men  were  as  indispensable  as  money, — not  mere 
numbers ;  for  nothing  is  more  unreliable  than  the  calcula 
tions  of  physical  theorists  as  to  just  how  many  men  it  will 
require  to  secure  success  to  a  revolution  or  to  overwhelm  a 
rebellion.  When  we  say  men  were  required,  we  mean  not 
merely  the  hundreds  of  thousands,  the  millions,  to  rise  at  the 
nation's  call,  and  rush  to  the  field  of  conflict ;  but  we  mean 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         603 

true  men,  strong  men,  with  a  powerful,  enduring  physique, 
and  mental  force  to  sustain  it ;  patriotic  men,  who  cared 
more  for  their  country  and  liberties  than  for  wealth  or  com 
fort,  or  even  life  itself;  brave  men,  who  would  not  shrink 
from  the  flashing  steel  or  the  belching  cannon ;  men  who 
were  willing  to  be  taxed  to  the  last  dollar  if  need  be ;  men 
imbued  with  the  high  faith  of  religion,  and  who  could  go 
into  battle  from  their  knees,  and  with  songs  of  praise  to  the 
Lord  of  hosts  as  their  great  commander:  such  men  were 
required,  and  God  had  provided  them  in  unnumbered  thou 
sands.  The  men  of  the  churches,  the  very  choicest  young  men 
from  the  prayer  and  class  room,  from  the  Sunday  school,  and 
the  rooms  of  Christian  associations,  were  everywhere  seen 
gathering  around  the  flag,  ready  to  consecrate  it  by  their 
prayers,  and  bathe  it  in  their  tears  and  their  blood.  They 
were  the  very  life  and  soul  of  the  grand  army  of  Freedom. 

But  these  brave  citizens  must  be  led ;  and  it  was  a  grave 
question  who  should  be  at  the  head  of  the  nation  when  this 
frightful  contest  should  come  on.  It  must,  moreover,  be  de 
cided  while  yet  an  impenetrable  veil  hung  over  the  dreadful 
future  then  just  at  hand.  There  was  no  wisdom  in  us  equal 
to  the  selection  of  this  man.  We  had  our  favorite  candi 
dates  :  we  were  grieved  when  they  seemed  strangely  pushed 
aside,  and  a  new  man,  a  plain,  untried  man,  rose  up  to  receive 
our  suffrage.  I  affirm  that  the  people  did  not  know  this 
man ;  did  not  understand  why  he  must  be  the  choice  of  our 
leaders.  We  voted  for  him  mechanically,  blindly,  to  a  large 
extent,  simply  understanding  that  he  was  a  brave  advocate 
for  liberty ;  that  he  had  not  bowed  down  to  slavery,  and  trust 
ing  that  he  would  not;  that  be  was  a  great  debater,  and  a 
defeated  candidate  for  the  United-States  Senate  ;  that  he 
had  a  reputation  for  honesty  and  integrity,  —  all  sterling 
qualities :  but  there  were  a  thousand  more,  who,  so  far  as 
we  could  see,  had  these  to  an  equal  degree,  and  a  few  who 
had  much  higher  claims  to  statesmanship.  We  did  not 
select  him.  He  was  brought  forward,  put  into  our  hands, 


604  THE   GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

and  placed  at  the  head  of  the  government,  by  One  who 
knew  the  coming  events,  and  the  man  to  guide  the  nation 
through  the  storm. 

The  same  is  true  with  regard  to  the  leading  minds  in  and 
out  of  Congress,  and  eminently  so  with  regard  to  the  com 
manders  of  our  army  and  navy.  How  blind  were  most  of 
our  appointments !  and  how  uncertain,  in  consequence,  were 
our  battles  and  campaigns  !  But  at  the  right  time,  when 
the  crisis  demanded  it,  how  strangely  did  an  unseen  Power 
bring  forward  the  men,  and  especially  the  one  great  com 
mander,  to  lead  our  armies  through  carnage  and  strife  to  the 
final  triumph  of  liberty  !  In  how  few  instances  did  the  pop 
ular  ideas  and  the  judgment  of  Providence  coincide !  but 
how  clearly  were  the  acts  of  God  vindicated  !  No  matter 
how  obscure  and  unpretending  the  man ;  God  chose  him : 
and  we  at  length  saw  him,  —  the  man,  apparently  the  only 
man,  for  the  grand  emergency.  Thus  did  Omniscient  Wis 
dom  adjust  the  conditions  of  our  final  success. 


BULL   RUN. 

On  the  16th  of  July,  1861,  thirty  thousand  men  moved 
out,  under  Gen.  McDowell,  to  offer  battle  to  an  army  of 
twenty  thousand  Confederates,  under  Gen.  Beauregard,  at 
Manassas.  As  auxiliary  forces,  the  government  had  eighteen 
thousand  men  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  under  Gen.  Pat 
terson,  confronting  eight  thousand  under  Gen.  J.  E.  John 
ston  at  Winchester.  Gen.  Patterson  was  ordered  to  oc 
cupy  the  attention  of  Gen.  Johnston,  and  prevent  him 
from  re-enforcing  Beauregard. 

McDowell's  forces  moved  in  four  divisions,  commanded 
respectively  by  Gen.  Tyler,  Col.  Hunter,  Col.  Heintzelman, 
and  Col.  Miles.  These  men  were  brave,  but  undisciplined. 
Their  march  to  the  field  of  conflict  was  irregular  and 
retarded.  This,  with  the  difficulty  of  bringing  up  his  trains, 
left  Gen.  M'Dowell  a  day  behind  his  plans,  —  an  impor- 


THE   WAR   OF   SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.  605 

tant  day  to  the  Confederates.  He  reached  his  headquar 
ters,  at  Centre ville,  on  the  18th.  A  reconnoissance  in  force, 
under  Gen.  Tyler,  was  immediately  ordered,  who,  too  im 
petuous,  opened  an  artillery-fire,  which  at  once  notified 
the  enemy  of  the  contemplated  attack,  and  changed  the 
plan  of  the  action  ;  for  Beauregard  was  just  completing 
his  arrangements  to  commence  the  offensive,  when  he  dis 
covered  that  he  might  receive  his  antagonist  on  his  chosen 
ground,  and  with  the  advantage  of  his  field-works.  Tyler, 
not  content  without  an  engagement,  then  deployed  his 
infantry  along  the  run  at  Blackburn's  Ford,  and  ordered 
them  to  fire  into  the  woods.  As  this  was  a  material  point 
of  the  Confederates,  they  responded  briskly  ;  and  Tyler 
found  it  prudent  to  withdraw  his  men. 

The  prelude  to  the  great  battle  occupied  the  19th  and  the 
morning  of  the  20th.  In  the  mean  time,  M'Dowell  had 
changed  his  plan. 

Eight  brigades  of  the  Confederates  confronted  the  Union 
army,  guarding  all  the  fords.  A  large  portion  of  John 
ston's  forces  had  escaped  Patterson,  and  joined  Beauregard. 
This  brought  also  to  the  Confederates  the  superior  military 
skill  oi'  Gen.  Johnston,  who  ranked  Beauregard,  and  who 
upon  all  occasions  showed  the  cool  deliberation  and  steady 
valor  of  a  good  commander. 

The  Confederate  generals  now  resolved  to  take  the  initia 
tive;  and,  on  the  night  of  the  20th,  orders  were  despatched  to 
cross  the  creek  at  the  lower  fords,  and  attempt  to  turn  the 
Union  left.  Before  these  orders  reached  their  destination, 
Gen.  McDowell  had  commenced  the  attack.  Most  unfor 
tunately,  this  was  Sunday  morning,  God's  day  of  rest.  Hunt 
er's  and  Heintzelman's  divisions,  being  behind  Tyler's,  were 
delayed  three  hours  beyond  the  time  appointed  in  getting 
to  their  position  across  Sudley's  Ford,  where  the  first  main 
attack  was  to  be  made.  Tyler,  prompt  as  usual,  moved  up 
to  his  place  at  Stone  Bridge,  and  at  half-past  six  precisely, 
the  time  appointed,  fired  his  signal  gun.  Evans,  on  the  ex- 


606  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

treme  rebel  left,  was  occupied  some  three  hours  by  the  noise 
of  Tyler's  cannonade ;  but,  observing  a  large  column  of  men 
moving  through  the  woods  toward  his  rear,  he  changed  front, 
and,  in  half  an  hour,  threw  his  demi-brigade  in  order  of  battle 
in  the  way  of  the  advancing  Union  troops.  Burnside's  men 
came  first  into  action ;  Porter's  next  debouched  from  the 
woods,  and  formed  on  the  right ;  Sykes,  with  his  eight  hun 
dred  regulars  and  Griffin's  battery,  took  position  promptly 
on  the  left;  and  the  great  battle  began.  Re-enforcements 
came  to  the  support  of  Evans  on  the  Confederate  side. 
Col.  Bee  with  a  part  of  his  brigade  from  Johnston's  army, 
Col.  Bartow  with  a  portion  of  his  brigade,  and  Imboden 
and  Richardson  with  six  additional  pieces  of  artillery,  came 
up,  and  entered  vigorously  into  the  conflict.  The  rebels'  right, 
in  the  woods,  was  pressed  severely  by  Sykes's  battalion.  Col. 
Bee,  now  in  command  of  the  Confederates,  resisted  with 
great  bravery  and  strength ;  but  the  Union  troops  pressed 
him  back,  and  soon  became  masters  of  that  part  of  the  field. 
They  swept  across  Young's  Branch,  and  forced  the  enemy  up 
the  slope  to  the  top  of  the  hill.  Hampton,  with  his  famous 
legion,  rushed  in  to  restore  the  battle,  but,  as  Johnston  said, 
"only  helped  to  render  efficient  service  in  maintaining  the 
orderly  character  of  the  retreat  from  that  point."  On  the 
top  of  the  ridge  stood  Col.  Jackson  with  his  brigade, 
dressed  and  calm  as  on  a  public  parade.  "  There,"  said  Bee, 
"is  Jackson,  standing  like  a  stone  wall ;  "  and  ever  thereafter 
he  was  "  Stonewall  Jackson." 

Let  us  now  turn  to  another  part  of  this  bloody  field. 
The  movement  of  Evans  to  meet  Hunter  had  left  an  open 
ing  in  the  Confederate  lines.  From  the  tops  of  trees  it  was 
seen  that  Evans  was  receding  from  the  fire  of  Hunter's  men. 
His  re-enforcements  coming  up  increased  his  stubborn  resist 
ance,  but  without  decisive  effect.  Tyler  ordered  Sherman 
and  Keyes  to  move  up  to  Hunter's  left.  This  was  done 
promptly  ;  but,  the  enemy  yielding  to  the  energy  of  Hunter's 
forces,  Sherman,  reporting  to  M'Dowell,  was  ordered  to  join 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY   AND  FREEDOM.  607 

in  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  who  were  falling  back  to  the 
Sudley-springs  Road.  Keyes  formed  on  the  left;  and  Heintzel- 
man  swept  over  the  conquered  field,  and  came  up  vigorously 
into  action. 

Victory  for  the  grand  army  of  the  Republic  now  seemed 
certain.  McDowell  had  three  divisions,  including  some 
eighteen  thousand  men  in  admirable  position ;  and,  flushed 
with  victory,  they  were  ready  to  move  on,  and  finish  the 
battle. 

Johnston  and  Beauregard,  seeing  the  critical  condition  of 
their  army,  ordered  up  fresh  troops.  The  brigades  of  Holmes, 
Early,  Bonham,  and  Ewell,  with  the  batteries  of  Pendleton 
and  Albertis,  promptly  entered  the  struggle.  The  Confeder 
ate  commanders  rode  rapidly  four  miles  to  the  front,  and 
threw  themselves  into  the  places  of  dreadful  slaughter. 
Johnston  seized  the  colors  of  the  Fourth  Alabama,  and  of 
fered  to  lead  the  attack.  Gen.  Beauregard  leaped  from  his 
horse,  and,  turning  his  face  to  his  troops,  exclaimed,  "I 
have  come  here  to  die  with  you!"  The  courage  of  their 
fainting  army  rose  again.  Many  of  the  broken  troops,  frag 
ments  of  companies,  and  individual  stragglers,  were  re-formed, 
and  brought  into  action.  The  battle  was  restored,  and  now 
raged  furiously  on  the  plateau  around  the  Henry  and  the 
Robinson  Houses.  The  brigades  of  Bee,  Evans,  Bartow, 
Bonham,  Jackson,  Hampton's  legion,  and  Fisher's  regiment, 
with  the  batteries  of  Imboden,  Pendleton,  Albertis,  and 
others,  now  formed  a  new  line  of  battle ;  and  they  were  as 
sailed  with  terrific  energy  by  Union  forces  under  com 
mand  of  Wilcox  and  Howard,  supported  by  parts  of  Porter's 
brigade  and  Palmer's  cavalry  on  the  right,  Franklin  and 
Sherman  in  the  centre,  and  Keyes  on  the  left.  The  batteries 
of  Rickett  and  Griffin  were  on  the  right,  and  that  of  Rhode 
Island  on  the  left.  Schenck's  brigade  and  Ayres's  battery 
on  the  other  side  of  the  run,  and  nine  thousand  men  under 
Miles  at  Centreville,  were  in  reserve. 

The  enemy's  right  now  rushed  to  the  charge  ;  and  Jack- 


608  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

son  hurled  his  column  against  and  broke  the  Union  centre. 
The  Confederates  gained  a  temporary  success,  taking  the 
plateau,  and  capturing  several  guns ;  but  the  Union  infantry 
moved  up  in  heavy  force,  and  regained  the  field.  Once  more 
victory  perched  on  the  banners  of  Liberty,  and  a  certain  tri 
umph  seemed  just  at  hand. 

It  was  now  two  o'clock.  Fresh  troops  from  Johnston's 
army  came  up.  Reserves  were  brought  forward,  and  another 
dreadful  contest  came  on.  The  Confederates  came  forward 
with  ringing  cheers  and  dreadful  energy,  which  threatened 
to  carry  all  before  them.  Keyes  charged  up  the  slope, 
through  rebel  cavalry  and  infantry,  and  took  the  Rob- 
inson  House.  A  still  fiercer  conflict  raged  on  the  Union 
right,  around  the  Henry  House.  The  lines  surged  one 
way  and  the  other.  Griffin's  and  Rickett's  batteries  were 
'captured  and  recaptured.  "  Three  times  the  Confederates 
overran  Griffin's  battery,  and  three  times  they  were  repulsed  ; 
while  thrice  also  the  Union  batteries  surged  in  vain  against 
the  Confederate  position."  :  The  battle  hung  in  suspense. 
The  heat  was  dreadful ;  and  the  suffering  of  the  Northern 
troops  was  almost  beyond  endurance. 

The  Confederate  commander  now  ordered  up  Swell's, 
Holmes' s,  and  Eaiiy's  brigades,  who  had  been  guarding  the 
fords  against  the  demonstrations  of  Miles  and  Richardson. 
These  fresh  troops  burst  upon  the  Union  lines  with  dreadful 
fury.  McDowell  brought  up  Howard's  brigade,  almost  fresh; 
Tyler  swept  through  the  abatis,  and,  carrying  the  batteries 
at  the  stone  bridge,  deployed  in  the  open  country  beyond. 
Schenck,  with  his  fresh  brigade,  dashed  across  the  stone  bridge, 
and  moved  on  to  the  right  of  the  enemy.  The  third  grand 
crisis  of  the  battle  had  come  ;  when  suddenly  on  the  enemy's 
left,  more  than  a  mile  distant,  the  front  of  a  column  was  seen 
in  motion.  By  signals,  Beauregard  was  warned  to  "  look 
out  for  the  enemy's  advance  on  the  left."  Was  it  Patterson, 
with  his  eighteen  thousand  fresh  troops,  to  relieve  the  pant- 

*  Decisive  Battles  of  the  War,  by  Swinton,  pp.  13-42. 


THE   WAR   OF   SLAVERY   AND  FREEDOM.  60 9 

ing,  bleeding  freemen,  and  decide  at  once  this  dreadful 
struggle?  or  was  it  the  long-expected  remaining  forces  of 
Johnston,  moving  up  to  give  sudden  triumph  to  the  mangled 
hosts  of  slavery  ?  All  eyes  were  strained  to  catch  the  light 
of  the  banners.  "  At  this  moment,"  says  Beauregard, "  I  must 
confess,  my  heart  failed  me.  I  could  not  tell  to  which  army 
the  waving  banners  belonged."  He  gave  to  Col.  Evans 
orders  for  Johnston  to  make  hasty  preparations  for  a  re 
treat.  Gazing  still  at  the  advancing  column,  a  gust  of  wind 
shook  out  the  folds  of  the  flag ;  and  it  was  the  stars  and 
bars.  "  Col.  Evans,"  exclaimed  Beauregard,  his  face  lighting 
up,  "ride  forward,  and  order  Gen.  Kirby  Smith  to  hurry  up 
his  command,  and  strike  them  on  the  flank  and  rear ! "  Cheer 
after  cheer  rose  from  the  Confederate  ranks.  Horror  seized 
the  bleeding,  panting  Union  men.  On,  on,  came  the  proud 
column,  with  their  weapons  of  death  glittering  in  the  sun.  In 
a  few  moments  more,  they  struck  our  staggering  ranks  in 
flank  and  rear.  Early's  fresh  brigade,  coming  up  at  the  in 
stant,  fell  upon  our  right  flank ;  and  Gen.  Beauregard  led 
on  his  now  fierce  and  rallying  hosts  in  the  centre.  It  was 
too  much  for  our  wearied,  bleeding  volunteers,  sweltering 
under  a  Southern  sun,  to  endure.  They  were  forced  down 
the  long-contested  hill;  and  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  was  lost. 
The  heroic  efforts  of  our  generals  to  re-form  their  columns 
were  but  partially  successful.  A  battery,  dashing  to  the 
rear  for  a  re-supply  of  ammunition,  was  supposed  to  be  in 
retreat ;  and  a  panic  began.  Masses  of  troops,  demoralized, 
surged  against  each  other.  A  shot  from  Kemper's  rebel  bat 
tery  struck  the  horses  of  a  wagon,  crossing  Cub-Run 
Bridge :  the  vehicle  was  overturned,  and  the  passage 
obstructed.  Amid  the  confusion,  the  Confederate  artillery 
began  to  play  upon  the  masses  rushing  for  the  obstructed 
bridge ;  and  a  scene  which  beggars  all  description  followed. 
Horses,  cannon,  men,  and  carriages  were  crushed  together 
in  one  tumultuous  ruin;  members  of  Congress,  gala-day 
spectators,  who  had  been  waiting  to  echo  the  exultant  shout 


77 


610  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

of  a  Union  victory,  and  join  the  hosts  of  freedom  as  they 
moved  in  triumph  "  on  to  Richmond,"  were  now  struggling 
for  their  lives  amid  the  surging  mass  rushing  toward 
Washington. 

The  Confederates  seemed  stunned  by  the  appalling  sight, 
and  paralyzed  by  the  effects  of  their  victory :  so  suddenly 
and  unexpectedly  had  they  been  rescued  from  ruin,  that 
commanders  and  men  seemed  not  to  have  strength  enough 
remaining  to  endure  their  joy.  There  was  no  pursuit  equal 
to  the  opportunity.  The  only  movement  of  importance  of 
this  kind  attempted  was  checked  by  a  single  battery,  with  a 
column  of  brave  men  from  the  reserves  at  Centreville ;  and 
the  Confederate  chieftains  gave  up  their  hosts,  first  to  de 
lirious  joy,  and  then  to  repose. 

The  Union  men  were  without  power  to  think,  command, 
or  obey,  until  they  had  reached  their  quarters  at  Alexandria. 
So  little  of  the  true  promptness  and  energy  of  a  successful 
campaign  appeared  in  the  rebel  army,  that  a  courageous 
commander,  with  a  small  body  of  men,  soon  turned  back  on 
the  track  of  the  route,  and,  gathering  up  at  his  leisure 
enormous  quantities  of  fire-arms,  heavy  ordnance,  and  am 
munition,  brought  them  in  safety  to  the  Union  camp. 

Several  things  in  this  first  terrible  battle  for  the  preser 
vation  of  the  Union  seem  at  first  inexplicable.  Why  did 
not  the  reserves  under  Miles  move  promptly  down  upon  the 
enemy  when  the  crisis  came,  and  the  fords  were  nearly 
abandoned  to  concentrate  all  the  rebel  forces  in  the  second 
grand  crisis  of  the  battle  ?  Perhaps  their  commander  re 
ceived  no  orders :  certain  it  is  that  he  was  in  no  condition 
to  understand  or  execute  them.  Richardson,  his  next  in 
command,  literally  implored  permission  to  move,  but  was 
not  allowed.  Thus  nine  thousand  fresh  troops  listened  to 
the  noise  of  the  battle,  which  was  at  length  literally  destroy 
ing  their  companions  in  arms,  without  being  allowed  to  march 
to  their  relief.  Why  were  not  fresh  re-enforcements  brought 
up  from  the  stations  in  the  rear,  and  hurried  on  from  Washing- 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.  6H 

ton  ?  The  infatuated  Union  authorities  were  too  sure  of  an 
easy  conquest  to  give  room  to  ordinary  prudence.  Why  did 
not  Patterson  detain  Johnston  at  Winchester  with  half  the 
number  of  men,  and  make  our  victory  certain  ?  or,  at  least, 
why  did  he  not  follow  Johnston  with  such  celerity  as  to  over 
take  him  on  the  grand  field  of  action  ?  or,  at  the  very  least, 
why  did  he  not  fall  upon  that  body  of  men  detained  for 
the  want  of  railroad  conveyance,  and  prevent  the  appear 
ance  of  that  splendid  column  on  the  field  in  the  last  grand 
crisis  ?  To  all  this  it  may  be  answered,  that  there  was  con 
fusion  of  orders  from  headquarters,  or  that  the  time  of  large 
numbers  of  Patterson's  three-months'  men  had  expired. 

But  all  the  explanations  given  are  inadequate.  How 
easily  could  all  these  conditions  have  been  controlled  by  the 
Hand  above  us !  The  time  had  not  come.  What  depths  of 
humiliation  for  our  national  sins  were  yet  to  be  reached ! 
what  severity  of  discipline,  what  struggles  for  justice,  before 
God  could  permit  our  arms  to  triumph  !  Had  the  onset  been 
delayed  till  our  army  organizations  and  drills  began  .to  ap 
proximate  true  military  orders  had  the  transportation  of  troops 
and  supplies  been  prompt,  so  as  to  have  brought  our  forces 
into  action  on  Friday,  as  was  intended,  instead  of  Sunday; 
had  Hunter  and  Heintzelman  been  able  to  get  their  forces 
into  position  on  the  enemy's  right  .before  the  firing  of  Tyler's 
signal  gun;  had  the  commander  of  the  reserves  retained  his 
sobriety  and  self-control ;  had  Patterson  moved  promptly,  and 
engaged  Johnston  only  for  twenty-four  hours,  —  how  certain 
would  have  been  our  victory  !  But  God  would  not  permit 
any  of  these  contingencies  to  control  the  result :  if  he  had, 
and  the  Union  troops  had  moved  on  to  immediate  and  suc 
cessive  conquests,  we  should  to-day  have  been  a  nation  of 
slaveholders ;  and  the  cry  of  injustice  would  now  rise  up  to 
Heaven  against  us.  We  had  learned  the  character  of  our 
foe,  gained  successes  sufficient  to  demonstrate  our  patriotism 
and  power  on  the  battle-field,  and  received  a  discipline  of 
inestimable  value.  This  was  all  Providence  intended. 


612  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

BALL'S  BLUFF. 

The  freemen  of  the  nation  were  humbled  and  roused  by 
the  disaster  of  Bull  Eun.  Volunteers  from  every  part  of 
the  country  poured  into  Washington ;  and  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  was  re-organized  under  Gen.  George  B.  M'Clellan. 
In  September,  he  held  his  first  grand  review,  and  seventy 
thousand  men  moved  with  great  military  precision  at  his  com 
mand  ;  but  still  the  number  increased,  until  absolute  neces 
sity  for  space  crowded  back  the  rebel  forces  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  Washington,  resting  upon  the  laurels  of  Manas- 
sas. 

On  the  20th  of  October,  Gen.  M'Clellan  ordered  Gen. 
Stone  to  "  keep  a  good  lookout  on  Leesburg,  to  see  if  dem 
onstrations  made  by  Gen.  M'Call  from  Dranesville  had  in 
duced  the  Confederates  to  retire  ;  "  and  Capt.  Philbrick,  from 
the  Fifteenth  Massachusetts,  with  a  few  men,  was  ordered 
to  cross,  by  the  way  of  Harrison  Island,  to  the  Virginia 
shore,  and  reconnoitre.  They  ascended  Ball's  Bluff  for  this 
purpose  ;  but  the  only  appearance  of  a  hostile  force  was  a 
small  camp  of  rebels  not  well  guarded.  Col.  Devens  was  direct 
ed  to  send  five  companies  of  his  regiment  quietly,  and  attack 
the  camp  at  daybreak.  Col.  Lee,  Twentieth  Massachusetts, 
was  to  take  charge  of  the  island  with  four  companies,  and 
send  one  of  them  over  to  the  Virginia  shore  to  wait  the  re 
turn  of  Col.  Devens.  Col.  Devens  accordingly  crossed,  and 
drew  up  his  five  companies  just  at  daylight.  Scouts  were 
sent  out,  who  reported  that  they  could  find  no  camp.  Col. 
Devens  advanced  to  within  a  mile  of  Leesburg,  and,  seeing 
no  enemy,  halted  in  a  wood,  reported  to  Gen.  Stone,  and 
waited  further  orders. 

At  seven,  A.M.,  he  discovered  a  company  of  riflemen,  and 
three  of  cavalry ;  but  they  retired  as  they  were  approached. 
Col.  Devens  then  fell  back  to  the  bluff,  where  he  received  orders 
from  Gen.  Stone  to  remain.  He  found  he  had  twenty-eight  offi 
cers,  and  six  hundred  and  twenty-five  men.  At  about  twelve, 


THE  WAR  OF   SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.  613 

M.,  with  his  little  army  in  an  open  field  of  about  six  acres, 
he  was  attacked  by  musketry  from  the  surrounding  woods. 
Falling  back  nearly  to  the  edge  of  the  bluff,  he  was  re-en 
forced  by  Col.  E.  D.  Baker  with  his  brave  California  regi 
ment,  who  immediately  saw  that  our  men  were  in  a  critical 
condition,  and  would  have  called  them  away;  but  it  was  too 
late :  they  were  already  engaged.  Col.  Baker  was  a  sena 
tor,  and  might  have  excused  himself  from  danger ;  but  his 
patriotism  and  bravery  would  not  allow  it.  He  had  seen 
the  demon  of  rebellion  loose,  and  raging  in  our  midst,  and 
his  soul  of  fire  could  not  be  restrained.  While  his  over 
whelming  eloquence  pleaded  for  his  country  in  the  senate- 
chamber,  there  was  treason  in  the  air,  treason  in  the  army 
and  navy,  treason  in  the  cabinet,  treason  in  the  halls  of 
congress ;  and  he  could  not  stay.  He  rushed  to  the  field  to 
be  compromised,  sacrificed  by  a  mistake,  a  crime.  Where 
was  the  responsibility  ?  No  one  could  tell.  He  did  not  in 
quire.  His  simple  exclamation,  "  This  is  a  bad  business,"  lin 
gers  upon  our  ears  to-day  like  the  knell  of  death. 

Col.  Baker,  as  the  highest  officer  in  the  field,  assumed  the 
command.  He  promptly  arranged  the  order  of  battle.  The 
Fifteenth  Massachusetts,  Col.  Devens,  six  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  men,  was  on  the  right ;  the  Twentieth  Massachusetts, 
Col.  Lee,  three  hundred  and  eighteen  men,  in  the  centre ;  the 
California  regiment,  Lieut.-Col.  Wistar,  and  the  New-York 
Tammany  regiment,  Col.  Milton  Cogswell,  in  the  rear  of  the 
California  regiment,  on  the  left,  —  one  thousand  nine  hun 
dred  men  in  all. 

These  brave  Union  soldiers  were  hardly  formed  before  they 
were  attacked  by  rebel  infantry  from  the  woods.  A  desperate 
struggle  of  two  hours  ensued.  Col.  Baker  exposed  himself 
like  a  common  soldier.  His  brave  and  gallant  bearing  amid 
the  slaughter  gave  courage  to  his  diminishing  forces,  and 
made  him  a  mark  for  rebel  bullets.  A  little  before  five  o'clock, 
he  fell,  shot  through  the  head.  The  rebel  who  shot  him  fell 
instantly  pierced  by  the  bullets  of  the  brave  soldiers  who 


614  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

rushed  to  save  their  idolized  commander.  His  body  was 
borne  away  in  mournful  triumph, 

Col.  Cogswell,  seeing  our  men  rapidly  falling,  took  the 
brave  resolution  of  cutting  his  way  through  to  Edwards 
Ferry,  only  three  miles  distant,  where  Gen.  Stone  had  a 
strong  force  unemployed ;  but,  in  the  attempt,  he  met  a 
fresh  Mississippi  regiment  advancing  from  the  direction  of 
the  ferry  expressly  to  cut  off  the  retreat.  Our  troops  gave 
way,  and  rushed  down  the  bluff,  to  find  no  provision  for 
their  escape.  The  rebels  advanced,  and  poured  into  the 
struggling,  helpless  mass  a  most  destructive  fire.  The  single 
fiat-bottomed  boat  was  over-loaded,  fired  into,  and  sunk. 
"  The  life-boat  and  skiff  were  upset  and  lost,  and  the  work 
of  unresisted  slaughter  went  on."  * 

A  few  escaped  in  the  darkness  to  tell  the  tale  of  another 
frightful  disaster  to  the  arms  of  the  Republic.  Why  re-en 
forcements  were  not  sent  from  Edwards  Ferry,  why  there 
were  no  transports  to  provide  against  casualties  on  the 
banks  of  a  deep  river,  no  one  can  tell :  we  only  know  that 
our  troops  were  left  to  be  slaughtered,  that  our  beloved 
Baker  had  fallen,  and  that  the  fair  fame  of  the  nation  was 
once  more  tarnished. 

PORT    ROYAL. 

As  an  evidence  of  the  elastic  power  of  the  United  States, 
in  contrast  with  the  twelve  ships  of  all  kinds  available  when 
the  war  began,  on  the  24th  of  October,  1861,  six  months 
from  the  attack  on  Sumter,  a  fleet  of  fifty  sail,  under  Rear- 
Admiral  S.  F.  Dupont,  moved  out  grandly  from  Hampton 
Roads  with  sealed  orders.  So  well  had  the  secret  of  its  des 
tination  been  kept,  that  the  excited  people,  whether  Union 
ists  or  Rebels,  could  not  tell  where  the  intended  blow  was 
likely  to  fall. 

Soon,  off  Cape  Hatteras,  this  proud  fleet  encountered  a 
most  furious  storm.  It  was  a  crisis  in  the  faith  of  our  loyal 

*  Greeley,  i.  623. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.        615 

people.  It  seemed  as  if  God  was  angry  with  us,  and  had 
commissioned  the  winds  of  heaven  to  destroy  us. 

At  length,  however,  the  storm  abated ;  and  Sunday  evening 
fourteen  sail  of  the  scattered  fleet  hove  in  sight.  Monday 
noon  the  flag-ship  "  Wabash,"  and  some  thirty-six  more  vessels, 
joined  the  squadron  off  Port  Royal. 

Tuesday,  while  the  admiral  was  making  his  dispositions  for 
battle,  he  was  attacked  by  three  rebel  gunboats ;  which,  how 
ever,  were  soon  willing  to  retire. 

Fort  Walker  on  Hilton  Head,  with  twenty-three  guns,  and 
Fort  Beauregard  on  Bay  Point,  with  fifteen  guns,  guarded 
the  entrance  to  Port-Royal  Sound.  At  nine  o'clock  Thursday 
morning,  "  The  Wabash"  gave  the  signal  for  advance,  and  led 
the  way;  and  the  " Susquehanna,"  "Mohican,"  "Serninole," 
"Pawnee,"  "Unadilla,"  "Pembina,"  "Bienville,"  "Seneca," 
"  Curlew,"  "Penguin,"  "Ottawa,"  and  "Vandalia"  vessels  se 
lected  for  their  light  draught,  followed  in  single  file,  with 
ports  open,  and  bristling  with  heavy  guns.  The  first  attack 
was  destined  for  Fort  Walker.  Beyond  the  entrance  of  the 
harbor  lay  the  little  rebel  fleet,  under  command  of  Tat- 
nall,  but  recently  an  honored  officer  of  the  American  navy. 
Still  farther  in  the  rear  was  "  a  fleet  of  steamboats,  that  had 
come  from  Charleston  to  witness  the  destruction  of  the 
Yankee  fleet." 

As  Dupont  approached  Hilton  Head,  a  tremendous  fire 
was  opened  upon  him  from  Fort  Walker ;  but  he  moved  on 
in  silence  until  three  vessels  were  in  position,  when  their 
broadsides  were  delivered ;  and  "  the  shot  and  shell  from 
seventy-five  guns  fell  in  one  wild  crash  on  the  fort."  He 
moved  on;  and,  one  after  another,  the  ships  followed,  deliv 
ering  their  fire  while  in  motion.  Thus  the  wooden  vessels 
were  at  no  time  stationary  targets  for  the  artillery  of  the 
fort ;  and,  moving  in  a  splendid  elliptical  circle,  they  poured 
a  constant  fire,  first  into  "  Walker,"  and  then  into  "  Beaure 
gard."  An  eighty-pound  rifle-ball  went  clear  through  the 
rnast  of  "The  Wabash;"  another  pierced  her  after-magazine, 


616  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

letting  the  water  into  it:  but  she  kept  on  her  sublime  way, 
proudly  leading  the  long  file  of  flaming  ships.  Capt.  Ro- 
gers  said,  " '  The  Wabash '  was  a  destroying  angel ;  hugging 
the  shore;  calling  the  soundings  with  cold  indifference; 
slowing  the  engine  so  as  to  give  only  steerage-way ;  signal 
ling  the  vessels  their  various  evolutions ;  and.  at  the  same 
time,  raining  shell,  as  with  target-practice,  too  fast  to  count." 

The  gunboats  found  an  available  position  in  a  cove,  and 
commenced  an  enfilading  fire  on  Hilton  Head.  At  twelve,  M., 
Admiral  Dupont  gave  the  signal,  and  his  ships  withdrew  for 
his  men  to  rest,  and  take  refreshments ;  but  the  gunboats 
kept  up  a  galling  fire. 

At  three  o'clock,  P.M.,  just  as  Admiral  Dupont  was  about 
to  commence  again  his  dreadful  circuit  of  death,  the  firing 
from  the  forts  ceased.  Capt.  Rogers  rowed  directly  to  Fort 
Walker,  and  found  it  deserted.  He  promptly  raised  the  stars 
and  stripes  above  the  ruins.  No  pen  can  describe  the  elec 
trical  effect  of  this  sight.  For  five  hours,  these  grim  mariners 
and  the  army  of  Gen.  Sherman  had  endured  the  perils,  or 
watched  the  progress,  of  this  terrific  battle ;  and  now  the 
flag  of  their  country  waved  in  triumph  in  token  of  victory. 
Cheers  rose  from  thousands  of  heroes;  and  "The  Star-span 
gled  Banner"  rang  out  through  the  Southern  air. 

Gen.  T.  W.  Sherman  landed  his  troops,  and  assumed 
command.  It  is  impossible  to  exaggerate  the  happy  effects 
of  this  victory.  The  government  of  the  Republic  had  re 
sumed  its  functions  within  the  territory  of  South  Carolina. 
Port  Royal  promptly  rose  to  importance  as  a  naval  depot. 
Her  piers  and  docks  were  alive  with  improvements.  This 
first  great  achievement  of  the  navy  had  filled  the  country 
with  triumphant  joy.  Our  disasters  on  land  were  well-nigh 
forgotten.  The  rebel  coast  was  thrown  into  the  greatest 
alarm.  Dupont,  the  naval  hero,  whose  praise  was  upon  the 
lips  of  patriots  everywhere,  moved  from  place  to  place ;  and, 
driving  the  rebel  forces  inland,  he  raised  the  flag  of  our 
Union  over  Fort  Clinch,  Fernandina,  and  St.  Augustine, 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.        017 

Fla. ;   and   the  whole   coast   of  Georgia  was   held   by  his 
squadron."  * 

ROANOKE   ISLAND. 

Jan.  11  and  12,  1862,  Commander  L.  M.  Goldsborough 
left  Fortress  Monroe  with  a  fleet  of  thirty-one  steam  gunboats, 
mounting  ninety-four  guns,  accompanied  by  eleven  thousand 
five  hundred  men  under  command  of  Gen.  Ambrose  E. 
Burnside.  This  army  was  mainly  from  New  England ;  and 
its  three  brigades,  commanded  by  Gens.  Foster,  Eeno,  and 
Parke,  "  embarked  with  their  materiel  on  some  thirty  to  for 
ty  steam  transports."  The  expedition  had  been  fitted  out, 
chiefly  in  New  York,  to  break  the  silence  in  the  East. 

Roanoke  Island  was  included  in  the  rebel  command  of 
Ex-Gov.  Henry  A.  Wise.  His  force  was  notoriously  in 
adequate  for  so  important  a  defence ;  and  he  made  the  most 
energetic  appeals  to  the  Confederate  War  Department  for  in 
crease  of  men  and  means.  He  was,  however,  simply  ordered 
to  repair  to  his  post.  The  rebel  Secretary  of  War,  Benjamin, 
despised  the  Union  forces  and  people,  and  showed,  as  did  the 
improvident  Southern  people  generally  on  the  Eastern  bor 
der,  the  slackness  resulting  from  their  disastrous  victory  at 
Manassas. 

Arriving  at  Hatteras  Inlet  on  the  13th,  our  ships  met  with 
great  difficulty  and  some  serious  disasters  in  attempting  to 
cross  the  bar.  It  was  the  5th  of  February  before  our  fleet 
and  stores  could  be  re-adjusted,  and  the  order  given  to  move. 
On  that  day,  sixty-five  vessels  passed  slowly  up  Pamlico  and 
Croatan  Sounds,  and  anchored  within  ten  miles  of  Eoanoke 
Island.  At  eight  o'clock,  A.M.,  on  the  6th,  the  fleet  moved ; 
and  at  eleven  o'clock  it  was  arrested  by  a  storm,  and  delayed 
till  ten,  A.M.,  of  the  next  day.  Passing  through  the  Roanoke 
Inlet,  a  rebel  fleet  of  seven  gunboats  appeared,  but,  moving 
before  our  vessels,  showed  no  disposition  to  engage.  At 

*  Farragut  and  our  Naval  Commanders,  by  Headley,  p.  135  :  see  also  the  whole  chap 
ter. 

78 


618  THE   GEEAT   REPUBLIC. 

twelve,  M.,  our  fleet  came  under  fire  of  a  strong  battery  known 
as  Fort  Bartow,  when  the  rebel  gunboats,  which  had  evidently 
intended  to  lead  us  there  to  destruction,  paused,  and  joined 
in  the  battle.  Our  brave  men  tore  away,  or  moved  over,  the 
piles  intended  to  obstruct  their  advance.  "  Soon,"  says  Mr. 
Pollard,  "  the  air  was  filled  with  heavy  reports,  and  the  sea 
was  disturbed  in  every  direction  by  fragments  of  shell. 
Explosions  of  shell  rang  through  the  air ;  and  occasionally  a 
large  hundred-and-twenty-four  pounder  thundered  across  the 
waves,  and  sent  its  ponderous  shot  in  the  midst  of  the  flotilla. 
At  times,  the  battery  would  be  enveloped  in  the  sand  and 
dust  thrown  up  by  shot  and  shell."  The  rebel  flag-ship,  "  The 
Curlew,"  was  struck  by  a  hundred-pound  shell  from  "  The 
Southfield,"  and  soon  enveloped  in  flames;  the  propeller 
"  Forrest "  was  disabled  ;  and  the  remainder  of  the  rebel  fleet 
retired  finally  from  tjie  conflict.  The  barracks  of  the  enemy 
were  consumed  by  our  fire,  and  heroic  efforts  were  required 
to  subdue  the  flames  bursting  from  the  fort. 

By  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  Gen.  Burnside  had  landed  seven 
thousand  five  hundred  men  within  two  miles  of  the  fort. 
Through  a  long,  rainy  night,  these  heroic  men  crouched  in  the 
marsh,  eagerly  waiting  for  the  dreadful  work  of  the  morning. 
Before  them  was  Fort  Bartow,  a  substantial  earthwork,  with 
abatis,  moat,  and  ten  guns ;  farther  on,  batteries  Huger  and 
Blanchard,  with  fourteen  guns.  Leading  to  Bartow  was  a 
single  causeway  swept  by  the  enemy's  guns,  and,  on  either 
hand,  bogs,  which  could  be  passed  only  with  the  greatest  dif 
ficulty  ;  and  they  were  crossed  by  an  intrenchment,  behind 
which  the  rebels  intended  to  make  a  desperate  stand. 
At  the  word,  our  heroic  men  rushed  upon  the  enemy's  line, 
and  carried  it  with  the  utmost  gallantry.  Here  among  the 
slain  fell  a  brave  and  splendid  young  man,  0.  Jennings  Wise, 
son  of  the  governor.  Fighting  through  the  morass,  up  to 
within  easy  range  of  the  guns  from  the  fort,  Burnside's 
troops,  finding  it  impracticable  to  obey  the  order  to  turn  the 
enemy's  flank  through  the  marsh,  were  ordered  to  charge 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         619 

over  the  causeway.  "  The  order  was  obeyed  with  such  prompt 
ness  and  energy  as  to  defy  all  resistance  :  then,  throwing 
themselves  down  to  escape  a  fire  of  grape  from  the  batteries, 
part  of  the  Fifty-first  New- York,  with  Hawkins's  Zouaves 
and  the  Twenty-first  Massachusetts,  instantly  rose,  and  rushed 
over  the  rebel  breastworks,  chasing  out  their  defenders,  and 
following  them  in  their  retreat,  securing  by  their  impetuosity 
the  capture  of  a  large  number,  as  no  time  was  given  for 
their  escape  from  the  island."  * 

The  results  of  this  grand  achievemeniwere  of  the  greatest 
importance.  Remaining  forts  and  batteries  fell ;  the  rebel 
fleet  was  pursued  ;  and,  there  being  no  hope  of  escape,  it  was 
burned  by  its  own  men.  Mr.  Pollard  says  we  "  had  taken 
six  forts,  forty  guns,  nearly  two  thousand  prisoners,  and  up 
wards  of  three  thousand  small  arms ;  secured  the  water-ave 
nues  of  Roanoke  River,  navigable  for  a  hundred  and  twenty 
miles  ;  got  possession  of  the  granary  and  larder  of  Norfolk, 
and  threatened  the  back  door  of  that  city."  The  fall  of 
Newbern,  after  a  tremendous  battle,  was  a  direct  sequence  of 
the  triumph  on  Roanoke  Island :  the  time  had  come  for  the 
pride  of  the  Rebellion  to  be  humbled. 


FORT  DONELSON. 

Let  us  now  turn  our  eyes  to  the  West.  We  there  see 
Missouri  saved  to  the  Union  by  the  prompt  decisions  and 
energetic  action  of  Capt  (afterwards  Gen.)  Lyon,  who 
fell  in  the  moment  of  victory,  greatly  lamented  by  the 
American  people  ;  the  formidable  and  imposing  measures 
of  Gen.  Fremont,  and  the  famous,  terrific  charge  of  his 
"  body-guard ; "  the  treason  of  Gov.  Jackson,  with  his 
pretences  to  take  Missouri  out  of  the  Union  against  the  de 
clared  will  of  a  large  majority  of  her  people ;  the  reckless 
attack  upon  his  own  State  by  the  rebel  general  Price,  and 
the  cruel  siege  and  slaughter  at  Lexington.  We  see  also 

*  Greeley,  ii.  76. 


620  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

the  gathering  of  Union  forces  from  the  West,  —  men  whose 
pioneer  habits  had  prepared  them  for  this  war,  and  whose 
large  intelligence  and  clear-sighted  patriotism  had  deter 
mined  them  to  hew  their  way  to  the  mouth  of  the  Missis 
sippi  ;  we  see  the  first  iron-clad  fleet  afloat  on  the  Mis 
sissippi,  commanded  by  the  brave,  devout,  and  energetic 
Commodore  Foote ;  and  we  catch  the  first  sight  of  Gen.  U.  S. 
Grant,  the  great  American,  whose  calm  judgment,  keen 
eye,  and  desperate  valor,  were  to  shed  undying  lustre 
upon  our  arms  and  nation. 

The  Confederates,  finding  that  Kentucky  and  Missouri 
had  settled  down  into  their  proper  position  as  loyal  States 
of  the  Union,  determined  to  repudiate  the  doctrine  of  State 
rights,  and  made  war  upon  their  brethren  in  slave  territory. 
They  determined  to  take  military  possession  of  the  "  upper 
centre  zone  "  of  the  West,  lying  above  the  Tennessee  River. 
This  enormous  task  was  intrusted  to  the  command  ot 
Gen.  Albert  Sydney  Johnson,  an  officer  formerly  of  high 
repute  in  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States.  When 
the  war  broke  out,  he  had  control  of  our  forces  on  the  Pa 
cific,  with  headquarters  afc  Alcatraz,  San  Francisco.  As  he 
evidently  waited  his  opportunity  to  turn  his  command 
against  his  country,  and  tear  from  the  head  of  the  nation 
her  golden  crown,  California,  Oregon,  and  the  Territories 
of  our  vast  Pacific  empire,  were  saved  from  the  horrors  of 
the  Rebellion  by  the  sudden,  unannounced  arrival  of  Gen. 
Sumner,  who  promptly  relieved  the  future  rebel  general  of 
his  command.  True  to  his  purposes  of  treason,  he  soon 
found  his  way  to  the  Southern  army,  where  he  was  recog 
nized  as  first  in  importance  among  the  commanders  of 
treason. 

Commodore  Foote  with  his  formidable  war-fleet,  and  Gen. 
Grant,  now  intrusted  with  the  command,  under  Gen. 
Halleck,  of  a  large  military  district,  had  agreed  upon  the 
plan  of  their  campaign.  The  Cumberland  and  Tennessee 
Rivers  were  guarded  by  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson.  These 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.        621 

were  the  keys  to  the  upper  and  lower  centre  zones  of  this 
great  war  of  the  West;  and  after  the  preludes  of  Belmont, 
where  Grant  gained  a  surprising  advantage  over  the  rebels, 
and  destroyed  the  camp,  but  was  flanked,  and  obliged  to 
retire ;  and  of  Mill  Springs,  where  Gen.  Thomas  gained 
our  first  brilliant  victory  on  land,  —  Grant  and  Foote  moved 
boldly  into  the  rebel  territory  to  attempt  the  reduction  of 
these  forts.  The  combined  land  and  naval  attack  upon 
Fort  Henry  was  ordered  for  the  6th  of  February,  1862. 
Grant  was  to  move  to  the  rear  of  the  fort  to  co-operate  with 
Foote,  and  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  garrison  ;  but  the 
energetic  naval  commander  ran  up  the  Tennessee  to  within 
cannon-shot  of  the  enemy,  and  commenced  the  action  with 
such  promptness  and  spirit,  and  dashed  the  rebel  batteries  to 
pieces  with  such  fury,  that  the  garrison  surrendered  to  the 
commodore  before  Gen.  Grant  could  force  his  way  to  his 
intended  position. 

Johnson  saw  his  danger,  and,  resolving  to  defend  Nash 
ville  at  Donelson,  threw  into  the  fort  sixteen  thousand  of  his 
best  troops.  The  works  had  been  constructed  under  the  eye 
of  a  skilful  engineer,  and  were  very  strong.  Its  river-defences 
were  admirable  ;  but,  for  the  arrest  of  land-forces,  the  place 
was  badly  chosen.  Anticipating  the  approach  of  Gen. 
Grant  from  Fort  Henry  directly  toward  a  line  of  hills  which 
would  command  the  works,  the  Confederates  took  possession 
of  these  hills,  shielding  their  forces  by  a  line  of  earthworks, 
rifle-trenches,  and  abatis.  By  the  greatest  exertions,  they 
were  completed  before  Grant  arrived. 

Gen.  Grant,  with  two  divisions  of  fifteeen  thousand  men, 
reached  his  position  on  the  afternoon  of  the  12th.  The 
second  division,  under  Brig.-Gen.  C.  F.  Smith,  moved  to  the 
left;  and  the  first,  under  Brig.-Gen.  J.  A.  M'Clernand,  to 
the  right.  On  the  morning  of  the  13th,  the  action  com 
menced  by  a  furious  cannonade.  In  the  afternoon,  a  bold 
attempt  was  made  to  take  an  important  point  by  assault,  in 
which  the  forces  of  Grant  were  vigorously  repulsed  by  the 
Confederates. 


(522  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

Friday  the  14th,  Commodore  Foote  appeared  with  his 
noble  fleet  of  iron-clads,  gunboats,  and  transports,  bringing 
ample  supplies  of  rations  and  ammunition  and  ten  thousand 
men,  all  welcomed  by  ringing  cheers  from  the  army.  This 
splendid  re-enforcement,  constituting  a  third  division  under 
Gen.  Lew.  Wallace,  was  ordered  to  take  position  between  the 
commands  of  Gens.  JVPClernand  and  Smith.  The  14th  was 
occupied  by  Gen.  Grant  in  getting  the  troops  just  arrived 
into  position.  Commodore  Foote,  having  perfect  confidence 
in  his  iron-clads,  moved  up  promptly,  and  commenced  the 
action;  but  he  met  a  far  different  reception  from  that  at 
Fort  Henry.  The  rebels  had  arranged  two  formidable  bat 
teries  so  as  to  take  frightful  effect  by  plunging  fire  upon  the 
vessels  of  the  fleet.  They  consisted  of  eight  thirty-two- 
pounders,  three  thirty-two-pound  carronades,  one  ten-inch 
and  one  eight-inch  columbiad,  and  one  rifled  thirty-two- 
pounder.  The  rebels  reserved  their  fire  until  the  com 
modore  brought  up  his  fleet  within  less  than  four  hundred 
yards  of  their  batteries :  then  they  suddenly  opened  with 
so  terrific  a  fire  as  to  soon  end  the  strife  on  the  water 
side  of  the  fort.  This  action  lasted  only  an  hour  and  a  half; 
but  fifty-four  patriots  were  killed  or  wounded,  while  not  a 
Confederate  was  killed,  nor  had  their  batteries  received  any 
injury  !  The  American  people  had  learned  one  more  lesson ; 
and  the  brave  commodore  retired  to  repair  his  fleet,  while 
Grant  prepared  to  reduce  the  fort  by  siege.  He  was  one 
of  those  extraordinary  men  who  could  fight  with  the  most 
chivalrous  daring,  or  wait  in  perfect  self-command  until  his 
time  should  come. 

Two  days  had  sufficed  to  show  the  army  of  the  Republic 
that  the  Confederate  general  had  prepared  this  position  for  a 
most  stubborn  defence,  to  cripple  and  send  out  of  the  action 
a  valuable  and  trusted  fleet,  and  also  to  convince  the  rebel 
chiefs  in  command  that  Fort  Donelson  must  soon  become 
untenable.  A  Confederate  council  of  war,  therefore,  resolved 
upon  a  desperate  effort  to  clear  the  only  practicable  road  to 
Nashville. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         623 

At  five  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  Saturday,  the  5th,  they 
moved  out  to  assault  M'Clernand's  division  promptly  drawn 
up  in  order  of  battle,  —  the  right  under  M< Arthur,  the  centre 
under  Oglesby,  and  the  left  under  W.  H.  L.  Wallace.  Adroitly 
taking  advantage  of  a  ravine,  the  Confederates  gained  the 
rear  of  the  Union  right  flank.  Sustained  by  a  corresponding 
movement  by  Pillow's  whole  line,  they  swept  the  Union  right 
brigade  from  their  position.  Buckner  brought  up  his  forces, 
and  furiously  attacked  M'Clernand's  left,  commanded  by  Col. 
W.  H.  L.  Wallace.  The  Union  infantry  stood  firm,  and  poured 
in  so  deadly  a  fire  from  rifles  and  batteries,  that  the  rebels 
recoiled,  and  settled  back,  greatly  demoralized.  The  brigade 
of  Oglesby  was  overborne  by  the  masses  brought  to  bear  upon 
them  by  Pillow,  who  followed  up  his  successes  vigorously, 
and  pays  the  Union  troops  the  compliment  to  say,  "  They  did 
not  retreat,  but  fell  back  fighting,  and  contesting  every  inch 
of  ground."  Col.  Wallace's  brigade  stood  firm  as  a  rock 
against  all  the  shocks  of  superior  numbers  of  perfectly  des 
perate  rebels:  but,  about  to  be  enveloped  by  Buckner's  divis 
ion,  Wallace  withdrew  his  men ;  and  at  nine,  A.M.,  by  throw 
ing  their  whole  force  upon  one-third  of  the  Union  army, 
the  first  purpose  of  the  Confederates  had  succeeded,  and  the 
road  to  Nashville  was  cleared. 

Gen.  Lew.  Wallace,  on  M'Clernand's  left,  had  sent  one 
brigade  to  the  assistance  of  the  right ;  only,  however,  to  be 
overborne  by  the  advancing  tide  of  Confederate  success. 

Seeing  the  critical  condition  of  the  army,  Gen.  Wallace 
now  despatched  his  remaining  force  under  Col.  Thayer, 
who  moved  up  at  double-quick,  and  deployed  on  the  top  of 
the  hill,  forming  a  firm  wall  against  the  Confederate  advance, 
and  behind  which  the  troops,  who  had  not  fled,  but  retired 
to  refill  their  cartridge-boxes,  could  re-organize.  He  reminds 
us  of  Stonewall  Jackson  on  the  heights  of  Manassas.  Just 
at  the  time  when  the  Confederates  were  in  triumph  over 
their  supposed  victory,  moving  eagerly  up  the  slope,  they 
met  a  fire  so  deadly,  that  they  recoiled  and  retired.  Drawn 


624  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

up  again  out  of  range,  they  were  forced  to  another  attack, 
and  were  again  repulsed  with  severe  loss. 

Gen.  Grant  now  appeared  on  the  field.  He  had  been 
absent  in  conference  with  Commodore  Foote,  arranging  the 
future  of  the  campaign.  Then  the  firm  greatness  and  bold 
daring  of  the  commander  appeared.  He  afterwards  said, 
"  I  saw  that  either  side  was  ready  to  give  way  if  the  other 
showed  a  bold  front.  I  took  the  opportunity,  and  ordered 
an  advance  along  the  whole  line."  Wallace,  on  the  right, 
was  simply  ordered  to  retake  the  ground  he  had  lost  in  the 
morning ;  Smith,  to  storm  the  enemy's  works  in  front.  Gen. 
Smith  put  himself  at  the  head  of  Lauman's  brigade  in 
battalion,  with  Cook's  brigade  in  line  of  battle  on  its  left,  to 
cover  that  flank,  and  make  a  feint  against  the  front.  Buck- 
ner's  column,  seeing  the  danger,  moved  up  rapidly  to  attack 
the  storming  party,  but  staggered  back  under  the  Union  fire 
as  often  as  they  returned  to  the  onset.  The  Union  troops, 
"  tearing  away  the  abatis,  rushed  forward,  and  seized  the 
breastworks."  Buckner  with  his  men  took  shelter  within 
the  defences,  and  left  the  brave  Union  men  in  possession  of 
the  heights  which  commanded  the  main  works  of  the 
enemy.  * 

Let  us  now  return  to  Wallace.  He  promptly  obeyed  his 
orders.  He  assailed  Pillow's  troops  with  such  fury  as  to 
overwhelm  him  on  the  ground  he  had  wrested  from  the 
Union  forces  in  the  morning,  and  drove  him  within  his  own 
lines.  This  was  a  dreadful  day's  work  :  some  two  thousand 
men  on  each  side  were  strewn  over  the  bloody  field,  ghastly 
in  death,  or  agonizing  with  pain  from  their  severe  wounds. 
The  Confederate  forces  had  been  successful  everywhere  till 
they  struck  against  Wallace  on  the  hill  and  the  great  com 
mander  appeared  on  the  field.  They  had  missed  'their  only 
possible  opportunity  of  escape,  received  the  rallying  energy 
of  the  troops  they  supposed  they  had  destroyed,  and  were 
shut  up  within  their  defences  now  dominated  by  Union  guns. 

*  Swinton,  p.  78,  and  the  whole  description  of  the  battle. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         625 

* 

On  that  dreadful  Saturday  night,  there  was  no  rest  for  the 
exhausted  troops  on  either  side.  On  the  cold,  frozen  field, 
amid  the  peltings  of  rain,  sleet,  and  snow,  the  defenders  of 
liberty  must  lie  upon  their  arms  :  but  not  a  murmur  arose 
from  their  lips ;  they  were  there  to  conquer  or  die. 

There  was  another  council  of  war  in  the  rebel  fort.  It 
was  a  time  of  terror  and  deep  perplexity.  We  know  the 
result.  Floyd  was  too  guilty  a  coward  to  share  the  fate 
of  his  companions  in  arms,  and  handed  over  the  command 
to  Pillow.  Pillow  remembered  his  base  treachery,  and,  fear 
ing  the  recoil  of  justice,  passed  over  the  command  to  Buck- 
ner,  who  had  both  the  courage  and  discretion  to  share  the 
fate  of  his  brethren  in  rebellion.  Floyd  and  Pillow  made 
their  escape  with  the  men  they  could  possibly  smuggle  away. 
Buckner  sent  a  flag  of  truce  to  Grant  to  know  his  terms, 
and  received  for  answer,  "  No  terms  other  than  unconditional 
and  immediate  surrender  can  be  accepted.  I  propose  to 
move  immediately  upon  your  works."  Forgetting  the  sol 
dier  in  his  mortification,  Buckner  characterized  the  terms  as 
"  ungenerous  and  unchivalric,"  and  accepted  them. 

The  battle  of  Fort  Donelson  was  over.  Nine  thousand  men 
surrendered  at  discretion,  and  the  Union  flag  floated  grace 
fully  over  the  fort. 

This  was  the  Bull  Run  of  the  West :  it  was  more ;  for  it 
broke  up  the  whole  line  of  Confederate  defences,  saved  Mis 
souri,  Kentucky,  and  a  large  part  of  Tennessee,  from  the 
power  of  rebellion,  moved  the  usurped  government  of  trea 
son  two  hundred  miles  down  the  Mississippi,  gave  us  Nash 
ville,  prepared  the  way  for  the  grand  and  costly  triumphs  of 
Shiloh  and  Stone  River,  and,  by  its  moral  effects,  took  away 
courage  from  rebellion,  and  gave  it  to  freedom. 


FORTS    JACKSON   AND    ST.    PHILIP. 

While  the  nation  waited  for  the  slow  development  of  the 
plans  of  M'Clellan,  at  Washington  active  minds  were  busy 


626  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

with  'the  question.  What  can  be  done  in  the  mean  time  ?  The 
West,  as  we  have  seen,  answered  by  moving  down  the  Mis 
sissippi,  and  fighting  the  terrible  but  decisive  battles  of 
Donelson  and  Shiloh.  One  distinct  meaning  of  all  this 
was,  that  the  great  artery  of  Western  trade  must  be  opened 
to  the  Gulf. 

Gen.  B.  F.  Butler  believed  that  he  could  aid  this  great 
effort  by  troops  from  the  East,  and  operations  from  the  out 
lets  of  the  Mississippi.  Encountering  many  and  formidable 
difficulties,  he  was  at  length  on  Ship  Island  with  thirteen 
thousand  and  seven  hundred  men. 

On  the  third  day  of  February,  1862,  Capt.  David  Glascoe 
Farragut  sailed  from  Hampton  Roads  in  "The  Hartford." 
He  had  been  appointed  to  command  a  powerful  fleet  which 
was  to  unite  with  Gen.  Butler  in  an  attempt  to  gain  control 
of  the  Lower  Mississippi.  This  fleet  consisted  of  forty-seven 
armed  vessels :  eight  of  them  were  large  steam,  sloops-of-war, 
seventeen  heavily-armed  steam  gunboats,  two  sailing  sloops- 
of-war,  and  twenty-one  mortar-schooners.  "  The  whole  num 
ber  of  guns  and  mortars  was  three  hundred  and  ten,  many 
of  them  very  heavy  and  very  good."  *  The  secrecy  with 
which  these  formidable  land  and  naval  forces  had  been 
directed  created  the  most  excited  public  interest.  Various 
theories  of  their  destination  were  intimated ;  the  North  hop 
ing  that  something  would  be  done,  and  the  South  dreading 
the  blow  wherever  it  might  fall.  All  doubt  was  at  an  end 
when  Farragut  and  Butler  met  in  consultation  on  Ship 
Island. 

The  defences  of  New  Orleans  were  such  as  to  give  plausi 
bility  to  the  popular  idea,  that  they  were  absolutely  invulner 
able.  Twiggs,  of  infamous  Texas  memory,  had  been  supersed 
ed  by  Major-Gen.  Lovell,  who  had  fully  completed  an  interior 
line  of  fortifications,  which  were  deemed  secure  against  any 
force  the  United  States  could  bring  to  bear  upon  them.  In 
the  extreme  necessities  of  the  Confederacy,  however,  the 

*  Greeley,  ii.  87,  88. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         627 

troops  and  materials  of  war  which  Gen.  Lovell,  by  great 
industry,  had  collected  to  make  these  works  available,  were 
ordered  away  to  contend  with  Grant  and  Buell.  Two  large 
iron-clads, "  The  Louisiana  "  and  "  Mississippi,"  which  the  citi 
zens  of  New  Orleans  thought  were  to  sink  any  vessels  of  war 
which  might  by  any  means  come  within  their  reach,  were 
not  finished.  The  exterior  line  of  defence,  including  Forts 
Jackson  and  St.  Philip,  seventy-five  miles  below  New  Or 
leans,  was  made  as  strong  as  means  within  the  power  of  the 
rebels  would  permit.  A  first  formidable  obstruction  to  the 
passage  of  our  fleet  having  been  washed  away,  another,  less 
difficult  to  manage,  was  constructed  of  "  eleven  dismantled 
schooners,  extending  from  bank  to  bank,  strongly  moored, 
and  connected  by  six  heavy  chains."  * 

Glancing  now  for  a  moment  at  New  Orleans,  we  find  the 
people  given  up  to  pleasure.  With  the  utmost  contempt  for 
Northerners,  they  talked  and  laughed  about  the  spectacle  of 
a  mad  attack  upon  their  invulnerable  forts,  which  was  about 
to  add  a  new  zest  to  their  enter  tain  tnents.  Balls,  parties, 
theatres,  operas,  and  the  like,  were  the  incidents  of  every 
twenty-four  hours. 

On  the  16th  of  April,  the  American  fleet  moved  up  the 
river  to  attack  the  forts.  As  they  neared  the  scene  of  the 
combat,  they  saw  corning  down  upon  them  a  huge  fire-ship. 
With  blazing  wood  and  turpentine  and  tar,  it  threw  its  glare 
over  the  scene ;  and,  roaring  with  flame,  it  floated  directly 
toward  our  fleet.  Our  men,  it  would  seem,  ought  to  have 
been  stupefied  with  horror,  as  it  moved  on  until  its  flames 
must,  in  a  few  moments,  be  communicated  to  our  vessels  of 
war.  But  there  were  no  signs  of  panic :  commands  were 
coolly  given  and  obeyed.  A  small  company  from  "  The  Iro- 
quois "  entered  a  row-boat,  moved  up  fearlessly,  and,  grap 
pling  the  ship  of  fire,  towed  it  away  to  the  bank,  where  it 
could  burn  itself  out  at  leisure. 

On  the  morning  of  the  17th,  we  were  within  two  and  a 

*  Pollard,  p.  250. 


628  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

half  miles  of  the  forts ;  and,  at  nine  o'clock,  the  guns  of  Fort 
Jackson  opened  upon  our  fleet.  Capt.  Porter,  in  command 
of  our  mortar-vessels,  directed  the  fire  in  response,  and 
trained  his  guns,  so  that,  by  ten  o'clock,  their  terrible  mis 
siles  began  to  reach  their  object.  Three  more  fire-rafts 
came  menacingly  down  to  consume  our  valuable  ships ;  but 
they  were  disposed  of  with  the  same  coolness  and  bravery 
as  the  first.  For  a  whole  week,  the  roar  of  cannon  and  mor 
tars  told  the  frightful  power  of  the  combatants ;  but  the  only 
apparent  effect  on  the  fort  was  an  alarming  fire  from  our  hot 
shot,  which  threatened  to  consume  every  thing  combustible 
it  contained.  The  fire  was,  however,  finally  subdued.  A 
change  in  the  position  of  the  fleet  was  necessary ;  and,  after 
a  council  of  war,  Capt.  Farragut  calmly  decided  that  some, 
at  least,  of  his  vessels  of  war  must  pass  the  forts.  "  What 
ever  is  to  be  done,"  he  said,  "  must  be  done  quickly.  When, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  flag-officers,  the  propitious  time  has 
arrived,  the  signal  will  be  made  to  weigh,  and  advance  to 
the  conflict."  An  officer  of  a  French  vessel; which  had  been 
up  to  the  forts  told  Capt.  Farragut  that  it  was  impossible  to 
pass  them.  His  reply  was,  "I  am  ordered  to  go  to  New 
Orleans,  and  I  intend  to  go  there." 

Farragut  could  depend  upon  the  prompt  obedience  and 
extraordinary  skill  of  his  commanders  and  men.  lie  says, 
"  Every  vessel  was  as  well  prepared  as  the  ingenuity  of  her 
commander  and  officers  could  suggest,  both  for  the  preser 
vation  of  life  and  the  vessels." 

Capt.  Bell,  with  "The  Pinola,"  "Itasca,"  "Iroquois,"  "Ken- 
nebec,"  and  "Winona,"  had  been  despatched  to  perform 
the  difficult  task  of  cutting  away  the  obstructions  which  the 
Confederates  had  established  near  the  forts.  A  rocket  from 
the  fort  gave  our  daring  men  a  momentary  light ;  and,  with 
chisels  and  hammers,  they  assaulted  the  chains.  A  storm 
of  shot  and  shell  fell  upon  them :  but  they  wrought  on  until 
the  chains  parted ;  and  slowly  the  vessels  swung  around, 
leaving  the  channel  clear.  Three  days  after,  a  gallant  recon- 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         029 

noissanee,  and  a  gun  from  "  The  Itasca/'  announced  that  the 
passage  was  still  open.  At  two  o'clock,  the  signal  rose  on 
the  flag-ship ;  and  the  men  promptly  prepared  for  the  dread 
ful  work  before  them.  Some  had  slept  quietly ;  others  had 
paced  the  decks  with  nervous  anxiety;  but  many  of  our 
men  had  been  engaged  in  solemn  prayer. 

"The  Hartford/'  with  the  flag  of  Capt.  Farragut,  "The  Rich 
mond/'  and  "The  Brooklyn/'  moved  up  close  to  the  west  bank, 
opening  fire  upon  Fort  Jackson  as  they  advanced.  "  The  Ca- 
yuga/'  "Pensacola,"  "Mississippi/'  "Oneida,""  Yaruna/'  "Ka- 
tahdin/'  "  Kineo/'  and  "  Wissahickon  "  passed  close  along  the 
eastern  shore,  responding  to  the  fire  of  Fort  St.  Philip.  Capt. 
Bell,  commanding  a  third  line,  consisting  of  "  The  Sciota," 
"Iroquois,"  "Pinola,"  "  Winona/'  "  Itasca,"  and  "  Kennebec," 
moved  between  the  two  other  divisions.  The  mortar-boats, 
under  Capt.  Porter,  kept  their  position,  and  opened  a  new 
and  most  terrific  fire  upon  the  forts;  while  "The  Harriet 
Lane/'  "Westfield,"  "Owasco,"  "Clinton,"  "Miami,"  "The 
Jackson,"  and  "  The  Portsmouth,"  attacked  the  water-battery 
below  the  fort.  The  roar  of  these  guns,  the  rolling  thun 
ders  of  the  forts  and  batteries,  the  blazing  shells  streaming 
in  circles  through  the  air,  made  the  scene  terribly  sublime. 

Capt.  Bailey,  with  "  The  Cayuga/'  first  drew  the  fire  of 
the  forts  as  he  passed  through  the  opening  in  the  obstruc 
tions.  He,  however,  ran  close  under  the  guns  of  Fort  St. 
Philip,  which  received  broadside  after  broadside  of  grape 
and  canister  as  his  whole  line  passed  safely  through  this 
frightful  gantlet.  "The  Pinola,"  "Sciota,"  and  "Iroquois," 
of  Capt.  Bell's  line,  also  rushed  through  unharmed. 

The  most  terrible  destruction  seemed  to  centre  upon  the 
flag-ship  "  Hartford."  A  frightful  fire-ship  came  down,  with 
the  ram  "Manassas"  in  its  rear.  Moving  as  if  directed  by  an 
evil  spirit,  it  came  directly  on  toward  "The  Hartford."  Far- 
ragut's  guns  kept  up  their  fire  as  though  no-  danger  were 
near.  Sheering  a  little,  he  avoided  the  fire-raft  for  a  moment, 
poured  in  a  most  destructive  broadside  upon  Fort  Jackson, 


630  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

and  ran  aground.  The  fire-ship  dashed  against  him,  and  in 
stantly  the  rigging  of  "The  Hartford"  was  in  flames.  At  this 
awful  moment,  there  was  no  disorder:  the  firemen  turned 
the  hose  upon  the  flames;  the  engines  tugged  away,  and 
moved  the  vessel  from  the  ground ;  the  orders  of  Farragut 
were  calm  and  imperious,  and  promptly  obeyed ;  the  gun 
ners  served  their  guns,  and  fired  as  regularly  as  if  they  were 
out  of  harm  ;  the  flames  were  subdued  ;  and  the  head  of  the 
noble  ship  was  turned  upward,  and  rushed  by  the  forts. 
The  terrible  ram  "Manassas"  drove  her  huge  iron  beak  furi 
ously  into  the  starboard  gangway  of  "The  Brooklyn,"  firing 
from  her  opened  hatchway  at  the  smoke-stack  of  the  latter 
as  she  came  up,  whose  bags  of  sand  protected  her  smoke- 
pipe,  and  her  ingenious  chain-armor  saved  her  hulk.  The 
ram  passed  on,  and  "  The  Brooklyn  "  rushed  up  the  stream. 
Still  under  the  raking  fire  of  Fort  Jackson,  she  was  furiously 
assailed  by  a  large  rebel  steamer ;  but  she  hurled  against  her 
a  heavy  broadside,  and  sent  her  out  of  the  fight.  Next, 
abreast  of  Fort  St.  Philip,  with  only  thirteen-feet  soundings, 
she  brought  all  her  guns  to  bear,  and  poured  in  a  storm  of 
grape  and  canister  that  silenced  the  fort;  while  the  men 
were  seen  from  the  masts  of  "  The  Brooklyn,"  by  the  blaze 
of  her  shells,  running  in  terror  for  a  place  of  safety.* 

The  apparently  impossible  was  achieved.  Farragut's 
squadron  had  passed  the  forts,  the  rebel  squadron  was  de 
stroyed,  and  the  great  battle  was  over.  The  sequel  of  this 
naval  engagement,  which  will  ever  be  renowned  in  history, 
rapidly  developed.  Our  vessels  of  war  moved  on  to  New 
Orleans,  silencing  every  battery  on  their  way.  The  scene 
in  the  city  beggars  all  description.  We  have  no  pleasure 
in  detailing  the  anguish  arid  the  rage  of  these  misguided 
people.  Their  obstinacy  and  insolence,  however  unwise, 
were  perfectly  natural.  The  flag  of  rebellion  was  hauled 
down,  and  the  stars  and  stripes  waved  in  its  place.  The 
rebel  army,  under  Lovell,  had  wisely  left  the  city  to  the 

*  See  Greeley,  ii.  pp.  83-93 ;  also  Headley's  Farragut,  pp.  67-69. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         631 

mercy  of  its  conquerors.  Ships  and  cotton  had  become,  by 
their  own  hands,  blazing  masses  of  fire  on  the  water  :  their 
stores  were  consumed,  or  given  up  to  pillage ;  their  forts 
were  surrendered;  their  costly  munitions  of  war  were  de 
stroyed  or  captured ;  their  capital  was  taken ;  and  the 
American  fleet  moved  boldly  up  the  Mississippi  to  be  hailed 
with  shouts  of  joy  by  the  fleet  from  above.  Europe  saw 
that  there  was  no  safety  in  acknowledging  the  Confederacy. 

"THE  MONITOR"  AND  "THE  MERRIMACK." 

In  the  ordinary  materials  of  a  navy,  the  Confederates  could 
not  rival  the  United  States.  It  was,  therefore,  a  just  con 
clusion  upon  their  part,  that,  by  at  least  one  iron-clad,  they 
must  be  made  stronger  than  the  Union  at  any  given  place 
or  time.  For  this  purpose,  they  raised  our  fine  ship  "  Merri- 
mack,"  cut  her  down,  and  covered  her  with  enormous  plates 
of  iron,  weighing  in  all  over  seven  hundred  tons.  They 
furnished  her  also  with  a  strong  cast-iron  beak,  designed  to 
be  driven  furiously  into  the  sides  of  our  wooden  vessels,  and 
sink  them. 

She  was  finished,  and  had  received  her  battery  of  eight 
nine-inch  Dahlgren,  and  four  seven-and-a-half-inch  Brooks 
rifle-guns,  by  the  fifth  day  of  March,  1862. 

At  about  one  o'clock  on  the  8th,  she  was  seen,  in  company 
with  two  gunboats,  rounding  Se wall's  Point,  and  advancing 
toward  Newport  News.  Her  advent  had  been  for  some  time 
expected  and  dreaded  ;  and,  now  that  she  actually  appeared, 
all  true  hearts  were  moved  with  dread. 

Receiving  the  terrific  broadsides  of  "  The  Congress "  as 
she  passed,  without  showing  the  least  concern,  she  bore  cfown 
upon  "  The  Cumberland."  The  fire  of  both  these  brave  ships 
was  well  delivered  ;  but  their  heavy  shot  glanced  from  the  ar 
mor  of  "  The  Merrimack,"  doing  her  no  harm.  Presently,  with 
a  full  head  of  steam,  she  drove  her  strong  beak  into  the  side 
of  "  The  Cumberland,"  and  opened  a  chasm,  through  which 


632  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  water  rushed  ;  and  she  began  at  once  to  fill  and  settle. 
Her  brave  officers  and  men  resolved  never  to  strike  her  col 
ors  to  the  defiant  rebel  monitor;  and,  firing  broadside  after 
broadside,  they  went  down  with  their  colors  flying. 

"  The  Congress  "  had  been  engaged  by  "  The  Jamestown  " 
and  "  Yorktown,"  consorts  of  "  The  Merrimack;"  and,  attempt 
ing  to  escape,  she  ran  aground.  She  gallantly  maintained 
the  unequal  fight  until  the  crushing  shot  of  "  The  Merrimack  " 
had  torn  her  almost  literally  to  pieces,  and  she  had  taken  fire 
in  several  places ;  then,  to  save  her  wounded  from  the 
flames,  she  lowered  her  flag. 

"The  Minnesota,"  " Roanoke,"  and  "St.  Lawrence,"  at 
tempting  to  escape  one  after  another,  ran  aground  in  water 
so  shallow,  that  they  could  not  be  reached  by  the  monster, 
or  they  would  have  been  destroyed  with  the  utmost  ease. 
Evening  coining  on,  "The  Merrirnack"  with  her  two  attend 
ants  turned  her  prow  toward  Norfolk.  Her  Confederate  offi 
cers  and  men,  proud  of  her  achievements,  had  no  doubt  of 
being  able  to  finish  the  destruction  of  our  squadron  in  the 
morning,  and  move  on  to  New  York  if  they  pleased.  The 
joy  in  Norfolk,  and  soon  throughout  the  Confederacy,  was 
unbounded,  only  equalled  by  the  dismay  and  forebodings  at 
Fortress  Monroe  and  through  the  North. 

At  eight  o'clock  that  evening,  a  small,  low,  nondescript 
vessel  made  her  appearance  :  it  was  Ericsson's  "  Monitor," 
commanded  by  Capt.  John  Lorimer  Worden.  But,  seeing  her 
diminutive  size,  the  hearts  of  our  brave  officers  and  men 
sank  within  them. 

The  night  wore  away ;  and,  early  on  the  9th  of  March, 
"  The  Merrimack "  came  out  again.  Moving  deliberately 
toward  "  The  Minnesota,"  she  saw  what,  in  derision,  was 
termed  a  "  Yankee  cheese-box,"  steam  directly  up  by  her  side. 

The  great  battle  promptly  began.'  The  heavy  shots  of  "The 
Merrimack"  rolled  harmless  from  the  turret  of  "The  Moni 
tor  ;"  and  her  commander,  amazed  at  the  audacity  of  the  little 
craft,  and  seeing  that  he  could  not  penetrate  her  armor. 


THE   WAR   OF   SLAVERY    AND   FREEDOM.  633 

dashed  over  her  to  crush  and  sink  her :  but  this  also  failed. 
In  the  mean  time,  a  shot  from  "  The  Monitor  "  found  way  into 
the  armor  of  "  The  Merrimack,"  and  she  began  to  leak.  She 
turned  suddenly,  and  hurled  her  missiles  at "  The  Minnesota  "  • 
and  "  The  Oregon  ;  "  but  "  The  Monitor  "  slipped  in  between 
her  and  her  victims.  Angry  at  this  impertinence,  gathering 
frightful  momentum,  she  drove  her  beak  fiercely  at  the  little 
"  Monitor,"  and,  shivering  her  own  timbers,  passed  by,  leaving 
only  a  dent  in  the  armor  of  the  mysterious,  audacious  little 
craft.  After  four  hours'  conflict,  mortified  and  crippled,  the 
monster  rebel  limped  away ;  and  her  career  of  destruction 
was  ended. 

It  is  useless  to  attempt  a  description  of  the  results  of  this 
great  battle.  The  exultation  passed  from  the  rebels  to  the 
friends  of  the  government.  Our  surviving  naval  heroes 
could  only  cheer,  and  offer  thanks  to  God  for  their  deliver 
ance.  The  American  people,  and  presently  the  world,  knew 
that  a  complete  revolution  in  naval  warfare  had  been  wrought, 
as  it  were,  in  a  day.  There  are  no  limits  to  the  effect  of  this 
grand  historic  triumph  of  liberty  in  Hampton  Roads. 

But  how  came  this  mighty  little  stranger  here  at  this 
precise  juncture  ?  The  genius  and  science  of  Ericsson  had 
triumphed.  The  government  had  made  a  cautious  contract 
with  him ;  and  he  had,  with  incredible  energy,  embodied  his 
original  elaborate  thoughts  in  this  little  floating,  masked, 
turreted  battery. 

If,  in  his  wandering  search  for  patronage,  France  or  Eng 
land  had  seized  this  invention  ;  if  the  timid  confidence  of  our 
government  had  been  delayed  a  single  day ;  if  there  had 
been  one  particle  less  of  executive  ability  in  the  great 
Swedish  American ;  if  there  had  been  one  failure  in  mate 
rial,  or  the  adjustments  of  numerous  parts  of  this  wonderful 
combination  of  inventions  constructed  in  so  many  different 
places;  finally,  if  the  ocean  had  been  wild  and  perilous, so  as 
to  have  detained  "The  Monitor,"  —  our  squadron  in  Hampton 
Roads  must  have  been  utterly  ruined,  the  blockade  broken, 


634  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

and  our  wooden  ships  everywhere  dashed  to  pieces  and 
sunk.  But  God  superintended  this  whole  affair.  All  these 
contingencies  were  in  his  hand ;  and  every  one  of  them 
obeyed  his  will  to  save  a  favored  nation. 


THE   PENINSULA. 

The  winter  had  worn  away;  the  early  spring  was  rapidly 
passing;  and  the  vast  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  still  engaged 
in  drilling  in  and  around  Washington.  President  Lincoln, 
who  always  acted  for  the  people,  ordered  an  advance. 

Gen.  M'Clellan  had  under  his  immediate  command  about 
one  hundred  thousand  men.  With  this  splendid  force  he 
moved  upon  Yorktown;  but  not  deeming  it  prudent  to  at 
tack  Magruder,  who  had  only  about  seven  thousand  men  in 
command,  he  "  sat  down "  before  the  town,  and  "  sent  to 
Washington  for  siege  guns."  He  continued  thirty  days  in 
trenching,  and  preparing  to  open  fire  upon  the  enemy's  works 
by  breaching  batteries.  He  would  have  been  ready  by  the 
6th  of  May;  but,  on  the  4th,  he  discovered  that  there  were  no 
rebels  there :  Magruder  had  retreated,  with  the  purpose  of 
finding  a  better  place  for  resistance.  A  prompt  pursuit  fol 
lowed,  under  Gen.  George  D.  Stoneman.  Hooker,  under  com 
mand  of  Heintzelman,  reached  the  enemy's  new  position 
at  Williamsburg,  and,  with  characteristic  impetuosity,  ad 
vanced  at  once  to  battle,  intending  to  give  him  no  time  for 
preparation.  Gen.  J.  E.  Johnston,  commander  of  the  Confed 
erate  forces,  had  hastened  his  troops  to  meet  Gen.  M'Clellan 
and  defend  Richmond.  Gen.  Hooker  was  therefore  confront 
ed  by  Longstreet  in  force ;  and  a  fierce  and  terrible  con 
flict  ensued.  By  some  strange  oversight,  this  brave  com 
mander  was  left  to  contend  against  enormous  odds  for  nine 
hours  without  re-enforcements.  At  length,  Gen.  Hancock, 
by  order  of  Gen.  Sumner,  reached  the  enemy's  left,  and  by  a 
brilliant  charge  drove  him  from  his  position  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         635 

This  desperate  battle  cost  us  fifteen  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  men  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing;  but  it  compelled 
the  Confederates  to  retreat,  leaving  more  than  a  thousand 
wounded  on  the  field. 

Gen.  Franklin's  division  had  been  sent  by  Gen.  M'Clellan 
up  York  River  to  West  Point.  He  was  joined  by  Gen.  Dana 
with  a  part  of  Gen.  Sedgwick's  division.  After  a  severe 
engagement,  the  enemy,  composed  in  part  of  Wade  Hamp 
ton's  legion  and  Whiting's  Texan  division,  withdrew. 

Gen.  Stonernan  now  moved  to  open  communication  with 
Gen.  Franklin.  Gen.  Smith's  division  followed  on  the  direct 
road  to  Richmond. 

The  Confederates,  deeming  Norfolk  unsafe,  abandoned  it, 
blowing  up  and  burning  every  thing  that  could  be  destroyed, 
including  the  renowned  "Merrimack"  and  two  other  iron 
clads  unfinished.  The  city  was  surrendered  to  Gen.  Wool 
by  the  civil  authorities. 

Norfolk  in  our  hands,  and  "  The  Merrimack  "  destroyed,  our 
fleet,  under  command  of  Commodore  Rogers,  now  moved  up 
the  James  River  to  within  eight  miles  of  Richmond.  This 
brought  him  immediately  under  the  enemy's  heavy  guns  at 
the  famous  Drury's  Bluff,  two  hundred  feet  above  the  water, 
with  the  river  obstructed  by  piles  and  vessels ;  sharp-shooters 
and  infantry  in  rifle-pits  greatly  increasing  his  danger. 
His  men  fought  bravely,  until  the  bursting  of  a  hundred- 
pound  Parrott  on  "The  Naugatuck"  added  a  new  terror  to 
the  situation ;  and  the  fleet  moved  down  the  river. 

M'Clellan's  forces  were  now  on  the  Chickahominy,  a  slug 
gish  stream  passing  through  a  miserable,  sickly  swamp.  At 
New  Bridge,  on  the  24th  of  May,  the  hostile  forces  came 
into  collision.  The  battle  was  fierce  ;  but  the  triumph  of  the 
government  forces  compelled  the  retreat  of  the  rebels,  and 
removed  the  contest  to  Seven  Pines  or  Fair  Oaks,  on  the 
direct  road  to  Richmond. 

On  the  31st  of  May,  at  one  o'clock,  P.M.,  the  bloody  battle 
of  Fair  Oaks  was  initiated  by  an  overwhelming  attack 


636  THE   GPvEAT   BEPUBLIC. 

from  Gen.  D.  H|.  Hill's  division  on  Gen.  Casey,  who  was  not 
quite  prepared  for  it.  Prodigies  of  valor  were  achieved  by 
both  sides  on  this  dreadful  field.  Men  fell,  wounded  and 
dying,  or  slain  in  heaps.  Distinguished  officers,  in  large  num 
bers,  were  sacrificed  as  of  no  value.  The  advantage  was 
decidedly  with  the  Confederates,  until  a  quarter-past  three 
o'clock,  P.  M.,  when  Gen.  Heintzelmau's  division  carne  warmly 
into  the  battle.  The  rebel  commander-in-chief  fell  danger 
ously  wounded.  The  command  devolving  upon  Gen.  G.  W. 
Smith,  he  was  suddenly  paralyzed,  and  borne  from  the  field. 
Jefferson  Davis,  in  person,  led  a  rebel  charge  to  repel  the 
advancing  columns  of  the  Republic.  The  spirited  command 
of  Gen.  Sedgwick  now  came  in  between  Heintzelman  and 
Couch,  and  poured  a  torrent  of  canister  from  his  twenty- 
four  guns ;  and  Sedgwick,  moving  his  columns  gallantly  for 
ward,  swept  the  field.  Farther  to  the  right  the  battle  raged, 
where  Gen.  Abercrombie  was  fighting  against  overwhelming 
forces  •  and  Gorman's  brigade  of  Sedgwick's  division  moved 
promptly  to  his  assistance  :  other  regiments,  under  Gen.  Burns, 
came  up  under  a  most  destructive  enfilading  fire ;  and,  as  they 
were  in  danger  of  being  overwhelmed,  the  voice  of  Burns, 
"  Steady,  men,  steady ! "  rolling  along  their  ranks,  was  an 
swered  by  cheer  after  cheer,. and  the  rebels  were  checked. 
Farther  still  to  our  right  the  Confederate  forces  were  hurled 
against  our  ranks,  where  Gens.  Simmer,  Sedgwick,  Dana, 
Burns,  and  Gorman,  with  the  greatest  bravery  and  skill,  com 
manded  our  men.  At  eight  o'clock,  P.M.,  the  rebels  gave 
up  the  contest  for  the  day,  and  left  our  forces  in  possession 
of  the  field. 

There  was  more  fighting  on  the  next  day ;  but  the  Confed 
erates  were  not  fierce  and  hopeful  as  before.  It  was  the 
sequel  of  a  great  battle  already  decided.  Neither  party 
could  crush  the  other;  but  the  advantage  was  decidedly  with 
us.  M'Clellan's  despatch  to  the  War  Department  said,  "  The 
victory  is  complete,  and  all  credit  is  due  to  our  officers 
and  men." 


THE   WAR   OF   SLAVERY   AND   FREEDOM.  637 

Next  morning,  June  2,  a  bold  reconnoissance  by  Gen. 
Hooker  to  within  four  miles  of  Richmond  showed  no  enemy 
but  pickets. 

Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee  was  now  in  command  of  the  Confed 
erates,  and  had  evidently  resolved  to  collect  all  his  forces 
to  resist  M'Clellan  and  save  Richmond.  June  25,  we  were 
vigorously  attacked  by  A.  P.  Hill  at  Mechanicsville.  D.  P. 
Hill's  and  Longstreet's  divisions  came  into  action  ;  but  our 
brave  men  repulsed  them  with  dreadful  slaughter.  M'Call's 
reserves,  who  had  never  before  been  in  battle,  behaved  with 
the  courage  and  daring  of  veterans. 

M'Clellan,  perceiving  that  the  enemy  would  soon  be 
strongly  re-enforced,  withdrew  our  troops  to  what  he  deemed 
a  better  position.  This  order  was  obeyed  at  some  risk,  as 
our  forces  were  compelled,  while  they  were  falling  back,  to 
resist  furious  onsets  of  the  enemy.  We  were  at  length  ready, 
and  the  terrible  battle  of  Gaines's  Mill  immediately  followed. 
Stonewall  Jackson,  generally  supposed  to  be  in  the  Shenan- 
doah  Valley,  at  the  most  critical  moment  of  the  battle  came 
on  to  the  field  with  his  splendid  corps,  and  fell  upon  our 
right  flank  with  the  greatest  fury.  The  carnage  was  dread 
ful.  After  a  long  and  brave  resistance,  overwhelmed  by  num 
bers,  Porter's  infantry  were  compelled  to  fall  back ;  when 
he  opened  upon  the  Confederates  with  eighty  cannon,  and 
checked  their  advance.  Cook  charged  their  right  flank  with 
his  cavalry,  but  was  received  with  such  a  withering  fire, 
that  his  horses  became  utterly  unmanageable,  and,  by  their 
wild  movements,  threw  some  of  Porter's  men  into  confu 
sion.  At  this  critical  moment,  French's  and  Meagher's  men 
rushed  with  cheers  to  the  front,  and  the  enemy  postponed 
the  battle  till  morning.  During  the  night,  however,  our 
forces  were  withdrawn  across  the  Chickahominy. .  This 
movement  enabled  the  enemy  to  claim  a  victory,  and  cost 
us  the  loss  of  our  base  of  supplies,  with  enormous  quantities 
of  military  stores. 

During  these  contests,  there  was  the  greatest  consternation 


638  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

in  Eichmond.  "  The  Confederate  Congress  had  adjourned  in 
such  haste  as  to  show  that  the  members  were  anxious  to  pro 
vide  for  their  own  personal  safety.  President  Davis  sent 
his  family  to  North  Carolina,  and  a  part  of  the  government 
archives  were  packed  ready  for  transportation.  At  the  rail 
road  depots  were  piles  of  baggage  awaiting  transportation ; 
and  the  trains  were  crowded  with  women  and  children,  going 
to  distant  points  in  the  country,  and  escaping  from  the  alarm 
and  distress  in  Richmond."* 

What  must  have  been  the  surprise  of  the  rebels,  when  the 
next  morning,  after  the  display  of  such  bravery  and  strength, 
the  Union  army  had  commenced  a  most  perilous  re  treat  from 
the  Chickahorniny  towards  the  James  River !  The  pursuit, 
at  first  cautious  in  the  extreme,  became  a  succession  of  most 
violent  assaults  from  an  army  roused  by  all  the  moral  effects 
of  a  great  victory.  At  Malvern  Hill,  while  two-thirds  of  his 
men  were  yet  struggling  to  disengage  themselves  from  the 
swamps  of  the  Chickahominy  and  the  furious  attacks  of  the 
enemy,  Gen.  M'Clellan  found  it  necessary  to  make  a  bold 
stand  to  save  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  from  destruction. 

On  the  first  day  of  July,  Jackson  moved  on  to  the  attack, 
with  Whiting's  division  on  his  left,  D.  H.  Hill's  on  the  right, 
and  Swell's  in  the  centre.  Huger's  and  Magruder's  men  came 
up  to  join  in  the  action,  while  Longstreet  and  A.  P.  Hill  were 
held  in  reserve.  The  forces  of  D.  H.  Hill  advanced  against 
our  right ;  but  they  were  swept  down  by  a  fire  that  no  men 
could  resist.  Jackson  sent  his  own  division  and  a  part  of 
Swell's  to  Hill's  support ;  but  success  on  that  part  of  the  field 
was  impossible.  On  our  left,  Magruder  ordered  fifteen  thou 
sand  infantry  to  charge.  "  There  was,"  says  Pollard,  "  a  run 
of  more  than  six  hundred  yards  up  a  rising  ground,  an  un 
broken  flat  beyond  of  several  hundred  yards,  one  hundred 
pieces  of  cannon  behind  breastworks,  and  heavy  masses  of 
infantry  in  support.  The  brigades  advanced  bravely  across 
the  open  field,  raked  by  the  fire  of  the  cannon  and  large 

*  Pollard,  p.  211. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         639 

bodies  of  infantry.  Some  were  broken,  and  gave  way ; 
others  approached  close  to  the  guns,  driving  back  the  in 
fantry,  compelling  the  advanced  batteries  to  retire  to  escape 
capture,  and  mingling  their  dead  with  those  of  the  enemy. 
To  add  to  the  horrors  of  the  scene,  and  the  immense 
slaughter  in  front  of  the  batteries,  the  gunboats  increased 
the  rapidity  of  their  broadsides ;  and  the  immense  missiles 
came  through  the  air  with  great  noise,  tearing  off  the  tree- 
tops,  and  bursting  with  loud  explosions.  Towards  sunset, 
the  concussion  of  artillery  was  terrific.  The  hill  was  clothed 
in  sheets  of  flame ;  shells  rained  athwart  the  horizon  ;  the 
blaze  of  the  setting  sun  could  scarcely  be  discerned  through 
the  canopy  of  smoke  which  floated  from  the  surface  of  the 
plains  and  rivers.  Piles  of  dead  lay  thick,  close  to  the 
enemy's  batteries ;  and  the  baleful  fires  of  death  yet  blazed 
among  the  trees,  where  our  shattered  columns  had  sought  an 
imperfect  cover  behind  the  slight  curtain  of  the  fort."  Night 
came  on  to  stop  this  dreadful  carnage.  The  rebels  retired, 
feeling  that  they  had  not  strength  enough  left  for  what  they 
had  hoped  would  be  a  grand  final  triumph.  They  had  failed 
in  their  brilliant  charge,  and  innumerable  fugitives  carried  dis 
may  to  Richmond.  Oar  right  was  unbroken.  We  had  gained 
a  great  victory,  and  yet  Gen.  M'Clellan  fled  from  it  as  from  a 
crushing  defeat.  The  rebel  brigadier-general  J.  R.  Tremble 
says,  "  The  next  morning,  by  dawn,  I  went  off  to  ask  for 
orders,  when  I  found  the  whole  army  in  the  utmost  disorder  ; 
thousands  of  straggling  men,  asking  every  passer-by  for  their 
regiment;  ambulances,  wagons,  and  artillery  obstructing 
every  road ;  and  altogether,  in  a  drenching  rain,  presenting 
a  scene  of  the  most  woful  and  disheartening  confusion." 

Jusf  when  our  splendid  troops,  with  spirits  still  unbroken, 
were  expecting  every  moment  to  receive  the  order  to 
advance  through  these  shattered  rebel  forces  to  Richmond, 
which  was  now  so  nearly  helpless  at  their  feet,  they  were 
ordered  to  retreat.  It  was  too  much  to  bear.  Some  cursing, 
and  gnashing  their  teeth  with  rage,  others  weeping  with 


640  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

disappointment,  these  noble  men  were  hurried  away  to  seek  a 
place  of  safety,  leaving  multitudes  of  their  dead  and  wounded 
to  the  care  of  the  enemy. 

For  three  months  of  excessive  caution,  these  heroic  men 
had  fought  their  way  up  to  within  four  miles  of  Richmond, 
during  which  the  Confederates  had  every  opportunity  to  rally 
all  their  men,  and  prepare  for  the  conflict ;  and  they  had  used 
it  with  the  utmost  industry  and  skill.  After  one  continuous 
battle,  lasting  seven  days,  during  which  they  had  suffered  in 
credible  hardships,  amid  the  carnage  of  battle-fields  and  the 
mire  and  miasma  of  the  swamps,  and  seen  more  than  fifteen 
thousand  of  their  brave  comrades  slaughtered,  wounded,  or 
captured,  they  had  at  length  wrenched  victory  from  the 
grasp  of  their  deadly  enemies,  and  were  yet  eighty-six  thou 
sand  men  of  unfaltering  courage  and  unconquerable  prowess; 
but  they  were  now  to  leave  their  fields  of  heroic  daring  in 
disgrace !  Never  was  obedience  a  sterner  test  of  loyalty  ; 
but  they  obeyed.  The  campaign  of  tbe  Peninsula  was  over; 
and  our  enraged,  dispirited  army  must  haste  to  unite  with 
Pope's  command  to  save  Washington. 

Cedar  Mountain,  and  u  the  second  Bull  Run"  as  it  is  com 
monly  called,  followed  not  long  after ;  and,  while  men  and 
parties  differed  as  to  the  responsibility,  the  disgrace  came 
upon  the  nation  to  heighten  the  dissatisfaction  with  the  con 
duct  of  the  war. 

Why  were  all  these  disasters?  -Why  did  not  our  brave 
and  superb  army  of  the  Potomac  capture  the  rebel  capital  ? 
Why,  instead,  must  our  own  capital  be  menaced  in  conse 
quence  of  disgraceful  defeat,  when  our  forces  were  apparent 
ly  strong  enough  to  achieve  victory  ?  By  many  it  will  be 
answered,  they  were  not  well  commanded ;  by  others,  that 
they  were  not  properly  re-enforced,  and  were  attempting 
impossibilities.  Only  one  answer,  however,  can  be  final. 
The  nation  was  not  yet  ready  to  do  justice.  If  we  had 
closed  the  war  then,  there  would  have  been  no  proclamation 
of  liberty. 


THE  WAR   OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.  641 


ANTIETAM. 

The  Confederate  idea  of  carrying  the  war  into  the  North 
had  been  delayed  much  longer  than  was  intended ;  but  the 
result  of  M'Clellan's  Peninsular  campaign,  and  Pope's  defeat 
at  "  the  second  Bull  Run,"  determined  this  question.  On 
the  first  day  of  September,  Gen.  Lee,  with  a  large  por 
tion  of  the  Army  of  Virginia,  moved  towards  Maryland : 
on  the  6th  he  was  in  Frederick  City,  from  which  he 
marched  his  aggressive  force  to  the  severe  defeat  of  South 
Mountain. 

On  the  16th,  these  old  antagonists,  M'Clellan  and  Lee, 
with  large  armies,  met  on  the  field  of  Antietam.  The  im 
petuous  Hooker  hurled  his  brave  division  against  the  veter 
ans  of  Stonewall  Jackson,  and  compelled  them,  after  a 
dreadful  conflict,  to  recede  from  their  position.  Early  came 
forward  to  replace  Jackson's  division,  which,  however,  un 
subdued,  would  soon  re-appear  on  the  field.  Rickett  and 
Meade  now  moved  forward  with  spirit,  and  drove  back  the 
rebel  lines.  Hood's  division,  which  had  disappeared,  came 
up  again  with  great  energy.  Doubleday's  "  best  brigade  " 
moved  forward  in  double-quick,  and  seized  the  crest  of 
the  hill.  Their  brave  commander,  Hartsuff,  fell,  severely 
wounded ;  but  they  held  this  critical  point  alone  for  half  an 
hour.  Eickett's  division  marched  boldly  to  this  centre,  but 
recoiled  from  the  terrific  fire  of  the  foe.  Mansfield  carne  to 
their  help,  but  was  driven  back.  On  our  right,  Doubleday's 
guns  destroyed  a  rebel  battery.  Rickett's  men  rallied  and 
stood  firm,  but  were  not  able  to  advance.  Hooker  brought 
up  Crawford's  and  Gordon's  brigades  and  Mansfield's  troops 
to  his  aid,  and  commenced  a  forward  movement,  to  carry  the 
woods ;  but,  receiving  a  severe  wound,  was  compelled  to 
retire  from  the  field.  Sumner,  now  in  command  here, 
brought  up  to  the  bloody  cornfield  Sedgwick's  division  of 
his  own  corps.  The  rebel  MkLaws,  after  a  severe  night's 
march,  moved  into  the  field  to  the  support  of  Jackson,  and, 


642  THE    GBEAT    REPUBLIC. 

with  Walker's  and  Early's  divisions,  assailed  our  brave  men 
with  dreadful  energy,  and  retook  the  cornfield,  but  re 
coiled  from  the  murderous  fire  of  our  batteries.  Franklin, 
with  his  fresh  troops,  now  appeared  in  the  battle.  He 
sent  Slocum  to  the  centre,  and  ordered  Smith  to  retake  the 
contested  ground.  Rushing  suddenly  upon  the  rebels,  they 
were  swept  from  the  field,  which  thereafter  remained  in  our 
hands. 

For  four  dreadful  hours,  French's  division  of  Sumner's 
corps  withstood  the  onsets  of  the  Confederates,  having 
gained  an  advanced  position  at  the  close  of  the  day.  Rich 
ardson's  division  of  the  same  corps  came  into  action,  the 
Irish  brigades  being  conspicuous  for  gallant  and  fearless  bear 
ing.  The  enemy  now  attempted  to  turn,  first  the  left,  and 
then  the  right,  of  this  division,  but  were  repulsed  with  heavy 
loss.  They  then  charged  with  desperation  upon  the  centre, 
but  were  hurled  back  with  great  slaughter.  The  brave 
Gen.  Richardson  fell,  and  Hancock  took  his  place.  Fur 
ther  attempts  of  the  rebels  showed  that  they  had  been  seri 
ously  weakened  by  their  losses ;  and  the  night  closed  the 
action  here,  leaving  the  advantage  with  us. 

In  the  afternoon,  M'Clellan  ordered  up  a  large  number  of 
Porter's  corps,  held  till  then  in  reserve.  Burnside,  now  re- 
enforced,  charged  across  the  bridge  and  up  the  hill,  and 
took  the  heights.  A.  P.  Hill's  division,  coming  up  fresh 
from  Harper's  Ferry,  rushed  upon  our  ranks,  now  disor 
dered  by  victory,  and  hurled  them  back  ;  but,  recoiling  from 
the  terrific  fire  of  our  batteries,  they  made  no  attempt  to 
cross  the  bridge.  The  lion-hearted  Jackson,  after  recon 
noitring,  declined  the  attempt  to  obey  the  orders  of  Lee  to 
turn  our  right,  and  wrench  a  victory  from  the  firm,  deter 
mined  ranks  of  our  bleeding  freemen.  So  closed,  indeci 
sively,  "  the  bloodiest  day  that  America  ever  saw."  *  More 
than  eighty-seven  thousand  Union  men  and  at  least  sixty 
thousand  Confederates  entered  the  field ;  while  the  nurn- 

*  Greeley,  ii.  211. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         643 

bers,  courage,  and  skill  of  the  forces  actually  engaged  were 
so  nearly  balanced,  that  a  decisive  victory  was  impossible. 
Some  twenty  thousand  Americans  on  both  sides  fell  that 
day,  bleeding  or  dead.  The  Confederates  fled  from  Mary 
land,  and  sought  refuge  beyond  the  lines. 


VICKSBURG. 

Let  us  now  return  to  the  West.  There  we  find  our  brave 
freemen  still  struggling  to  remove  rebel  obstructions  to  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  The  rebel  flag  yet  floated 
over  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson. 

Farragut  and  Porter  moved  up  the  river.  The  noble  fleet 
came  down  from  above,  under  Flag-officer  Davis,  successor 
to  the  gallant  Foote.  A  portion  of  Farragut's  squadron  shot 
by  the  blazing,  roaring  batteries;  and  the  North-west  and 
the  East  shook  hands  on  the  great  Mississippi.  On  the  27th 
of  June,  a  most  terrific  bombardment  commenced.  The 
brave  fleet  "steaming  up  stream,  in  front  of  the  city,  the 
gunboats  delivered  broadside  after  broadside  at  the  batteries, 
while  the  mortar-ketches  from  below  filled  the  air  with 
bombs."  For  eighteen  days,  this  storm  of  fire  and  iron  hail 
fell  upon  "  The  Queen  City  of  the  Bluffs  "  and  its  formidable 
batteries,  to  be  answered  only  by  belching  flames  and  frown 
ing  defiance.  At  length,  an  ugly  ram,  —  "  The  Arkansas,"  — 
mailed  and  fearless,  came  out,  and  showed  power  to  trample 
down  our  frailer  wooden  crafts.  Farragut,  too  wise  and 
brave  to  risk  his  noble  fleet,  shot  down  the  river;  and 
"  Vicksburg ! "  was  shouted  by  ten  thousand  voices,  as  "  the 
Gibraltar  of  the  Confederacy." 

The  problem  of  Vicksburg  now  came  back  upon  Grant 
and  his  army  of  Western  heroes.  For  one  whole  year,  this 
cool,  great  mind  struggled  with  this  problem ;  much  of  the 
time  in  the  midst  of  disasters  and  difficulties  which  would 
have  overwhelmed  almost  any  other  man.  But  the  Great 
Republic,  at  length,  had  found  her  man.  The  dashing,  chiv- 


644  THE  GKEAT  REPUBLIC. 

alrous  commander  of  Donelson  was  as  calm  and  patient  as 
he  was  energetic  and  daring. 

He  had  made  five  desperate  attempts  to  reach  the  rear  of 
Vicksburg,  and  failed  :  the  sixth  was  now  resolved  upon. 
It  would  have  been  earlier  adopted ;  but  it  was  so  perilous, 
that  Gen.  Grant  had  deemed  it  his  duty  to  try  every  possible 
method  involving  less  of  hazard  to  his  army. 

On  the  29th  of  March,  1863,  Gen.  M'Clernand's  corps,  fol 
lowed  as  soon  as  possible  by  ammunition  and  provisions  and 
by  M'Pherson's  corps,  moved  across  the  country,  thirty-five 
miles  from  Milliken's  Bend,  to  a  point  below  New  Carthage. 
Admiral  Porter  ran  the  gantlet  of  the  batteries,  and,  with 
several  vessels  and  transports,  reached  the  place  of  rendez 
vous.  On  the  30th  of  April,  the  troops  were  quietly  ferried 
over  the  river,  opposite  Bruinsburg.  In  the  mean  time, 
Sherman  made  a  very  pretentious  demonstration  towards 
Haynes's  Bluff,  which  so  far  deceived  the  Confederates 
as  to  call  off  attention  from  Grant  and  his  movements 
below.  At  the  right  time,  however,  he  disappeared  from 
the  menaced  point,  and  moved  rapidly  on  to  Grant's  line. 
May  1,  M^Clernand's  corps,  and  Logan's  division  of  M'Pher- 
son's,  fought  the  spirited  battle  of  Port  Gibson,  with  five 
thousand  rebels  under  Gen.  Bowen,  and  beat  them,  both 
parties  losing  heavily. 

Gen.  J.  E.  Johnston  was  now  commander-in-chief  of  the 
rebel  armies  of  the  West ;  and  he,  understanding  the  power 
of  his  antagonist,  was  gathering  forces  at  Jackson,  the  capi 
tal  of  Mississippi,  to  resist  his  advance.  But  Grant's  forces 
were  there  before  he  was  prepared ;  and,  having  no  chance 
of  successful  resistance,  he  retired.  Gen.  Sherman  promptly 
destroyed  railroad  bridges  and  military  stores,  and  moved 
on  after  Grant,  who  had  suddenly  faced  about,  and  was  on 
the  rapid  march  towards  Vicksburg. 

Gen.  Pemberton,  the  rebel  commander  of  this  stronghold, 
thought  the  whole  Confederacy  depended  upon  it,  and,  dis 
obeying  the  orders  of  Johnston  to  evacuate  it  and  save  his 


THE  WAB,  OF  SLAVEEY  AND  FREEDOM.         645 

army,  sent  a  strong  force  to  strike  what  he  supposed  to  be 
Grant's  line  of  communications.  But  Grant  had  no  commu 
nications.  He  had  boldly  swung  loose  from  his  base  of 
supplies  at  Grand  Gulf,  and  moved  out  fearlessly  into  the 
enemy's  territory,  to  fight  his  men,  and  compel  him  to  feed 
his  army.  Finding  his  mistake  when  it  was  too  late,  Pem- 
berton  sought  to  return,  without  a  battle,  to  the  defences  of 
Vicksburg  ;  but  the  movements  of  the  Union  troops  were  too 
rapid  to  allow  it.  Finding  Grant's  men  moving  up  to  Ed 
ward's  Station,  he  was  compelled  to  form  in  order  of  battle 
on  Champion  Hills.  This  was  "  a  position  of  great  natural 
strength,"  and  the  conflict  was  very  severe.  It  is  frightful 
to  think  of  the  result  if  Grant  had  been  crushed  that  day 
between  the  forces  of  Pemberton  and  Johnston :  but  Gen. 
Johnston  could  not  organize  a  sufficient  force,  and  repair 
the  track  of  war,  in  time  to  come  into  this  decisive  action; 
and  Pemberton  was  overthrown.  His  scattered  forces,  rush 
ing  to  their  fortifications,  carried  dismay  to  the  citizens  of 
Vicksburg,  whose  hope  had  been  strong  that  Gen.  Grant  and 
his  forces  would  meet  their  destruction  in  their  desperate 
attempts  to  reach  the  rear  of  their  city. 

The  last  obstacle  to  the  advance  of  the  conqueror  was 
swept  away;  and,  just  eighteen  days  from  the  crossing  of 
the  Mississippi,  he  moved  up  to  a  position  near  the  fortifi 
cations  of  Vicksburg. 

It  was  the  10th  of  May  when  the  doomed  city  was  fully 
invested.  Then  brave  and  desperate  assaults,  mines  and 
counter-mines,  thundering  cannonades,  bursting  shells,  and 
storming  canister,  followed  each  other  in  terrific  violence, 
until  the  morning  of  the  glorious  4th  of  July;  when  the 
suffering  garrison  stacked  their  arms,  and  twenty-seven 
thousand  Confederates  surrendered  to  the  veteran  com 
mander  who  that  day  grandly  represented  the  calm,  irre 
sistible  power  of  the  Great  Republic.  Three  days  after,  as 
a  legitimate  sequence,  Port  Hudson  was  surrendered  to  Gen. 
Banks,  and  the  solemn  pledges  of  the  West  had  been  fully 


646  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

redeemed :  the  great  Mississippi  was  open,  from  its  source 
to  the  Gulf. 

FREDERICKSBURG. 

Gen.  Burnside  now  commanded  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac.  He  had  not  coveted  this  heavy  responsibility.  It 
was  forced  upon  him  when  the  government  was  literally 
and  painfully  searching  for  a  man. 

He  resolved  upon  the  direct  line  to  Richmond,  through 
Fredericksburg.  His  intentions  were  too  soon  ascertained 
by  his  antagonist,  Gen.  Lee.  His  advance  reached  Fal- 
mouth,  on  the  Rappahannock,  opposite  Fredericksburg,  too 
late  for  a  surprise.  There  was  a  further  most  unfortunate 
delay  in  the  arrival  of  pontoons  for  crossing  his  army.  This 
enabled  the  Confederates  to  make  ample  preparations  to 
receive  their  assailants. 

The  town,  lying  directly  under  our  guns,  was  at  our 
mercy ;  but  Marye's  Heights,  in  its  rear,  with  formidable 
defences,  was  to  be  the  principal  scene  of  the  bloody  strife. 
On  the  night  of  the  llth  and  12th  of  December,  our  pon 
toons,  laid  amid  storms  of  rebel  missiles  costing  us  three 
hundred  men,  were  deemed  practicable ;  and  our  brave 
troops  began  to  rush  over.  To  drive  in  the  enemy's  ad 
vance,  and  clear  the  town,  was  but  a  brief  work.  Opposite 
Franklin's  corps  of  forty  thousand  men,  on  our  left,  behind 
the  strongest  defences,  lay  Stonewall  Jackson,  with  his  veter 
ans,  his  left  commanded  by  A.  P.  Hill.  Opposite  the  superb 
divisions  of  Hooker  and  Sumn^r,  numbering  sixty  thousand, 
was  Longstreet,  whose  men,  with  Jackson's,  brought  the 
rebel  army  up  to  about  eighty  thousand. 

At  precisely  this  moment  it  should  have  been  seen  that 
an  attack  upon  Marye's  Heights,  against  formidable  walls, 
and  in  the  face  of  three  hundred  cannon  raking  every  inch 
of  our  ground,  with  eighty  thousand  brave  men,  skilfully 
commanded,  in  the  rear,  was  impracticable.  The  army 
should  have  been  promptly  and  quietly  withdrawn  during 


THE   WAR   OF   SLAVERY   AND  FREEDOM. 

the  night,  and  an  attempt  made  to  turn  the  enemy's  posi 
tion;  but  Gen.  Burnside  dreaded  more  the  moral  effect, 
upon  the  minds  of  an  irritated  nation,  of  a  retrograde  move 
ment,  than  he  did  the  cannons  and  breastworks  of  Lee. 

Couch's  division,  under  cover  of  a  dense  fog,  formed  for 
the  assault.  Brave  and  noble  men  they  were !  When  the 
sun  came  up  and  dispelled  the  mist,  they  obeyed  the  order, 
and  moved  up  to  be  swept  down  by  the  storm  of  death  from 
rebel  guns.  There  was  no  flinching,  no  hesitancy.  On 
they  pressed,  sublimely  rising  above  the  fear  of  death',  and 
seemed  almost  ready  to  triumph ;  when  they  dashed  against 
a  solid  stone  wall,  from  behind  which  the  guns  of  the  rebels 
poured  destruction  into  their  ranks.  They  could  by  no 
possible  exertions  advance  farther,  but  stood  firmly  up  to 
the  dreadful  slaughter.  At  length,  when  two-thirds  of  their 
number  had  fallen,  the  bleeding,  staggering  survivors  were 
led  away,  for  others,  equally  brave,  to  take  their  places. 
Rank  after  rank,  during  all  that  long  and  dreadful  day,  our 
men,  some  of  them  fresh  recruits  who  had  never  seen  a 
battle,  were  led  up  to  that  stone  wall  to  be  swept  down  like 
grass,  and  with  no  hopes  of  success. 

Franklin,  on  the  left,  came  into  action  too  late  for  deci 
sive  effect ;  but,  defying  death,  his  men  rushed  against  rebel 
columns  and  defences.  Commanded  immediately  by  Rey 
nolds  and  Bayard,  they  went  into  action  to  conquer  or  die. 
Meade's  division,  and  a  large  number  of  Hooker's,  re-en 
forced  these  struggling  heroes,  and  fought  with  the  utmost 
gallantry.  Portions  of  A.  P.  Hill's  rebel  corps  were  over 
powered  and  separated  by  their  dreadful  energy ;  and  two 
hundred  prisoners  were  taken.  Here,  as  success  seemed  to 
be  just  at  hand,  the  fresh  troops  of  Early  and  D.  H.  Hill 
rushed  to  the  front.  They  had  marched  all  night  from  Port 
Royal,  and  came  up  in  time  to  turn  the  scale  against  us. 

The  carnage  of  that  dreadful  day  defies  all  description. 
It  was  the  same  everywhere ;  moving  on  calmly,  or  rushing 
impetuously ;  falling,  dead  and  wounded  together,  in  writh- 


648  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

ing,  gory  piles  of  martyrs  to  liberty.  Fifteen  thousand  men, 
as  brave  as  ever  marched  to  the  field  of  death,  had  fallen, 
dead  or  wounded,  or  were  prisoners,  reserved  for  a  harder 
fate. 

The  next  morning,  Burnside  was  determined  to  make 
another  assault:  but  the  stern  remonstrance  of  Sumner, 
sustained  by  other  commanders,  controlled  his  desperate 
purpose ;  and,  after  facing  his  antagonist  for  two  days,  he 
withdrew  his  forces  across  the  river,  the  keenest  sufferer  of 
all  the  suffering  millions  upon  whose  ears  the  news  of  that 
day's  disaster  fell. 

Burnside,  a  brave  soldier,  a  noble  man,  and  a  good  division 
commander,  was  relieved  by  Hooker.  Bold,  dashing,  irre 
sistible  in  command  of  forces  which  he  could  fairly  wield, 
Hooker  was,  nevertheless,  quite  inadequate  to  the  respon 
sibilities  of  commanding  a  vast  aggressive  army.  The  par 
tial  successes  and  ultimate  failure  of  Chancellorsville  fol 
lowed  Fredericksburg ;  and  the  scene  of  conflict  changed. 


GETTYSBURG. 

In  the  judgment  of  Lee  and  the  Confederate  authorities 
at  Richmond,  the  time  had  now  fully  come  to  advance  in 
earnest  into  the  territory  of  freedom.  The  Union  forces  had 
just  been  twice  beaten,  and  must  be  supposed  to  be  greatly 
demoralized.  The  time  of  considerable  numbers  of  men 
had  expired,  and  they  were  mustered  out.  The  anxious 
politicians  of  France  and  England,  making  nothing  of  South 
Mountain  and  Antietam,  and  turning  their  eyes  from  the 
West,  argued  from  the  Peninsular  campaign,  and  from  Fred 
ericksburg  and  Chancellorsville,  that  the  grand  catastrophe 
of  the  Great  Republic  was  at  hand  ;  and  it  is  probable  that 
rebel  emissaries  near  their  courts  had  reason  for  saying  that 
a  bold  and  successful  advance  into  the  North  would  be  fol 
lowed  by  a  recognition  of  the  Confederacy.  The  rebel  army 
was  in  the  highest  spirits,  and  believed  it  was  absolutely  in- 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         649 

vincible.  These  brave  and  desperate  men  longed  to  com 
mence  their  proud  march  through  the  fields  of  rich  and 
abundant  supplies,  for  the  destruction  of  Philadelphia,  Balti 
more,  and  Washington;  and  even  New  York  and  Boston 
seemed  to  them  to  be  within  the  reach  of  their  irresistible 
power. 

Immense  preparations  had  been  made  for  the  grand  inva 
sion.  During  the  first  days  of  June,  this  movement  com 
menced.  Soon  Hooker,  who  was  on  the  alert,  found  Lee's 
advance  at  Culpeper.  Presently  he  was  pouring  troops 
through  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  Ewell  dashed  across  into 
Maryland,  and,  as  the  van  of  a  large  army  of  invasion,  pro 
duced  the  greatest  alarm,  extending  through  Pennsylvania 
into  the  North.  Hooker  did  not  dare  to  uncover  Washing- 

o 

ton  until  Lee  left  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  The  Confederate 
general  had  thus  ample  time  to  bring  up  his  forces  ; 
and,  by  the  24th  of  June,  he  was  ready  to  follow  Ewell 
across  the  Potomac.  Ewell  was  already  in  Pennsylvania  : 
Chambersburg  and  Carlisle  had  been  entered  in  triumph ; 
and  Harrisburg,  the  capital,  was  menaced  by  his  advance. 
Hanover  and  York  were  soon  reached  by  other  rebel  forces. 

In  the  mean  time,  under  the  prompt  orders  of  Gov.  Cur- 
tin,  the  hardy  sons  of  Pennsylvania  were  rallying  to  the 
defence  of  their  noble  State.  At  Harrisburg  and  at  Colum 
bia,  they  were  gathering  to  dispute  the  passage  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna  and  the  rebel  advance  on  Philadelphia. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac  showed  the  unconquerable 
spirit  of  the  North.  Re-organized,  and  strengthened  by  re 
cruits  moving  to  the  front  at  the  call  of  their  beloved  Pres 
ident,  Hooker  was  soon  at  Frederick,  Md.,  with  a  powerful 
force^  making  demonstrations  towards  Lee's  communications 
at  Harper's  Ferry.  Lee's  advance  upon  Harrisburg  was  now 
arrested.  The  army  of  the  United  States,  he  discovered, 
was  ntit,  as  he  had  supposed,  broken  and  powerless,  hovering 
about  \he  defences  of  Washington  to  preserve  its  existence, 
but  a  strong,  active  force,  too  formidable  to  be  left  in  his  rear. 


650  THE   GKEAT  EEPUBLIC. 

A  retreat  was  not  to  be  thought  of.  The  moral  effect  upon 
his  proud  army  of  invasion,  and  on  his  own  reputation,  would 
be  perilous  in  the  extreme :  besides,  it  was  too  late  ;  a  great 
battle  was  inevitable.  He  wisely  called  in  his  troops,  and 
began  to  threaten  our  communications.  Hooker  asked  Gen. 
Halleck,  now  commander-in-chief  at  Washington,  for  ten  thou 
sand  troops  at  Harper's  Ferry  to  join  with  Slocum's  corps, 
and  make  a  vigorous  demonstration  in  the  rear  of  the  rebel 
force.  Being  refused,  he  resigned ;  and  our  government  again 
tried  the  perilous  experiment  of  a  change  of  commanders 
on  the  eve  of  a  great  and  decisive  battle.  Gen.  G.  G.  Meade 
was  advanced  to  the  command.  Greatly  surprised,  he,  how 
ever,  acted  promptly.  On  the  29th  of  June,  he  issued  his 
orders,  and  moved  his  army  from  Fredericksburg,  deter 
mined  to  give  battle. 

The  two  armies,  marching  at  right  angles,  came  unexpect 
edly  into  collision  at  Gettysburg.  Gen.  Meade  had  selected 
his  battle-field  on  Pipe  Creek.  Gen.  Lee  had  resolved  to 
wait  for  an  attack.  But  Providence  selected  the  field :  and 
it  was  well ;  for,  to  all  human  appearance,  the  future  of  the 
armies,  and  perhaps  of  the  nation,  depended  upon  it. 

On  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  July,  a  Union  force  of  cav 
alry,  under  Buford,  was  reported  as  being  in  Gettysburg. 
Gen.  A.  P.  Hill  moved  up  with  two  divisions  of  his  corps  to 
drive  Buford  away.  Hill  attacked  at  once,  but  found  him 
self  dealing  with  a  strong,  wily  antagonist.  Buford  kepr,  his 
forces  active,  but  chiefly  in  reserve;  until,  at  about  ten  o'clock, 
A.M.,  as  he  expected,  the  head  of  Reynolds's  column  appeared, 
commanded  by  the  gallant  Wadsworth.  Without  waiting 
for  orders,  he  resolved  to  aid  and  relieve  Buford.  He  moved 
to  the  rear  of  the  town,  beyond  Seminary  Ridge,  and  was 
attacked  before  he  had  time  to  form  a  line,  and  wilh  but 
one  brigade  and  a  single  battery  at  command.  The  brave 
and  daring  Gen.  Reynolds  ordered  his  men  to  charge ,  when 
he  was  struck  by  a  rebel  bullet,  and  fell,  mortally  wounded. 
His  heroic  command,  energized  rather  than  dishairtened 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         651 

by  this  great  disaster,  rushed  forward  with  such  impetuosity 
as  to  sweep  every  thing  before  them ;  taking  the  whole  rebel 
brigade,  including  their  commander,  prisoners.  At  this  mo 
ment,  Davis's  Mississippi  brigade  appeared  on  the  right,  rush 
ing  for  our  only  battery ;  but  they  were  overwhelmed,  and 
also  taken  prisoners.  Doubleday's  and  Robinson's  divisions 
of  our  first  corps,  and  Fender's  rebel  division,  now  reached 
the  field ;  and  the  battle  raged  with  still  greater  fury.  At 
noon,  the  gallant  first  corps,  greatly  diminished  by  the 
numbers  of  their  slain,  stood  firm;  and  the  Union  troops 
had  thus  far  been  superior  to  their  assailants.  At  one,  P.M., 
Howard  came  up  with  our  eleventh  corps,  and  moved  to 
the  west  and  north  of  Gettysburg.  Jackson's  veterans,  now 
commanded  by  Ewell,  marched  rapidly  up  from  the  Susque- 
hanna,  and,  seizing  a  superior  position,  broke  through  the 
weak  centre  of  the  extended  Union  line,  and  took  five  thou 
sand  prisoners. 

It  was  not  till  late  in  the  afternoon  that  Gen.  Meade  re 
ceived  intelligence  of  the  battle  in  progress  and  the  death 
of  Gen.  Reynolds.  He  ordered  Gen.  Hancock  to  Gettys 
burg  to  survey  the  field,  and  report.  This  brave  man  ar 
rived  just  in  time  to  meet  the  fugitives  from  our  great  dis 
aster,  with  the  Confederates  in  hot  pursuit.  He  assisted  our 
noble  Gen.  Howard  in  rallying  the  troops  and  forming  a 
new  line  of  battle,  presenting  so  firm  a  front  as  to  induce 
the  Confederate  commander  to  pause.  Night  came  on,  and 
wre  were  not  destroyed. 

Meade,  perceiving  that  the  field  of  the  great  battle  had 
been  determined  for  him,  ordered  his  main  army  to  march ; 
and  all  night  these  brave  men  pressed  forward,  so  that,  in  the 
morning,  all  but  the  sixth  corps  had  reached  their  positions. 
On  the  morning  of  the  2d,  Lee  saw  that  he  was  in  the 
midst  of  a  great  battle,  which,  entirely  contrary  to  his  in 
tentions,  had  been  brought  on  by  his  own  troops.  God, 
and  not  the  great  commanders,  controlled  events  that  day. 

Gen.   Lee   determined  upon  his  order  of  battle.     Ewell 


G52  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

moved  against  our  right  on  Gulp's  Hill,  occupied  by  the 
twelfth  corps  and  Wadsworth's  division  of  the  first.  Gen. 
Hill  threatened  our  centre  on  Cemetery  Hill,  where  the 
eleventh  corps  stood  by  the  side  of  Robinson's  and  Double- 
day's  divisions  of  the  first,  connecting  with  Hancock's  sec 
ond  corps.  But  the  principal  attack  was  to  be  delivered  by 
Longstreet  upon  our  left  under  Gen.  Sickles,  who,  instead 
of  making  firm  connection  with  Hancock's  left,  as  Gen. 
Meade  expected,  had  thrown  his  right  half  or  three-quarters 
of  a  mile  forward  of  Hancock's  flank.  At  four  o'clock,  Long- 
street's  forces  moved  boldly  upon  our  left,  which,  exposed  by 
the  peculiar  position  of  Sickles's  corps,  could  not  resist  the 
shock.  Fighting  desperately,  we  were  flanked  and  broken  ; 
and  the  Confederates,  rushing  up  the  ravine  with  exultant 
shouts  to  seize  Little  Round  Top,  the  key  of  the  position, 
met  Vincent's  brigades,  which  grappled  with  them  in 
fierce  conflict.  Woods's  brigade  re-enforced  Vincent.  Both 
these  brave  men  fell  amid  the  dreadful  carnage ;  but,  by  the 
death-struggles  of  these  two  heroic  brigades,  the  position 
was  saved.  In  the  mean  time,  Longstreet's  right  advanced 
with  great  intrepidity,  enveloping  Sickles's  left ;  Birney's 
division  was  compromised,  and  driven  over  the  ridge ;  Sic 
kles  was  borne  from  the  field,  severely  wounded.  Humphrey's 
division,  handled  with  consummate  skill,  and  fighting  des 
perately,  gained  the  crest,  and  formed  bravely  and  defiantly, 
with  only  three  thousand  men.  Hancock  promptly  re-en 
forced  him ;  and  the  Confederates,  exhausted,  recoiled  from 
a  fire  too  severe  for  their  strength  or  courage. 

Terrific  battles  raged  on  Humphrey's  left.  There  Barnes's 
division  went  down,  and  Cald well's  division  lost  half  their 
number.  Ayers's  regulars  rushed  in :  but  the  Confederates 
were  soon  thundering  at  their  flank  and  rear ;  and  they 
bravely  cut  their  way  through  to  Little  Round  Top,  leaving 
nothing  to  protect  our  centre.  The  Confederates  moved  up 
with  the  hope  of  completing  their  triumph,  but  saw  sud 
denly  before  them  the  unbroken  ranks  of  the  fifth  and 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         653 

sixth  corps.  They  hesitated  ;  and  Crawford's  division  of 
Pennsylvania  reserves  moved  down  upon  them  with  such 
fury,  that  they  fell  back,  and  adjourned  the  conflict  till 
another  night  should  pass.  These  heroic  Confederates  slept 
on  their  arms  in  the  wheat-field. 

At  six  o'clock,  P.M.,  Ewell  formed  Jackson's  veterans  in 
two  columns,  —  one  attacking  Cemetery  Hill ;  the  other, 
Gulp's  Hill.  So  many  of  our  forces  had  been  removed  from 
Gulp's  Hill,  that  Swell's  troops  easily  entered  our  works, 
and  remained  for  the  night.  Early's  brigades  swept  away 
such  portions  of  the  ill-fated  eleventh  corps  as  remained, 
and  gained  a  foothold  on  Cemetery  Hill  within  our  works ; 
but  the  brave  resistance  of  our  artillerists,  and  the  rapid  and 
powerful  advance  by  Carroll's  brigade  of  the  second,  hurled 
them  back,  and  the  battle  of  the  2d  of  July  was  closed. 

On  the  3d  of  July,  Lee  made  his  last  terrible  assault 
upon  the  Union  forces  oh  the  heights  of  Gettysburg.  He 
determined  upon  a  grand  cannonade  and  charge  by  Long- 
street's  corps,  and  expected  great  assistance  from  Ewell 
against  our  right,  who  retained  and  re-enforced  his  impor 
tant  position  on  Gulp's  Hill ;  but,  before  daylight,  Gen. 
Meade  hurled  the  twelfth  corps  upon  Swell's  advance,  and 
by  successive  struggles,  lasting  till  near  noon,  drove  his  men 
from  the  invaluable  position  they  had  left  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  2d  to  aid  their  struggling  brethren  in  arms. 

At  one  o'clock,  P.M.,  a  hundred  and  fifty-five  rebel  cannon 
opened  their  terrific  fire  upon  our  ranks  of  embattled  free 
men  ;  and  for  three  dreadful  hours  this  frightful  cannonade 
continued.  Eighty  Union  guns  replied  from  Cemetery  Ridge 
and  Cemetery  Hill,  producing,  in  grandeur  of  display,  "  the 
greatest  artillery  combat  that  ever  occurred  on  this  conti 
nent."  But  prudent  energy  and  military  science  had  pro 
tected  our  men,  so  that  the  casualties  from  the  rebel  guns 
were  comparatively  few. 

At  three  o'clock,  P.M.,  Pickett's  assaulting  columns,  number 
ing,  with  their  supports,  about  eighteen  thousand  superb 


654  ,  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

veterans,  moved  slowly  and  steadily  out  from  the  front  of 
Seminary  Ridge.  Our  wise  artillery  commander  had  econo 
mized  ammunition  and  strength ;  and,  at  precisely  the  right 
moment,  he  poured  into  them  a  fire  so  destructive,  that  per 
fect  order  seemed  a  physical  impossibility.  Pickett's  left  sup 
porting  division,  under  Heath,  staggered,  and  fell  back :  his 
right  supporting  column,  writhing  in  death-agonies,  fell  in 
the  rear.  On,  on,  came  the  calm,  dreadful  columns,  clos 
ing  up  their  ranks,  as  heavy  missiles  from  Union  cannon 
ploughed  through  them. 

Our  infantry  reserved  their  fire  until  these  heroic  men 
had  reached  almost  to  Hancock's  front.  Suddenly  a  storm 
of  bullets  from  Stanard's  brigade  fell  upon  their  right ;  then 
a  withering  fire  from  the  divisions  of  Gibbon  and  Hays,  with 
canister  from  Woodruff's  battery.  At  this  point,  the  Con 
federates  responded ;  but  they  were  swept  down  in  numbers 
so  appalling,  that  they  broke  and  fled ;  and  fifteen  hundred 
men,  with  their  colors,  rushed  for  safety  to  the  ranks  of  our 
grim  warriors,  and  surrendered. 

The  right  of  the  attacking  column  was  assailed  with  so 
deadly  a  fire  from  Hall's  and  Harrow's  brigades  and  the 
brave  Green-mountain  regiments,  that  they  fell  into  the  cen 
tre.  Still  Pickett  sternly  held  his  assaulting  column  to  its 
dreadful  task,  and  hurled  his  men  against  the  brigade  of 
Gen.  Webb,  which,  for  the  moment,  seemed  to  give  way ; 
and  daring  rebels  leaped  our  breastworks,  and  terrible  hand- 
to-hand  death-struggles  ensued.  Col.  Devereux,  of  the  Nine 
teenth  Massachusetts,  begged  permission  of  Gen.  Hancock 
to  lead  his  men  into  the  very  centre  of  this  destructive 
conflict;  and  it  was  granted.  Col.  Mallon's  Forty-second 
New-York  was  ordered  up  with  him,  and  Harrow's  brigade 
followed.  Our  colors  waved  in  the  breach  ;  the  rebels  fell 
in  heaps  of  dead  and  wounded ;  the  survivors  broke  and  fled 
in  dismay,  or  surrendered  to  our  brave  men ;  and  the  victory 
was  ours. 

The  glorious  4th  witnessed  the  retreat  of  Lee's  shattered 


THE  WAR,  OF  SLAVEEY  AND  FREEDOM.         655 

columns  from  the  field  of  Gettysburg,  and  the  surren 
der  of  Vicksburg  to  Grant.  A  day  of  loftier  triumph  had 
never  shone  upon  the  Great  Republic. 


SHENANDOAH    VALLEY. 

This  fine  portion  of  Virginia  was  destined  to  be  the  scene 
of  almost  innumerable  conflicts.  Here  the  renowned  Stone 
wall  Jackson  met  Shields,  and  recoiled  from  his  terrible 
blows  •  then,  moving  swiftly  to  meet  Fremont,  fell  suddenly 
upon  Kenerly,  and  crushed  him ;  drove  Banks  from  Stras- 
burg,  and  delivered  battle  at  Winchester ;  failed  to  destroy 
seven  thousand  men,  or  even  capture  their  principal  trains, 
with  twenty  thousand  victorious  veterans ;  compelled  the 
President  to  call  off  McDowell's  troops  from  re-enforcing 
M'Clellan  on  the  Peninsula ;  fought  and  retreated  by  turns  ; 
eluded  his  gathering  pursuers  by  the  celerity  of  his  move 
ments  ;  and,  when  he  was  expected  to  dash  into  Washington, 
suddenly  fell  upon  our  forces  in  death-struggles  on  the  Chick- 
ahominy. 

In  this  valley,  the  chivalrous  Sheridan  struck,  with  stun 
ning  blows,  the  reckless  Early,  fighting  him  desperately  and 
beating  him  at  Opequan,  then,  two  days  later,  at  Fisher's 
Hill. 

Sheridan,  having  chased  his  antagonist  out  of  the  val 
ley,  dashed  through  its  principal  towns  as  far  as  Staunton,  and 
destroyed  railroads,  forage,  and  every  thing  else  that  could 
sustain  a  rebel  army,  made  a  flying  visit  to  Washington. 
Early,  informed  of  this,  resolved  to  make  a  desperate  effort 
during  his  absence  to  retrieve  his  fortunes.  He  made  a  hasty 
night-march,  and,  just  at  break  of  day,  fell  upon  our  un 
suspecting  troops  at  Cedar  Creek;  killing,  scattering,  and 
taking  them  prisoners,  almost  without  resistance.  All  efforts 
to  rally  our  flying  men  were  useless :  every  brigade  rushing 
up  to  stay  the  tide  was  overwhelmed.  The  rebels  seized  our 
camp  and  provisions,  taking  twenty-four  guns  and  twelve 
hundred  prisoners. 


656  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

Sheridan,  on  his  return  from  Washington,  had  slept  at 
Winchester.  Rumors  threw  him  early  into  the  saddle. 
Riding  rapidly  south,  he  learned  the  news  of  his  disaster, 
and  then  met  the  fugitives  of  his  beaten  army.  Address 
ing  words  of  encouragement  to  them  in  the  most  pleasant 
and  assured  manner,  and  deliberately  re-forming  .his  lines, 
he  ordered  an  attack,  which,  after  a  dreadful  struggle,  over 
whelmed  the  rebels,  restored  our  guns  and  many  of  our 
prisoners,  and  virtually  destroyed  Gen.  Early's  army. 


LOOKOUT    MOUNTAIN. 

Gen.  Rosecrans,  with  his  brave  Western  men,  had  defeated 
Price  at  luka,  Yan  Dorn  at  Corinth,  and  Bragg  (after  four 
days'  hard  fighting)  at  Stone  River.  He  fought  his  way  to 
Chattanooga,  the'  key  to  a  campaign  against  the  rebels  of 
Georgia.  After  a  desperate  and  disastrous  engagement  at 
Chickamauga,  he  was  superseded,  and  resigned  his  immediate 
command  into  the  hands  of  Gen.  George  H.  Thomas,  whose 
almost  incredible  skill  and  energy  saved  our  army  from 
destruction  on  that  field  of  slaughter. 

Gen.  Burnside  now  appeared  in  East  Tennessee,  where  the 
old  flag  was  hailed  with  tears  and  shouts  of  joy  by  multi 
tudes,  who,  in  the  midst  of  unparalleled  suffering,  had  pre 
served  their  patriotism  unimpaired  since  the  beginning  of 
the  war. 

Gen.  Grant  was  now  appointed  to  the  command  of  our 
forces  in  the  West.  Our  army  was  in  distress  at  Chattanoo 
ga,  with  scanty  subsistence,  and  their  long  communications 
in  the  greatest  peril.  The  eleventh  and  twelfth  corps, 
under  Hooker,  were  ordered  to  re-enforce  Grant;  and  twenty 
thousand  men  were  moved  from  the  Rapidan  to  the  Tennes 
see  in  eight  days.  It  was  a  special  Providence.  Our  com 
munications  had  been  cut,  and  millions  in  supplies  destroyed, 
for  which  our  brave  men  were  nearly  starving.  Bragg  felt 
certain  of  completing  the  victory  of  Chickamauga. 


THE  WAR   OF   SLAVERY   AND   FREEDOM.  657 

At  this  critical  moment,  Grant  arrived.  He  made  his 
dispositions  promptly  to  open  up  a  shorter  line  of  supplies, 
and  connect  Chattanooga  with  Hooker's  command  at  Wau- 
hatchie.  Hazen,  with  eighteen  hundred  men  of  Brig.-Gen. 
Smith's  division,  dropped  quietly  down  the  river  on  pontoon- 
boats,  passing  the  rebel  pickets,  and  constructing  a  bridge 
for  the  passage  of  our  army  ;  Smith  moved  down  with  the 
balance  of  his  four  thousand  men ;  and  Bragg  awoke  on 
the  morning  of  the  28th  to  find  the  heights  rising  up 
from  Lookout  Valley  in  our  possession.  We  were,  moreover, 
safe  from  famine,  as  our  supplies  now  reached  us  by  eight 
miles  of  wagon-road,  instead  of  twenty-eight  over  a  fright 
ful  mountain-road  as  before.  Soon  the  astonished  rebels  saw 
the  head  of  Hooker's  columns  winding  through  the  mountain 
gorges.  These  effective  forces,  so  far  as  they  knew,  were  far 
below  Washington  on  the  Rapidan  ;  but  now  they  formed  in 
battle-array  right  before  their  eyes. 

On  the  night  of  Oct.  29,  Geary  was  furiously  attacked ; 
but  he  was  on  his  guard,  and  his  assailants  were  re 
pulsed  with  dreadful  slaughter.  Sherman  was  rapidly 
coming  up  with  his  army  from  the  Big  Black  by  the 
way  of  Memphis ;  and  Grant,  with  some  anxiety,  waited 
his  arrival.  Long-street  was  beleaguering  Burnside  at 
Knoxville ;  and  Grant  wished  to  fight  this  battle  promptly, 
and  re-enforce  Burnside.  Sherman  soon  reported  in  per 
son  ;  and,  Nov.  23,  Grant's  movements  commenced.  Sheri 
dan's  and  Wood's  divisions  of  Granger's  corps  seized  Orchard 
Ridge,  and  held  it.  Geary,  on  the  24th,  capturing  pickets 
at  the  bridge,  extended  his  force  to  the  base  of  the  moun 
tain.  At  eleven,  A.M.,  our  guns  opened  a  terrific  fire. 
Hooker's  men  were  ordered  to  charge  up  the  mountain 
at  the  very  muzzles  of  the  enemy's  guns  ;  and  they 
moved  promptly.  Up  those  heroes  toiled,  over  rocks, 
through  ravines,  and  around  precipitous  cliffs,  until  about 
twelve,  when  Geary's  men  rounded  the  peak,  and  they  were 


S3 


658  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

ordered  to  pause.  But  they  could  not,  would  not,  hear  :  on 
they  rushed,  till  they  reached  the  summit,  and  hurled  their 
astonished  foes  over  the  precipitous  eastern  declivities  of 
the  mountain.  The  battle  was  above  the  clouds.  It  was 
soon  dark,  and  the  carnage  ceased.  Geary  was  here  re-en- 
enforced  by  Carlisle  from  the  fourteenth  corps ;  and  the 
enemy  fled,  leaving  twenty  thousand  rations  to  our  men. 

By  daylight,  eight  thousand  of  Sherman's  men  were  over 
the  river.  Others  crossed  rapidly  ;  and  he  fought  his  way 
up,  and  carried  the  north  end  of  Mission  Ridge.  Thomas 
pushed  forward  Howard's  corps  till  it  united  with  Sher 
man.  Hooker's  brave  men  gallantly  charged  the  enemy, 
and  took  Mission  Ridge,  capturing  large  numbers  of  pris 
oners. 

Sherman  attacked  at  daylight  on  the  25th.  A  fierce 
and  bloody  conflict  raged  till  three,  P.M.  Message  after  mes 
sage  came  to  Grant  that  we  were  beaten  ;  but  he  calmly 
waited  for  Hooker's  advance.  Judging  that  the  crisis  had 
come,  he  rode  bravely  along  the  ranks,  saying,  in  his  strong, 
brief  way, "  Men,  get  ready :  I  want  you  !  "  Cheers  answered 
the  call  of  their  beloved  commander-in-chief.  Thomas  now 
received  orders ;  and  Baird,  Ward,  and  Sheridan's  divisions 
rushed  forward,  driving  the  rebels  from  their  rifle-pits.  On 
they  pressed,  in  the  face  of  grape  and  canister  from  more 
than  thirty  pieces  of  artillery.  The  ridge  was  gained ;  and 
our  brave  men  had  achieved  a  victory  that  opened  the  door 
to  Georgia.  Sherman  and  Hooker  pursued  the  flying  forces, 
while  Thomas  promptly  organized  the  expedition  for  the  re 
lief  of  Burnside  and  our  noble  patriots  of  East  Tennessee. 
Before  our  men  had  time  to  rest,  they  were  dashing  on 
towards  Knoxville  under  the  tireless  Sherman ;  and  making 
the  last  eighty-four  miles,  over  dreadful  roads,  in  three  days, 
they  soon  convinced  Longstreet  that  he  must  raise  the  siege. 
Our  brave,  hard-fighting,  suffering  men  at  Knoxville  hailed 
their  deliverers  with  transports  of  joy. 


THE  WAR   OF  SLAVERY   AND  FREEDOM.  659 

THE   BLOODY   MARCH   TO    RICHMOND. 

Experience  had  taught  the  government  that  concentra 
tion  was  indispensable  to  success.  The  clear  mind  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  saw  this;  and,  waiting  patiently  until  he  was  sure 
the  people  saw  it,  he  brought  forward  the  measure,  and 
Congress  adopted  it,  creating  the  office  of  Lieutenant-Gen- 
eral :  and  on  the  second  day  of  March,  1864,  upon  his  nomi 
nation,  Ulysses  S.  Grant  was  confirmed  Lieutenant-General 
by  the  Senate,  and,  under  the  President,  command er-in-chief 
of  all  the  armies  of  the  United  States.  In  notifying  Gen. 
Grant  of  his  appointment,  Mr.  Lincoln  said,  "As  the  country 
herein  trusts  you,  so,  under  God,  it  will  sustain  you."  Gen. 
Grant,  in  his  reply,  said,  "I  feel  the  full  weight  of  the 
responsibilities  now  devolving  on  me ;  and  I  know,  that,  if 
they  are  properly  met,  it  will  be  due  to  those  armies  "  [the 
"  noble  armies  "  mentioned  above],  "  and,  above  all,  to  the 
favor  of  that  Providence  which  leads  both  nations  and  men." 
Never  did  two  men  rise  more  grandly  up  to  the  highest 
responsibilities:  God  was,  to  their  great  minds,  the  sover 
eign  and  the  trust  of  the  nation. 

Gen.  Grant  announced  that  his  headquarters  would  be  in 
the  field,  and,  for  the  present,  with  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac,  now  raised  to  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  troops. 
They  were  re-organized  in  three  corps,  —  the  second  com 
manded  by  Hancock,  the  fifth  by  Warren,  and  the  sixth  by 
Sedgwick ;  the  whole  under  the  general  orders  of  Major- 
Gen.  Meade.  The  ninth  corps,  under  Burnside,  was  subse 
quently  added. 

A  grand  campaign  now  received  form  in  the  quiet,  colos 
sal  mind  of  the  Lieutenant-General,  commanding,  in  effect,  a 
million  of  men.  It  comprised  two  great  features.  The 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  moving  towards  Richmond,  would 
seek  the  rebel  army  of  Northern  Virginia,  their  main  force 
under  Gen.  R  E.  Lee ;  and  Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman,  command 
ing  the  departments  of  Ohio,  Cumberland,  Tennessee,  and 


660  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

Arkansas,  would  move  eastward  from  Chattanooga,  and  seek 
the  other  great  army  of  the  Rebellion  under  Gen.  J.  E. 
Johnston.  The  two  forces  were  to  be  sustained  by  auxiliary 
commands,  all  concentrating  at  Richmond.  We  were  amazed 
at  the  greatness  of  the  conception,  pleased  by  its  simplicity, 
and  rendered  hopeful  by  its  unity  of  design.  Now,  for  the 
first  time,  the  military  power  and  grandeur  of  the  United 
States  would  appear. 

All  things  being  ready,  on  the  night  of  the  3d  and 
4th  of  May,  Gen.  Grant's  army  moved.  He  crossed  the 
Rapidan  in  the  face  of  his  antagonist  commanding  eighty 
thousand  veterans,  and  fought  the  terrible  battle  of  the 
Wilderness;  where,  during  three  dreadful  days,  on  both 
sides,  probably,  thirty  thousand  men  fell  in  the  struggles  of 
death.  He  penned  the  famous  despatch,  "  I  propose  to  fight 
it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  summer,"  and  followed  Lee 
rapidly  to  Spottsylvania  Court-house.  Here  another  terrific 
battle  was  fought,  in  which  some  twenty  thousand  of  our 
brave  men  fell,  killed  or  wounded.  Grant,  believing  that  he 
had  inflicted  upon  the  enemy  all  the  injury  practicable  at 
that  place,  and  having  stormed  one  set  of  breastworks  and 
been  arrested  before  another,  proceeded  quietly  to  flank  his 
antagonist.  He  made  a  desperate  effort  to  reach  the  North 
Anna  first,  and  throw  his  army  between  Lee  and  Richmond ; 
but  the  rebels  had  the  interior  line  and  the  best  roads. 
When,  therefore,  Grant  reached  this  point,  he  found  them 
directly  in  his  track,  protected  by  formidable  works  pro 
vided  for  just  this  contingency.  Warren  and  Hancock 
bravely  forced  the  passage  of  the  river,  but  to  find  Lee 
strongly  intrenched  in  a  position  which  could  only  be  taken 
at  an  enormous  expense  of  life.  Gen.  Grant,  therefore, 
ordered  his  men  to  recross  the  river ;  and  the  next  Gen. 
Lee  knew  of  him,  he  was  on  the  direct  way  to  Richmond. 
Soon,  confronted  by  Lee  in  a  position  not  to  render  an  en 
gagement  desirable,  Grant  made  another  flank  movement, 
with  the  view  of  crossing  the  Chickahominy ;  and  accepted 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         661 

battle  at  Cold  Harbor.  Here,  on  a  portion  of  the  old  battle 
ground  of  M'Clellan  and  Lee,  a  most  destructive  engage 
ment  occurred.  Near  ten  thousand  of  our  brave  men  fell 
in  less  than  half  an  hour.  In  killed,  wounded,  and  missing, 
we  sacrificed  thirteen  thousand  one  hundred  and  fifty-three 
men;  and  the  battle  was  not  decisive.  Grant  performed 
another  perilous  flank  movement ;  crossed  the  Chickahominy, 
despite  the  resistance  of  his  foes ;  dashed  across  to  the  James ; 
and  was  soon  heard  thundering  from  the  south  of  Rich 
mond. 

Butler  had  been  firmly  intrenched  at  Bermuda  Hundred, 
and  had  made  various  movements  for  the  destruction  of 
railroads,  taking  Petersburg,  &c.  He  met  with  some  suc 
cesses,  but  failed  to  produce  that  powerful  diversion  in 
favor  of  Grant  which  was  to  form  an  important  part  of  the 
campaign. 

Sheridan  had  been  almost  ubiquitous,  —  now  hanging  like 
a  storm-cloud  around  the  flanks  of  the  enemy,  now  cutting 
his  communications  and  destroying  his  supplies,  and  now 
fighting  desperate  battles  with  rebel  cavalry,  —  displaying 
everywhere  those  dashing  qualities,  directed  by  the  clearest 
judgment,  which  have  placed  him  by  the  side  of  the  best 
cavalry  and  corps  commanders  known  in  history. 

We  had  fought  our  way  to  the  end  of  that  line ;  we  had 
placed  hors  de  combat  some  forty  thousand  of  the  enemy  : 
but,  alas !  this  had  cost  us,  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prison 
ers,  nearly  one  hundred  thousand  men.  We  had  adopted 
the  only  alternative,  —  pursuing  and  fighting  our  foes  when 
we  could  find  them,  and,  by  bold  and  skilful  tactics,  avoiding 
a  conflict  when  necessary.  We  had  diminished  the  force 
threatening  Washington  from  sixty  thousand  to  twenty 
thousand  men.  We  had  impaired  the  strength  of  the 
enemy,  rendering  it  impossible  for  him  to  regain  it;  and 
developed  the  enormous  resources  of  the  nation,  filling  up 
our  wasting  ranks  with  unfailing  recruits.  We  had  made 
our  bloody  inarch  to  Richmond. 


662  THE   GREAT  BEPUBLIC. 


THE   TRIUMPHAL   MARCH   FROM    ATLANTA   TO    THE    SEA. 

Gen.  Sherman  had  fought  his  way  to  Atlanta,  and,  by  a 
series  of  brilliant  engagements,  had  seized  this  southern 
stronghold  of  the  Confederacy.  Well  might  the  rebel 
authorities  ask,  "  What  will  he  attempt  next  ?  "  They  were, 
doubtless,  men  of  great  sagacity ;  but  it  may  be  presumed, 
that,  in  all  their  theories,  they  did  not  include  the  slightest 
conception  of  what  was  about  to  occur. 

It  was  a  natural  suggestion  to  the  minds  of  the  Southern 
people,  and  taken  up  by  the  brave  and  chivalrous  Hood,  that 
Sherman  was  now  so  far  from  his  base  of  supplies,  that  his 
communications  could  be  easily  cut,  and  his  whole  army  de 
stroyed.  With  this  idea,  Hood  was  soon  in  his  rear,  breaking 
up  railroads,  and  preparing  obstructions  to  the  Union  retreat. 
Sherman  pursued  him  as  if  his  very  life  depended  upon  it, 
until  he  drove  him  so  far  as  to  develop  another  part  of  the 
grand  campaign,  under  command  of  the  indomitable  Thomas, 
with  headquarters  at  Nashville ;  and  the  next  Gen.  Hood 
knew  of  him,  he  had  burned  the  rebel  works  at  Atlanta  and 
much  of  the  city,  simply  putting  it  out  of  the  power  of  the 
enemy  to  use  them,  and  was  on  his  way  towards  the  Atlantic 
Ocean.  Men  North  and  South  looked  on  with  amazement. 
Our  splendid  army,  severed  from  its  base  of  supplies,  was 
marching  madly  into  the  very  heart  of  the  enemy's  country. 
What  would  the  Confederates  do  ?  The  chivalrous  South 
proudly  answered,  "  Rise  in  mass,  and  destroy  them." 

Gen.  Hood  could  not  hope  to  overtake  Sherman.  He,  how 
ever,  moved  on  to  his  destruction  in  the  very  engagements 
intended  for  him  by  Gen.  Grant,  under  the  cool,  strong  gen 
eralship  of  Thomas. 

The  rising  which  was  to  destroy  Sherman  did  not  occur. 
The  skirmishes  on  his  way  could  hardly  be  termed  battles. 
He  swept  through  a  rich  country,  over  a  breadth  of  thirty 
miles,  his  army  faring  sumptuously,  dashing  away  all  oppos 
ing  forces,  and  destroying  railroads  and  the  supplies  of  war. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         663 

The  world  held  its  breath  as  he  passed  out  of  sight,  but 
cheered  with  unparalleled  enthusiasm  when  he  reported  from 
Savannah.  He  had  performed  the  triumphal  march  "  from 
Atlanta  to  the  sea ; "  he  had  destroyed  the  richest  granary 
of  Confederate  supplies,  severed  their  communications, 
flanked  Charleston,  and  compelled  its  evacuation ;  and 
moved  up  grandly  to  within  supporting  distance  of  Grant 
at  Richmond. 

RICHMOND. 

The  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  Great  Re 
public  had  not  reached  his  position  to  sit  down  to  the  work 
of  a  quiet  siege ;  nor  was  he  there  simply  to  take  Richmond. 
His  great  theory  of  breaking  up  the  Rebellion  by  destroying 
its  armies  appears  everywhere.  One  attack,  therefore,  fol 
lows  another ;  one  day's  failure  is  succeeded  by  another 
day's  effort.  His  wily  foe,  with  the  view  of  compelling  him  to 
loose  his  terrible  hold,  sends  all  the  force  he  can  spare  into 
the  Shenandoah  Valley  to  menace  Washington.  Grant  can 
not  be  frightened.  He  makes  the  necessary  provisions  to 
meet  that  emergency  by  the  genius  of  Sheridan,  and  holds 
on  to  the  throat  of  the  Rebellion.  One  of  his  collateral 
plans  requires  that  Fort  Fisher  should  be  taken ;  and  Butler 
undertakes  it,  without  success.  Grant  hands  over  the  task 
to  Gen.  Terry,  and  it  is  done.  His  brave  troops  are  beaten 
off  from  one  line  of  communication,  and  he  attacks  another. 
The  enemy  rejoices  in  silencing  his  guns  on  one  front,  and 
presently  they  are  thundering  away  on  another.  A  terrific 
mine  is  sprung,  and  an  assault  fails  ;  but  a  charge  in 
another  quarter  immediately  taxes  all  the  energies  of  the 
rebels.  He  positively  gives  them  no  rest.  Their  successive 
beating  to  quarters,  their  exhausting  vigils  and  charges,  are 
actually  painful  to  see.  If  any  demanded,  "  Why  don't  he 
take  Richmond  ?  "  the  answer  plainly  was,  "  He  is  not  there 
for  that  purpose.  He  is  simply  seeking  to  destroy  the  rebel 
armies  of  Lee  and  Johnston."  For  this  he  had  struggled  to 


664  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

get  between  Lee  and  his  fortifications ;  for  this  he  de 
spatched  Sheridan  to  destroy  railroads  and  canals,  and  cut  off 
supplies,  and  prevent  re-enforcements ;  for  this  he  dashed 
up  to  Washington,  on  his  way  to  Tennessee,  when  he  thought 
Thomas  would  delay  his  attack  upon  Hood  until  the  grand 
opportunity  had  passed  ;  for  this  he  ordered  Sherman  to 
drive  ruin  through  the  heart  of  the  Confederacy,  and  come 
up  in  the  rear  of  Richmond,  forcing  Johnston  to  move  con 
stantly  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  common  vortex ;  finally, 
for  this  he  waived  all  means  of  hopeful  attack  which  did 
not  include  the  shutting-up  of  every  way  of  escape  to  the 
rebel  army. 

The  grand  crisis  had  come  at  last.  The  great  campaign 
was  about  to  close  at  the  rebel  capital,  in  and  near  which, 
by  the  vast  combinations  of  one  great  mind,  every  vital  ele 
ment  of  the  Rebellion  had  been  literally  compelled  to  gather. 

The  final  orders  were  given,  and  the  army  of  freemen 
moved  to  its  desperate  work.  The  fighting  was  terrific ;  but 
there  was  no  yielding.  On,  on,  our  brave  heroes  pressed  : 
one  position  after  another  yielded  to  their  valor :  they 
stood  firm  amid  grape  and  canister  and  bursting  shells; 
rushed  fearlessly  upon  the  gleaming  bayonet ;  stormed 
through  the  breach  at  the  cannon's  mouth ;  assailed  the  re 
treating  foe  with  long  miles  of  blazing  fire ;  until  that 
morning  of  Sunday,  the  second  day  of  April,  1865,  came, 
and  the  trembling  chief,  Jefferson  Davis,  received  in  his  pew, 
in  the  midst  of  the  service,  that  ominous  despatch  from  the 
heroic  Lee, "  My  lines  are  broken  in  three  places.  Richmond 
must  be  evacuated  this  evening." 

Richmond  had  fallen !  The  glorious  intelligence  was 
flashed  over  the  Union.  The  dismay  and  the  screeching, 
the  rush  and  the  whirl,  the  fleeing  throng  and  the  roaring 
flames,  at  the  capital  of  the  Rebellion ;  and  the  ringing  of 
bells,  the  notes  of  thrilling  joy  from  bands  of  music,  and 
shouts  of  freemen  in  ecstasies,  in  every  part  of  the  North,  — 
made  this  day  memorable  in  the  annals  of  the  Republic. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         665 

The  last  desperate  struggles  of  Gen.  Lee  were  painful  to 
behold.  They  were  very  bloody,  but  all  of  no  avail.  The 
toils  of  the  great  commander  were  too  strong  for  him  to 
break  through.  The  terms  were  *  truly  magnanimous.  The 
Army  of  Northern  Virginia  surrendered. 

The  final  surrender  of  Johnston  to  the  gallant  Sherman, 
after  instructions  from  the  government,  and  council  with 
his  noble  friend  Gen.  Grant,  soon  followed ;  and  the  War  of 
the  Rebellion  was  ended. 

The  Confederates  intended  it  for  a  grand  moral  and  phys 
ical  triumph  of  slavery  ;  the  government  at  Washington 
intended  it  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union ;  God  intended 
it  for  the  destruction  of  slavery,  and  the  full  development 
of  his  plans  of  freedom  on  this  continent.  God's  plans  tri 
umphed,  and  the  war  closed. 


The  storm  is  past ! 

So  soon,  so  fast, 

The  sulphurous  cloud  hath  hurried  by 
That  hung  so  heavy  on  the  sky,  — 
A  dark,  oppressive  canopy  ! 
It  parts  so  gently  as  we  gaze, 
We  wonder  at  the  morning  haze. 

How  swift  it  came 

With  march, of  flame ! 
And,  while  we  paused  to  dream  of  war, 
The  rush  of  battle  broke  afar, 
And  through  the  smoke  shone  not  a  star  : 
We  only  saw  by  battle-gleams 
The  startling  image  of  our  dreams. 

Its  earthquake  tread 

We  heard  with  dread  ; 
And  far-off  nations,  wondering,  gazed, 
As  high  the  flame  of  battle  blazed, 
And  loud  the  shout  of  war  was  raised. 
The  days  were  dark ;  we  paled  with  fear ; 
And  summer  skies  were  sad  and  drear. 

We  saw  the  brave, 
Both  gay  and  grave, 


666  THE   GEE  AT  EEPUBLIC. 

In  awful  combat  haste  to  die, 
And  sink  so  low  and  silently, 
As  if  such  life  were  but  a  sigh  : 
The  battle-greed,  unsated  still, 
Of  friend  and  foe  yet  sought  its  fill. 

It  seems  a  spell ; 

So  quick  it  fell, 

And  hushed  the  cannon's  deafening  boom, 
And  set  ajar  the  doors  of  doom 
To  brothers  sitting  in  the  gloom  : 
It  fell  like  beauty  from  a  cloud 
On  us  so  long  in  sadness  bowed. 

It  spans  the  sky 

In  victory. 

The  bow  of  Peace  is  firmly  set 
Against  the  storm-cloud's  front  of  jet, 
Upraised  by  gleaming  bayonet : 
We  see  the  harmless  lightning's  play ; 
The  thunder  dies  in  peace  away. 

Now  homeward  pour, 
From  fields  of  gore, 
The  broken  columns  of  the  brave  ; 
Their  tattered  banners  proudly  wave  : 
Behind  them  lingers  not  a  slave. 
But,  ah !  the  sleeping  tarry  long  : 
They  only  live  in  deathless  song. 

The  prayers  we  said 

Are  answered. 

In  God's  own  way  we  own  'twas  done : 
The  price  was  great ;  and  God  alone 
Unsevered  keeps  the  Union  one. 
And  still  we  pray,  0  God  of  peace  ! 
In  Freedom's  reign  let  battles  cease.* 


CHRISTIANITY   AND    THE   WAR. 

The  religion  of  Jesus  allows  no  personal  resentments  :  it 
requires  love  for  hatred,  and  meekness  under  suffering.  Nor 
will  it  permit  national  injustice  or  unrighteous  retribution  ; 
but  it  requires  the  magistrate  to  protect  the  right,  and 
punish  aggressors  who  seek  to  destroy  civil  government. 
"  He  is  the  minister  of  God  for  this  very  thing,"  and  "  he 

*  Dwight  Williams. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         667 

beareth  not  the  sword  in  vain."  When,  therefore,  liberty  is 
assailed,  the  executive  justice  of  the  nation  must  defend  it, 
and  destroy  the  power  which  would  overthrow  it. 

Hence,  when  the  Great  Rebellion  broke  out,  as  in  the  days 
of  the  Revolution,  the  pulpit  sounded  the  alarm,  and  the 
holiest  Christian  ministers  and  laymen  called  the  nation  to 
the  defence  of  liberty.  As  in  Philadelphia,  Cincinnati,  and 
other  places  threatened  by  the  foe,  distinguished  preach 
ers  of  the  gospel  led  their  people  to  the  defence,  wrought 
with  their  own  hands  in  constructing  field-works,  or,  when 
allowed,  took  their  places  in  the  ranks.  In  very  large  num 
bers,  they  filled  distinguished  positions  in  the  army,  or  fought 
with  common  soldiers,  and  shared  to  the  utmost  their  dan 
gers  and  sufferings.  They  served  as  chaplains,  and  per 
formed  the  offices  of  religion  for  the  well,  the  sick,  and  the 
dying. 

THE  CHRISTIAN  ALLIANCE,  under  the  active  agency  of  Rev. 
C.  C.  Goss,  in  April,  1861,  began  a  series  of  most  vigorous 
efforts  for  the  relief  and  religious  instruction  of  the  soldiers. 
He  at  once  instituted  means  for  the  distribution  of  reading- 
matter  ;  and  large  numbers  of  our  soldiers  were  soon  per 
mitted  to  read  in  the  camp  their  own  valued  church  and 
secular  periodicals  and  other  useful  literature.  As  the  voice 
of  the  Christian  Alliance  sounded  out  in  warm,  earnest  ap 
peals,  noble  citizens,  ministers,  publishers,  responded  ;  and  the 
means  of  mental  relief  and  support  came  into  their  depots, 
and  were  passed  out  in  steady  streams.  Kind  visitations, 
faithful  religious  instruction  and  services,  and  unnumbered 
offices  of  kindness,  accompanied  these  supplies  of  mental 
aliment. 

THE  SANITARY  COMMISSION  arose  from  the  earnest  and  hu 
mane  examinations  of  distinguished  philanthropists  into  the 
condition,  perils,  and  wants  of  our  vast  armies  in  the  field. 
It  was  ascertained  that  the  legally-appointed  methods  of 
medical  and  surgical  treatment,  and  supplies  of  food  and 
nursing  for  the  sick,  were  not,  and  could  not  be,  sufficiently 


668  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

prompt  and  tender  to  meet  the  wants  of  our  suffering, 
bleeding  thousands  in  the  camp  and  on  the  battle-field. 
They  were  dying  in  large  numbers  —  dying  in  agonies  in 
describable  —  for  the  want  of  attention.  These  facts  were 
brought  out,  and  the  heart  of  the  nation  was  moved.  Plans 
for  organizing  relief  were  promptly  submitted  to  the  gov 
ernment  ;  and  on  the  9th  of  June,  1861,  "  a  commission  of 
inquiry  and  advice,  in  respect  of  the  sanitary  interests  of 
the  United-States  forces,"  was  appointed.  Henry  W.  Bel 
lows,  D.D.,  was  at  its  head  ;  and,  in  an  incredibly  short  time, 
an  army  of  philanthropists  moved  into  the  field,  and  ample 
stores  of  medicines,  clothing,  and  food  suitable  for  the  sick, 
were  supplied  by  the  liberal.  The  Commission,  with  its  of 
fices  of  kindness,  and  by  its  generous  hands  and  sympathizing 
hearts,  was  everywhere,  —  upon  the  battle-field,  in  the  hospi 
tals,  on  the  track  of  advance  and  retreat,  bearing  away  the 
wounded,  putting  the  cup  of  cold  water  to  the  lips  of  the 
dying,  dressing  wounds,  nursing  the  sick,  and  thus  saving 
thousands  of  valuable  lives.  Money  flowed  into  their  treas 
ury  like  water.  California  alone  gave  $1,233,831.31 ;  other 
Pacific  States  and  Territories,  with  the  greatest  liberality, 
added  to  these  contributions  ;  till  the  aggregate  amount  from 
that  coast  swelled  to  the  large  sum  of  $1,473,407.07,  —  all  to 
send  relief  to  our  suffering  soldiers  in  the  field  of  slaughter. 
From  every  State  and  every  town  in  the  loyal  Union,  and 
from  other  countries  far  off  and  near,  these  supplies  came  in, 
amounting  in  all,  from  Dec.  4,  1862,  to  Jan.  1,  1866,  to 
$4,924,048.99.  The  world  stood  amazed  before  these  efforts 
of  humanity,  rising  up  from  the  pervading  Christian  sense 
of  the  American  people. 

THE  UNITED-STATES  CHRISTIAN  COMMISSION  arose  from  the 
conviction,  that,  with  relief  for  the  bodies  of  our  soldiers, 
there  was  an  imperative  demand  for  more  thorough  atten 
tion  to  the  wants  of  their  souls.  Just  as  the  Sanitary  Com 
mission  came  in  to  supplement  the  labors  and  supply  the 
defects  of  the  medical  staff  and  commissariat  of  the  army, 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         669 

the  Christian  Commission  came  in  to  the  aid  of  chaplains 
and  other  Christian  philanthropists,  to  give  the  blessings  of 
experimental  Christianity,  with  temporal  supplies,  to  our 
needy  soldiers. 

It  was  organized  in  Philadelphia  on  the  16th  of  Novem 
ber,  1861,  in  response  to  a  call  from  the  Young  Men's  Chris 
tian  Association.  George  H.  Stewart,  Esq.,  its  most  promi 
nent  man,  and  a  multitude  of  other  noble  philanthropists, 
devoted  time  and  wealth  and  prayers  to  this  great  enter 
prise  until  the  war  was  over. 

"  In  both  means  and  men  there  was  no  lack,  but  a 
steady  and  rapid  growth,  of  abundance,  without  a  parallel 
in  the  history  'of  Christian  chanties.  Every  day  of  its  ex 
istence  seems  to  have  given  the  Commission  a  wider  range, 
and  a  firmer  hold  upon  the  affection  and  confidence  of  the 
churches  and  patriots  of  the  land.  In  the  first  year,  its 
receipts  amounted  to  $231,000 ;  in  the  second  year,  they 
reached  $916,837;  in  the  third  year,  $2.282,347.  From 
January  to  May  of  the  fourth  and  last  year  of  its  activity, 
the  donations  were  $2,228,105." 

Fo;r  the  whole  period  of  its  services,  from  the  16th  of 
November,  1861,  to  May,  1866,  in  cash,  services,  provisions, 
clothing,  &c.,  its  Christian  charities  and  labors  for  the  relief 
of  our  soldiers  were  estimated  at  $6,291,107.68.  Dele 
gates  commissioned,  4,859,  —  working 'in  the  aggregate, 
without  compensation,  185,562  days ;  boxes  of  stores  and 
publications,  95,066 ;  Bibles,  Testaments,  and  other  portions 
of  Scripture,  1,466,748  ;  hymn  and  psalm  books,  1,370,953 ; 
knapsacks,  books  in  paper  and  flexible  covers,  8,308,052  ; 
bound  library-books,  296,816 ;  magazines  and  pamphlets, 
767,861;  religious  weekly  and  monthly  periodicals,  18,126,- 
002;  pages  of  tracts,  39,104,246;  "Silent  Comforter,"  &c., 
8,572 ;  sermons  preached  by  delegates,  58,308 ;  prayer- 
meetings  held  by  delegates,  77,744 ;  letters  written  by  dele 
gates  for  soldiers,  92,321* 

*  For  the  above  extracts  and  figures,  I  am  indebted  to  Rev.  T.  A.  FERN  LEY. 


670  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

"The  home-comforts,  provisions,  delicacies,  clothing,  and 
ten  thousand  appliances,  for  the  relief  of  the  suffering,  which 
people  showered  upon  the  arnry,  were  conveyed  to  the  sol 
diers  through  the  hands  of  volunteer  laborers  fresh  from 
home,  whose  only  pay  for  their  toil  was  the  blessing  of 
God,  and  the  gratitude  and  happiness  of  those  for  whom 
they  labored.  Coffee-wagons,  called  by  the  soldiers  '  Chris 
tian  artillery,'  were  drawn  along  the  lines,  furnishing  the 
men  with  hot  coffee,  fresh  toast,  &c.,  during  the  battle.  On 
the  field,  gathering  up  the  wounded ;  in  the  field-hospitals, 
bathing  and  dressing  wounds;  by  the  side  of  the  dying, 
offering  prayer,  or  snatching  a  few  last  words  for  the  be 
reaved  family  at  home,  —  these  laborers  were  found  in  large 
numbers.  It  was  estimated  by  the  officers  and  surgeons  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  that,  during  the  Wilderness  cam 
paign  alone,  at  least  three  thousand  lives  were  saved,  besides 
all  the  suffering  alleviated.  But  while  these  men  carried 
in  one  hand  bread  which  perisheth,  in  the  other  they  carried 
the  bread  of  heaven.  While  they  labored  to  heal  the  wounds 
of  the  body,  they  also  aided  the  wounded  soul  to  step  into 
the  fountain  opened,  and  be  healed."  * 

WOMAN  IN  THE  WAR  was  an  angel  of  mercy.  From  the 
common  walks  of  virtuous  life,  from  the  highest  circles  of 
culture  and  affluence,  Christian  women  entered  the  hospitals 
and  the  fields  of  blood,  to  sacrifice  comfort,  health,  and  even 
life  itself,  to  relieve  our  sick  and  dying  soldiers;  to  bless 
them  with  woman's  tenderness,  her  gentle  voice,  her  kind 
instructions,  and  faithful  prayers.  From  Maine  to  California, 
they  bore  incredible  hardships,  toiled  night  and  day  in 
societies,  festivals,  and  fairs,  and  in  manufacturing  lint  and 
bandages  for  the  wounds  of  our  martyr-heroes. 

Christian  labor  went  beyond  direct  army-work ;  and 
noble,  heroic  men  volunteered  without  pay  to  bear  all  the 
trials  of  the  camp  and  the  march  and  the  field,  rushing  into 
the  very  jaws  of  death  to  save  souls.  Everywhere  the  build- 

*  Communication  of  Rev.  C.  P.  LTFOED. 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.         671 

ing  of  rude  chapels,  faithful  preaching,  and  meetings  for 
prayer,  frequently  amid  the  bursting  of  shells,  revealed  the 
noblest  Christian  heroism  in  the  work  of  regeneration.  Gra 
cious  revivals  and  conversions,  numbering  hundreds  and 
thousands,  resulted  from  these  self-sacrificing  labors. 

Let  it  now  be  observed  that  every  church  in  the  loyal 
North,  in  all  their  official  bodies,  sustained  the  government 
by  the  most  hearty  resolutions,  the  outpouring  of  their 
treasures  and  men,  and  the  boldest  action.  The  religious 
life  poured  through  the  nation's  heart  to  its  very  extremi 
ties,  giving  great  force  to  these  words  from  our  beloved 
President,  Abraham  Lincoln.  They  were  spoken  in  response 
to  a  thoroughly  loyal  message,  through  their  committee,  of 
the  General  Conference  of  the  Methodist-Episcopal  Church, 
in  the  midst  of  the  bloody  march  of  Grant  to  Richmond. 

"Nobly  sustained  as  the  government  has  been  by  all  the 
churches,  I  would  utter  nothing  which  might  in  the  least 
appear  invidious  against  any.  Yet,  without  this,  it  may 
fairly  be  said  that  the  Methodist-Episcopal  Church,  not  less 
devoted  than  the  best,  is,  by  its  greater  numbers,  the  most 
important  of  all.  It  is  no  fault  in  others  that  the  Methodist 
Church  sends  more  soldiers  to  the  field,  more  nurses  to  the 
hospitals,  and  more  prayers  to  Heaven,  than  any.  God  bless 
the  Methodist  Church,  bless  all  the  churches !  And  blessed 
be  God,  who,  in  this  our  great  trial,  giveth  us  the  churches ! " 

No  mind  in  America  rose  more  grandly  up  to  the  reli 
gious  significance  of  the  war  than  that  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 
Let  us  record  the  solemn  words  uttered  in  his  last  inaugu 
ral  address :  "  Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray, 
that  this  mighty  scourge  of  war  may  speedily  pass  away. 
Yet,  if  God  wills  that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled 
by  the  bondman's  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited 
toil  shall  be  sunk,  and  until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with 
the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another  drawn  with  the  sword,  as 
was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said, 
'  The  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  alto 
gether.'" 


672  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

MURDEROUS    REVENGE. 

The  nation  was  in  triumph.  A  day  had  burst  upon  our 
sky  more  glorious  than  any  which  ever  before  shone  upon 
any  land  beneath  the  sun.  Joy  and  gratitude  swelled  the 
hearts  of  our  free  millions.  The  Rebellion  was  crushed ; 
slavery  was  dead.  Peace  came,  with  her  rich  consolations, 
to  bless  our  land,  so  long  distressed  and  bleeding. 

No  oppressed  heart,  no  tired  brain,  felt  such  relief  as  the 
heart  and  brain  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  No  spirit  of  haughty 
triumph  appeared.  He  had  tears  for  the  suffering  and  the 
bereaved,  pity  for  the  conquered,  and  pardon  for  the  rebel 
lious.  He  was  the  grandest  type  in  existence  of  a  great, 
magnanimous,  conquering,  Christian  nation. 

From  these  heights  of  exultant  joy,  the  millions  of  Ameri 
can  citizens  were  suddenly  plunged  into  the  deepest  distress. 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  slain !  The  hand  of  a  vile  assassin 
had  taken  away  the  most  precious  life  on  the  continent. 
No  intelligence  so  direful  ever  burdened  the  telegraphic 
wires,  no  sorrow  so  deep  and  awful  ever  settled  down 
upon  the  heart  of  a  nation. 

At  twenty-two  minutes  past  seven  o'clock,  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  15th  of  April,  1865,  the  great  and  good  Mr.  Lin 
coln  breathed  his  last. 

The  last  expression  of  the  vileness  of  slavery,  the  fell 
revenge  of  expiring  oppression,  the  concentrated  malignity 
of  thirty  years,  struck  the  highest,  purest  representative  of 
American  freedom ;  and  he  died  for  the  country,  which,  in 
the  hands  of  God,  he  had  lived  to  save. 

War  and  darkness  o'er  the  nation  gloomed ; 

Terror  ruled  the  Capitol.     The  chief, 
Still  great  in  death,  lay  pale  and  unentombed, 

Embalmed  in  myriad  flowers  of  love  and  grief; 
While  round  him  sadly,  higher,  day  by  day, 
The  dirges  rose  and  slowly  died  away. 

What  reck  we  now  the  assassin's  word  or  blow? 
The  struggling  Samson  with  his  dying  prayer 


THE  WAR  OF  SLAVERY  AND  FREEDOM.  673 

Did  Dagon's  temple  with  its  gods  o'erthrow, 

And  plant  the  holier  shrine  of  Freedom  there. 
Foul  Treason  tangled  in  his  meshes  lies, 
While  radiant  Truth  soars  upward  to  the  skies. 

'Tis  done  !     Bear  slowly  out  the  sleeping  form, 

The  mighty  dead.     Triumph  succeeds  the  strife. 
He  saw  the  sun  arise  beyond  the  storm, 

And  drank  from  him  the  glorious  tides  of  life. 
Oh !  death  is  but  the  hero's  tranquil  rest 
When  nations  honor,  and  when  Heaven  has  blest. 

Now  bear  him  slowly  out  by  muffled  drum, 

Ye  soldiers,  comrades  whom  he  loved  so  well ; 
Around  him  let  the  mighty  heroes  come 

Whose  stars  their  fields  of  death  and  victory  tell : 
Bow  low,  and  tenderly  that  name  repeat,  — 
Your  watchword  in  advance  or  dark  retreat. 

Now  bear  him  out  where  seaport  cities  rise, 

And  wealth  and  commerce  on  the  nations  wait ; 
Where  masts  and  spires,  encircling,  kiss  the  skies 

In  THE  REPUBLIC'S  eastward  golden  gate. 
A  nation's  moan  rises  the  mountains  o'er ; 
Atlantic  answers  the  Pacific  shore. 

Now  rest  him  here ;  for,  lo  !  the  people  come,  — 
The  high,  the  low,  —  his  children  all,  they  seem,  — 

With  ashy  face,  and  lips  of  marble,  dumb. 

This  pageant  vast  —  'twere  like  a  mighty  dream 

Of  some  far  planet,  where  the  light  of  day 

Had  for  eteinal  ages  died  away. 

But  no  :  earth  yet  may  claim  Jehovah  reigns ; 

The  nation  of  the  free  is  still  his  care  : 
He,  though  the  great  may  die,  the  right  maintains ; 

He  gently  bends  to  heed  the  lowliest  prayer  : 
And,  now  crushed  hearts  of  nations  to  him  call, 
He  heeds  their  cry ;  he  marks  the  sparrow's  fall. 

Homeward  still  bear  him  on.     There  shall  he  rest 

'Mid  prairie-flowers  that  hail  the  golden  sun, 
When  Freedom's  States,  from  east  to  glorious  west, 

For  God  and  Truth  and  Liberty  are  one. 
Ye  heroes,  who  for  freedom  lie  so  low, 
The  noble  soul  of  Lincoln  joins  you  now. 

Build  high  the  monument ;  the  storied  bust 

Crown  with  flowers ;  let  childhood's  tender  years 
With  beauty  bend  lamenting  o'er  his  dust, 

And  hallow  deathless  glory  with  their  tears ; 
Then  on  the  skies  the  bright  inscription  read,  — 

HlS    NOBLEST    MONUMENT    IS    A    NATION    FREED. 
85 


674  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

Arise,  MY  COUNTRY  !  gird  thee  for  the  fight; 

Lead  on  the  van  of  nations  yet  to  come  : 
The  heavens  are  arming  for  the  struggling  right, 

And  star-eyed  Freedom  seeks  her  sunset  homo ; 
Immortal  Hope  to  glory  guides  thy  way ; 
And  Time's  last  twilight  kindles  into  day.* 

*  Burial  of  Lincoln.    By  L.  W.  P. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE   TRIUMPH  OF   LIBERTY. 

"  As  for  me,  I  dare  not,  will  not,  be  false  to  Freedom.  Where  the  feet  of  my  youth 
were  planted,  there,  by  Freedom,  my  feet  shall  ever  stand.  I  will  walk  beneath  her  ban 
ner;  I  will  glory  in  her  strength.  I  have  seen  her  friends  fly  from  her,  her  foes  gather 
around  her ;  1  have  seen  her  bound  to  the  stake ;  I  have  seen  them  give  her  ashes  to  the 
winds :  but,  when  they  turned  to  exult,  I  have  seen  her  again  meet  them  face  to  face, 
resplendent  in  complete  steel,  brandishing  in  her  right  hand  a  flaming  sword  red  with 
insuft'erable  light.  I  take  courage.  The  people  gather  around  her.  The  Genius  of  America 
will  at  last  lead  her  sons  to  freedom."  —  SENATOR  BAKER. 

"  We  know  how  to  save  the  Union.  The  world  knows  we  know  how  to  save  it.  In 
-giving  freedom  to  the  slave,  we  assure  freedom  to  the  free,  —  honorable  alike  in  what  we 
give  and  what  we  preserve.  We  shall  nobly  save,  or  meanly  lose,  the  last,  best  hope  of 
earth.  Other  means  may  succeed  :  this  could  not,  cannot,  fail.  The  way  is  plain,  peace 
ful,  generous,  just,  —  a  way,  which,  if  followed,  the  world  will  forever  applaud,  and  God 
must  forever  bless."  —  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

AMID  the  carnage  of  terrific  battle,  it  was  almost  impos 
sible  not  to  ask,  Why  must  this  desolating  war  continue  ? 
why  must  our  brave  troops  be  slaughtered,  and  no  decisive 
victory  follow  ?  Some  there  were  who  thought  they  saw 
the  reason  in  the  crying  injustice  of  slavery.  It  began  to 
be  most  earnestly  said  that  Providence  demanded  justice 
as  the  condition  of  victory.  Was  it  true  that  the  American 
people  had  not  yet  comprehended  the  meaning  of  this 
dreadful  chastisement,  —  that  God  would  lead  them  through 
their  trials  to  see  their  great  sin,  and  renounce  it?  Did 
God  intend  to  destroy  slavery  by  this  war?  Many  thought 
so ;  a  few  said  it  in  eloquent  words,  and  appealed  to  Heaven 
in  fervent  prayer  for  this  result.  Among  others,  the  Prot 
estant  ministers  of  Chicago  and  vicinity  intensely  believed 
it,  and  sent  a  deputation  to  lay  their  views  before  the  Presi 
dent.  They  were  kindly  received ;  and,  while  he  held  his 
own  opinions  in  abeyance,  he  drew  out  their  strongest  ar- 

675 


676  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

guments  in  favor  of  emancipation  by  proclamation,  as  a  war 
measure,  and  their  answers  to  objections  not  his  own. 

He  said,  "  I  raise  no  objections  against  it  on  legal  or  con 
stitutional  grounds ;  for,  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
and  navy  in  time  of  war,  I  suppose  I  have  a  right  to  take 
any  measure  which  may  best  subdue  the  enemy."  He  was 
simply  anxious  to  know  the  state  of  the  public  mind,  the 
degree  of  advancement  in  the  track  of  his  own  profound 
judgments.  He  had  checked  his  own  commanders  because 
they  were  in  advance  of  the  people  :  but  he  at  length  came 
to  the  conviction  that  the  people  would  sustain  him  ;  and 
hence,  on  the  twenty-second  day  of  September,  1862,  he 
issued  a  proclamation  containing  these  words :  "  On  the 
first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  sixty- three,  all  persons  held  as  slaves  in 
any  State,  or  designated  part  of  a  State,  the  people  whereof 
shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  shall  be 
then,  thenceforward,  and  forever  free." 

The  people  were  electrified.  Good  men  were  filled  with 
delight  and  gratitude.  The  rebels  were  wild  with  fury. 
The  Northern  enemies  of  the  President  denounced  it  as  a 
most  tyrannical  assumption  of  power :  but,  having  taken  his 
position,  he  was  immovable  ;  and  according  to  promise,  when 
the  hundred  days  had  expired,  he  issued 

THE    GREAT    PROCLAMATION. 

"  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  by 
virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  as  commander-in-chief  of 
the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States  in  time  of  actual 
armed  rebellion  against  the  authority  and  government  of 
the  United  States,  and  as  a  fit  and  necessary  war-measure 
for  suppressing  said  rebellion,  do  on  this  first  day  of  Jan 
uary,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  sixty-three,  and  in  accordance  with  my  purpose  so  to  do, 
publicly  proclaimed  for  the  full  period  of  one  hundred  days 


THE  TBIUMPH  OF  LIBERTY.  677 

from  the  day  first  above  mentioned,  order  and  designate  as 
the  States,  and  parts  of  States,  wherein  the  people  thereof 
respectively  are  this  day  in  rebellion  against  the  United 
States,  the  following ;  to  wit  "  [the  names  of  the  rebel  States, 
with  exceptions,  are  then  mentioned]. 

"  And,  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  for  the  purpose  afore 
said,  I  do  order  and  declare,  that  all  persons  held  as  slaves 
within  said  designated  States,  and  parts  of  States,  are,  and 
henceforward  shall  be,  free  ;  and  that  the  executive  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval 
authorities  thereof,  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom 
of  said  persons. 

"  And  I  hereby  enjoin  upon  the  people  so  declared  to  be 
free  to  abstain  from  all  violence,  unless  in  necessary  self- 
defence  ;  and  I  recommend  to  them  all,  that,  in  all  cases 
when  allowed,  they  labor  faithfully  foj;  reasonable  wages. 

"And  I  further  declare  and  make  known  that  such  per 
sons,  of  suitable  condition,  will  be  received  into  the  armed 
service  of  the  United  States,  to  garrison  forts,  positions,  sta 
tions,  and  other  places,  and  to  man  vessels  of  all  sorts  in  said 
service. 

"  And  upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of  jus 
tice,  warranted  by  the  Constitution  upon  military  necessity, 
I  invoke  the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind,  and  gra 
cious  favor  of  Almighty  God." 

Thus  spake  the  wisest,  best  man  of  our  times ;  and  near 
four  millions  of  slaves  leaped  at  once  into  liberty !  From 
that  moment,  God  commanded  victory  to  the  armies  of  Free 
dom. 

BLACK   WARRIORS. 

Prejudice  against  color  so  thoroughly  pervaded  the  North 
as  well  as  the  South,  that  the  government  did  not  at  first- 
entertain  the  idea  of  admitting  Africans  to  the  army.  The 
most  determined  purpose  was  manifested  to  fight  their  bat- 


678  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

ties,  but  allow  them  no  opportunity  to  fight  for  themselves. 
Dreadful  reverses,  and  the  absolute  necessity  for  men,  joined 
with  the  devoted  loyalty  of  the  blacks  to  the  government, 
overcame  these  scruples.  People  of  color  showed  most  val 
uable  kindness  to  Union  men  attempting  to  escape  from 
rebel  prisons,  by  furnishing  food  and  relief  to  famishing 
soldiers,  and  as  guides  to  our  armies.  At  length,  they 
met  with  a  friendly  reception  as  "  contrabands ; "  and  finally 
they  rose  to  the  dignity  of  soldiers  in  the  army  of  Freedom. 
The  proclamation  indicated  some  of  the  perilous  methods  in 
which  they  might  serve  their  country,  and  they  moved 
promptly  into  all  the  positions  declared  open  to  them.  The 
outcry  of  the  rebels  against  this  measure,  characterizing  it  as 
a  barbarous  attempt  to  encourage  all  the  horrors  of  insurrec 
tion,  and  their  terrible  threats  and  proclamations  of  retali 
ation,  were  strangely  inconsistent.  From  the  first  moment 
of  hostilities,  they  availed  themselves  of  the  services  of  their 
able-bodied  slaves  to  strengthen  their  army ;  and  if  the  slaves 
did  not  appear  in  the  rank  and  file,  yet  their  hard  field-labors 
released  others,  and  added  them  to  the  fighting  force.  Indeed, 
as  no  insurrection,  no  acts  of  barbarism,  followed,  and  our 
strong  colored  troops  were  performing  prodigies  of  valor, 
in  their  last  extremity  the  rebels  undertook  to  devise  a 
method  of  making  soldiers  of  their  slaves  ;  but  it  was  too 
late.  Indeed,  it  might  be  unsafe  for  them,  but  safe  for  the 
nation ;  for  the  instincts  of  the  slaves  were  in  favor  of  liberty. 
When  the  world  saw  the  promptness  with  which,  to  the 
number  of  178,975,  they  volunteered  to  enter  the  army, 
the  ease  with  which  they  accepted  the  most  stringent  disci 
pline,  their  noble  military  bearing,  and  the  desperate  valor 
with  which  they  charged  the  enemy  or  led  a  storming  col 
umn,  there  was  no  longer  any  question  as  to  the  rank  and 
value  of  black  warriors.  A  recognition  of  the  true  manhood 
of  the  oppressed  race  was  thus,  by  act  of  Providence,  forced 
upon  the  American  people.  This  was  the  second  great 
triumph  of  liberty. 


THE  TRIUMPH   OF  LIBERTY.  679 


THE   VICTORIES    OF   BLOOD    AND    OF   TRUTH. 

The  American  people  had  passed  through  unparalleled  suf 
ferings.  Our  dead,  fallen  in  the  struggle,  numbered  at  least 
325,000  ;  and  some  200,000  had  gone  into  the  spirit-world 
fighting  for  slavery.  More  than  half  a  million  of  the  American 
people  had  perished  to  settle  the  question,  whether  America 
should  be  slave  or  free ;  and  the  wail  of  sorrow,  coming  up 
from  every  part  of  the  land,  pierced  the  heavens.  Great 
was  our  anguish,  and  great  had  been  our  crime  ;  but  God's 
purposes  in  regard  to  the  United  States  were  now  becom 
ing  more  evident,  and  men  were  awed  before  the  majesty 
of  his  power.  We  began  to  realize  "  the  mission  of  great 
suffering."  Our  victories  were  not  merely  over  the  em 
battled  hosts  of  rebellion,  but  over  the  prejudices  of  ages. 
We  had  conquered  ourselves.  See  what  opinions  had  gone 
down  in  this  struggle,  and  what  truths  had  taken  their  place  ! 
We  thought  slavery  was  chiefly  a  misfortune  :  we  had  learned 
that  it  was  an  enormous  individual  and  national  crime.  We 
thought  it  could  be  met  by  concessions,  but  learned  that  it 
must  be  destroyed.  We  thought  it  could  be  eradicated  by 
truth,  but  learned  that  it  could  go  out  only  in  blood.  We 
thought  the  war  must  be  one  of  white  men,  but  learned  that 
the  slaves  were  to  have  place  and  rank  in  the  battle  for  free 
dom.  We  thought  we  could  save  the  Union,  and  concede 
"  the  right "  of  property  in  man  ;  but  we  learned  that  liberty 
and  Union  must  stand  or  fall  together.  We  thought  we  were 
fighting  for  the  sovereignty  of  the  government,  but  learned 
that  we  were  fighting  to  emancipate  the  negroes  and  the 
nation.  We  thought,  when  the  war  was  over,  we  must  then 
deal  with  slavery  as  we  might  be  able,  but  learned  that  the 
war  could  not  be  ended  until  we  had  "  proclaimed  liberty 
throughout  the  land  to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof."  We 
thought  the  manhood  of  slaves  must  be  the  result  of  long 
and  almost  impossible  culture  ;  but  we  learned  that  it  was 
in  their  very  being,  and  must  have  recognition  and  justice 


680  THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

before  the  era  of  education  could  begin.  Finally,  we  had 
learned  that  God  had  determined  to  extend  to  the  nation  the 
regeneration  which  had  long  been  recognized  as  the  privi 
lege  of  the  individual  only.  So  grandly  rose  truth  in  its 
new  incarnation  to  enter  upon  its  broader,  mightier  mission 
to  the  world. 

THE    GREAT    AMENDMENT. 

The  Great  Proclamation  had  released  the  slaves  in  the  ter 
ritory  dominated  by  the  Confederacy,  and,  with  what  seemed 
anomalous  inconsistency,  left  in  slavery  those  who  were 
within  the  actual  sovereignty  of  the  United-States  Govern 
ment.  This  showed,  not  the  principles  or  wishes  of  the  Presi 
dent,  but  his  loyal  obedience  to  the  Constitution.  He  would 
not  advance  a  single  step  in  favor  of  his  most  sacred  princi 
ples  without  the  clear  authority  of  law ;  but  the  nation 
must  make  the  great  fundamental  change. 

When  the  Constitution  was  established,  it  seemed  to  have 
but  one  great  task  ;  which  was,  to  work  out  of  itself  the  wrong 
of  a  blind,  almost  concealed,  indorsement  of  slavery.  Broad 
and  strong  and  sound  in  the  main  as  it  was,  it  was  not  equal 
to  the  work  of  shielding  so  enormous  a  vice  from  the  blows 
which  would  be  levelled  at  it  by  the  hand  of  justice.  Some 
there  were,  who,  even  in  the  earliest  days  of  its  authority, 
foresaw  that  it  must  some  time  purge  itself  from  this  vice,  or 
be  overthrown  by  it.  Nothing  could  be  logically  clearer ;  and 
yet  the  power  and  sophistry  of  class  interest  and  astute 
political  leaders  bewildered  the  people,  and  nearly  succeeded 
in  making  the  vilest  tyranny  and  most  odious  caste  appear 
to  be  the  true  intent  of  the  fundamental  law.  It  was  only 
when  the  ruin  which  had  been  so  long  and  insidiously  work 
ing  within  the  government  broke  out  in  overt  acts  of  rebel 
lion  that  the  nation  roused  itself  to  the  necessity  of  casting 
out  from  the  Constitution  this  warring  element  of  defiant 
oppression.  Accordingly,  on  the  thirty-first  day  of  January, 
1865,  the  great  amendment  was  finally  adopted  by  Congress. 


THE  TRIUMPH   OF   LIBEETY.  681 

Subsequently  indorsed  by  the  required  numbers  of  States,  it 
became  Article  XIII.  of  the  Constitution ;  namely  :  "  Sect.  1. 
Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  pun 
ishment  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly 
convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place 
subject  to  their  jurisdiction.  Sect.  2.  Congress  shall  have 
power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate  legislation." 
This  achievement,  reserved  for  our  own  day,  was  the  strong 
est  possible  development  of  essential  liberty.  Other  previous 
amendments  were  of  comparatively  small  importance.  There 
are  some  to  follow,  which  will  render  more  distinct  and  un 
deniable  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law,  and  make 
still  clearer  acknowledgment  of  the  humble  dependence  of 
our  great  providential  nation  upon  the  arm  of  Almighty 
God/ 

It  was,  of  course,  indispensable  that  the  States  should  adjust 
their  civil  governments  to  this  grand  development  of  national 
freedom.  This  they  are  now  in  the  act  of  doing.  Amid  the 
agonies  of  revolution,  under  authority  practically  irresisti 
ble,  the  oligarchy  yields  to  democracy,  and  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  comes  out  distinctly  to  take  its  place  in  the 
State  governments.  "  We"  now  of  modern  times,  we  South 
and  North,  we  the  representative  power  of  the  nation,  in 
Congress,  conventions,  and  legislatures  assembled,  now,  as 
did  the  Revolutionary  fathers,  "  hold  these  truths  to  be  self- 
evident, —  that  all  men  are  born  free  and  equal,  and  endowed 
by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  and  among 
these  are  life, liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  and  that 
all  true  governments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  con 
sent  of  the  governed."  These  grand  old  announcements  are 
at  length  to  be  thoroughly  practical  in  the  Great  Republic, 
and  take  their  place  in  essence  and  form  in  the  Constitu 
tions  of  the  Nation  and  the  States.  This  is  development 
such  as  ought  to  mark  the  century  just  following  the  great 
year  of  1776. 

Other  amendments  yet  to  be   made,  whether  general  or 

so 


682  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

local,  radical  or  conservative,  liberalizing  or  guarding  the 
fundamental  law,  are  of  comparatively  little  importance. 
They  may  be  tried,  found  imperfect  and  improved,  or  im 
practicable  and  abandoned  ;  but  this  advance  is  organic  and 
irrevocable. 

At  the  close  of  this  remarkable  period,  we  look  back  with 
amazement  at  the  events  which  have  occurred.  It  may  well 
be  said,  there  have  been  no  other  such  ten  years  of  history 
on  this  continent.  The  work  of  long  ages  seems  to  have 
been  crowded  into  a  few  brief  years.  The  most  sanguine 
reformers  did  not  expect  to  live  long  enough  to  see  revo 
lutions  so  grand,  and  all  in  favor  of  liberty ;  but  we  have 
seen  them,  and  are  constrained  to  say,  "  It  is  the  Lord's 
doings,  and  it  is  marvellous  in  our  eyes." 


pjifcf*:fi  <Mj^i;iN?t;^ •"'*;  tt*  pr^isoly  thr  ^ime  iw''xvfbre.  It 
is  true,  we  ha^e '  tjef sfiirie  country,  the  same  climates*  the 
samo  pby«ieal  re.w.jrc^^  of  wealth  and  hapi'irja**  ' 


THE  NEW  NATION.  685 

of  property  in  the  war  districts,  and  the  value  of  the  labor 
of  our  millions  taken  away  from  the  pursuits  of  industry  to 
exhaust  their  time  and  strength  in  military  campaigns,  and 
the  amount  swells  beyond  our  power  of  estimation  or  proper 
conception.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  we  s  begin  our  new 
career  with  largely  increased  wealth  and  business  energy. 

Look  at  the  national  debt  On  the  31st  of  August,  1865, 
it  rose  to  $2,735,689,571, —  its  highest  point.  To  this  must 
be  added  the  debts  of  the  several  States  and  local  corpo 
rations,  amounting  to  about  $650,000,000.  The  aggregate 
of  these  public  debts  seems  so  enormous,  that  great  financiers 
in  England  and  on  the  Continent  have  regarded  repudiation 
and  the  utter  bankruptcy  of  the  nation  as  inevitable.  We 
moved  from  the  war  into  the  future  with  this  debt. 

Look  at  our  resources.  The  Great  Republic  does  not 
stagger  under  these  enormous  burdens.  Our  people  paid 
income-tax,  in  one  day,  —  viz.,  the  31st  of  August,  1865, — 
$2,315,000;  on  the  4th  of  September,  1865  (a  Sunday 
preceding),  $4,066,731.42  ;  and  on  the  2d  of  January,  1866 
(New- Year's  holiday  preceding),  $4,068,000.  These  figures 
show  the  highest  amounts  reached  in  a  single  day.  The 
growth  of  wealth  may  be  seen  by  the  following  figures.  In 
come-tax  yielded  in 

1864 $14,919,279.58 

1865 20,567,350.26 

1866 60,894,135.85 

The  whole  amount  realized  from  this  source  from  1862  to 
1866  is  $164,865,018.  Our  aggregate  revenue  from  cus 
toms,  internal  revenue,  and  direct  tax  (including  also  loans 
and  treasury-notes),  reached  in 

1864 $1,358,758,614.58 

1865 1,805,939,345.93 

1866 1,270,884,173.11 

Can  a  people  commanding  such  resources,  with  reasonable 


686  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

financial  economy,  be  wrecked  for  the  want  of  funds  ?  Let 
it  be  observed,  that,  notwithstanding  the  predictions  of  our 
foreign  friends,  we  have  paid  all  our  interest,  amounting,  as 
it  did  for  1866  (including  treasury-notes),  to  $133,067,741.- 
69  ;  and  from  the  31st  of  August,  1865,  to  the  1st  of 
October,  1867,  we  had  reduced  the  principal  of  our  national 
debt  $262,412,124.24.  Thus  we  begin  our  great  future.* 


ORGANIC    UNITY    AND    REGENERATED    PATRIOTISM. 

During  the  reign  of  slavery,  sectional  tendencies  greatly 
impaired  and  threatened  our  united  strength.  Though  the 
ultra  doctrine  of  State  against  National  rights  was  thoroughly 
exploded  by  our  clearest-minded  statesmen,  it  nevertheless 
exerted  an  injurious  influence  over  the  national  feeling  of 
multitudes.  The  first  great  fact  of  the  new  nation  is  the 
acknowledged  indissoluble  unity  of  all  the  States  and  Terri 
tories.  We  are  not  merely  so  many  millions  of  people,  liv 
ing  in  good  or  bad  neighborhood  ;  we  are  not  so  many  great 
sovereign  States  of  rival  and  antagonist  power.  We  now 
know  for  ourselves,  and  the  world  understands,  that,  like 
"  liberty  and  union,"  our  great  States  are  "  one  and  insep 
arable  now  and  forever."  This  aggregates  our  strength, 
bringing  all  our  millions  of  people  and  wealth  into  one  grand 
whole  ;  and  this  can  no  longer  be  regarded  as  a  unity  of 
accidents,  a  unity  by  external  pressure  or  arbitrary  power. 
It  is  a  unity  of  principles,  of  national  life  and  development ; 
by  the  clearly  expressed  will  of  God,  an  organic,  indissoluble 
unity. 

Strong  and  enthusiastic  has  been  the  feeling  of  American 
patriotism  from  the  first.  It  has,  however,  been  vitiated  by 
sectional  institutions  and  vices,  especially  those  of  slavery. 
But  the  patriotism  of  the  new  nation  has  passed  through 
the  fire.  Its  dross  has  been  given  to  the  flames.  It  has  been 
"  tried,  and  comes  forth  as  gold."  Now  we  love,  not  one 
town  or  one  State  merely,  not  the  North  or  the  South 

*  Official  statistics,  from  Hon.  C.  COLE,  senator  from  California. 


THE  NEW  NATION.  687 

alone  ;  but  we  love  our  whole  country.  Southern  patriots 
have  suffered  by  the  assault  made  upon  its  integrity,  and 
Northern  people  in  its  defence,  as  hardly  any  people  ever 
suffered  before ;  and  now  the  whole  land,  baptized  in  tears 
and  blood,  is  unspeakably  dear  to  us  all.  Woe  to  the  nation 
which  shall  attempt  to  place  hostile  foot  upon  it !  Every 
inch  of  this  vast  country  is  now  sacred  soil,  —  sacred  to  liber 
ty  and  to  God. 

True,  the  time  has  not  yet  come  for  the  largest,  fullest 
realization  of  this  regeneration  of  national  patriotism.  The 
bitter  prejudices  of  a  generation  at  least  must  pass  away 
before  its  obstacles  will  be  removed,  and  the  love  of  country 
throughout  our  growing  millions  shall  reach  the  national 
breadth  and  power  which  now  rises  up  before  us  as  our  cer 
tain  destiny.  True,  also,  the  task  of  experimental  Christian 
ity,  in  grappling  with  our  personal  and  national  vices,  is 
hard,  and  practically  endless.  Just  so  far,  however,  as  it 
advances,  it  will  extend  our  patriotic  devotion  to  our  whole 
great  country  into  the  sphere  of  a  true  philanthropy,  and 
proportionally  increase  its  power. 


THE   TRANSITION. 

The  history  of  reconstruction  cannot  now  be  written.  It 
is  not  yet  accomplished.  The  chaos  immediately  following 
a  bloody  war  and  a  great  revolution  must  have  time  to  re 
solve  itself  into  order.  Popular  legislation  and  a  passing 
administration  cannot  lead  as  promptly  to  executive  strength 
as  could  a  pure-minded,  absolute  despotism.  There  will,  of 
necessity,  be  a  great  variety  of  opinions  as  to  the  methods 
of  rehabilitating  States  resolved  by  rebellion  into  their  in 
organic  elements.  Party  spirit  will  struggle  hard  for  the 
mastery,  and  only  by  degrees  will  the  true  methods  of  wis 
dom  evolve  from  the  strife.  We  shall  not,  therefore,  chroni 
cle  the  contests  or  the  decisions  that  are  seeking  to  iden 
tify  the  facts  and  principles  which  must  assume  the  mastery 
in  our  final  adjustments  and  future  developments. 


688  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

A  few  things  incident  to  our  critical,  transition  period,  we 
have  distinctly  seen.  The  feeling  of  revenge,  gradually  nar 
rowing  the  scope  of  its  hostility,  and  triumph  moderating  into 
magnanimity  and  fraternity,  point  the  way  to  a  hopeful  future. 
In  the  mean  time,  it  has  been  evident  that  our  released  mil 
lions  could  not,  without  help,  wisely  and  safely  assume  their 
new  relations  of  independence  and  equality  before  the  law ; 
and  hence  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  has  been  an  absolute  neces 
sity.  It  has  been  shown  by  indisputable  facts  that  former 
rebel  masters  would  seek  to  invent  methods  of  virtually  re 
manding  them  back  to  slavery ;  that  they  would  not,  with 
out  the  presence  and  authority  of  the  General  Government, 
deal  with  their  former  slaves  as  freemen,  nor  would  they 
all  render  obedience  to  civil  national  law  without  the  pres 
ence  of  a  power  competent  to  enforce  it.  Hence  acts  of 
Congress  for  the  reconstruction  of  State  governments  have 
included  adequate  military  force;  and  obstinate  local  injus 
tice  has  been,  in  some  instances,  compelled  to  yield  to  the 
power  of  a  strong  national  government,  now,  more  than  in 
any  former  period  of  our  history,  beginning  to  be  known 
and  realized  as  everywhere  present. 

In  the  mean  time,  it  can  be  affirmed  with  gratitude  that 
regenerating  influences  from  the  various  churches  have  found 
their  way  through  our  distracted  South  ;  and,  subduing  rebel 
lion  against  God,  they  have  inspired  consideration  and  love 
for  man,  until  it  may  be  claimed  that  the  most  hostile  parties 
are  gradually  losing  their  asperities.  Around  and  within 
the  newly-organized  churches  of  the  South  a  true  and  noble 
citizenship  is  rising  up  in  loyal  obedience  to  the  government 
and  to  God.  Thus  another  indication  of  the  true  power  of 
reconstruction  reveals  itself. 

It  is  not  yet,  however,  time  to  write  the  history  of  this 
great  regenerating  force  in  its  work  of  re-organizing  civil 
society.  The  loyal  people,  white  and  colored,  by  thousands 
and  tens  of  thousands,  are  getting  their  places  in  the  Church 
of  Christ ;  and,  just  so  far  as  this  work  extends,  the  strength 
and  harmony  of  the  new  nation  appears. 


THE  NEW  NATION.  689 


IMPARTIAL   SUFFRAGE. 

The  vindication  of  justice  in  a  free  government  requires 
a  free  ballot.  Loyal  men  must  be  allowed  to  express  their 
wishes  as  to  their  representatives.  They  must  choose  their 
own  rulers,  and,  subordinately  to  the  Constitution,  make  the 
laws  of  their  own  States,  and  bear  their  just  part  in  the  law- 
making,  judicial,  and  executive  departments  of  the  General 
Government. 

The  growth  of  ideas  on  this  subject  has  been  very  rapid 
in  this  country  during  the  period  of  emancipation.  The 
basis  of  suffrage  has  been  changed ;  the  privilege  has  been 
greatly  extended :  but  the  questions  raised  have  not  yet  been 
settled.  The  partiality  of  the  old  nation  seems  to  have 
been  marked  in  the  new  for  destruction.  The  persistent  pur 
pose  manifested  by  disloyal  men  to  reclaim  the  control  of 
government  in  their  respective  States,  and  to  resume  the 
positions  in  the  General  Government  which  would  enable 
them,  as  in  other  days,  to  control  the  nation,  has  been  used, 
in  the  providence  of  God,  as  the  means  of  giving  the  ballot 
to  the  black  men  of  the  South.  This  decision  we  regard  as 
irreversible ;  and  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  over-estimate  its 
importance.  The  colored  people  are  peaceable  and  loyal. 
They  seem  to  want  only  simple  justice.  Their  good  be 
havior  amid  the  great  changes  which  have  been  going  on 

in  their  favor    has   astonished   both    enemies   and  friends. 

* 

They  have  no  disposition  to  fight  for  their  rights ;  but 
going  in  vast  numbers  as  they  now  do  to  the  polls,  by  'the 
side  of  their  former  masters,  they  can  protect  themselves. 
Heaven  and  earth  proclaim  this  just.  It  is  as  surely  the 
order  of  Providence  as  was  the  Great  Proclamation.  God 
would  not  permit  the  war  to  close  till  liberty  was  proclaimed ; 
he  would  not  permit  the  South  to  settle  down  upon  any 
policy  of  reconstruction  until  their  former  slaves,  the  victims 
of  hoary  oppression,  were  proclaimed  to  be  men,  and,  as 
men,  were  permitted  to  exercise  the  rights  of  freemen.  For 

87  ' 


690  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

the  poor  oppressed  race  it  was  a  proud  day  when  they 
first  went  to  the  polls  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 
wielded  the  ballot,  which  demonstrated  their  emancipation, 
and  proclaimed  their  right  and  ability  peacefully  to  defend 
their  freedom.  Here  men  would  have  arrested  this  innova 
tion  ;  but  right  onward  it  moved,  until  the  very  obstinacy 
of  rebels  became  its  most  potent  instrument,  and  in  every 
State  of  the  South  the  stalwart  men  of  the  proscribed  race 
were  seen  marching  to  the  polls.  So  much  is  irrevocable. 

It  seems  now  difficult  to  tell  when  our  people  of  color  in 
the  Northern  States  will  be  admitted  to  the  same  privilege  ; 
nor  can  it  now  be  said  what  will  be  the  basis  of  suffrage 
when  the  nation  is  finally  settled  :  it  surely  will  not  be  the 
color  of  the  skin.  The  new  light  of  the  Great  Revolution 
has  destroyed  forever  the  darkness  of  this  gross  absurdity. 
It  certainly  will  include  loyalty  to  the  nation.  Treason  in 
the  Great  Republic  has  slain  its  right  to  vote.  It  may  be 
that  the  American  people  will  be  able  to  find  some  standard 
of  intelligence  which  belongs  to  true  responsible  civil  man 
hood,  and  that  the  right  of  the  ballot  will  be  as  broad  as  this 
ascertained  legal  manhood.  But  whatever  may  be  its  basis, 
when  the  new  nation  is  completed,  the  asserted,  conceded 
right  of  suffrage  will  be  impartial. 


UNIVERSAL   EDUCATION. 

Free  as  our  noble  country  is,  there  has  hitherto  been  too 
much  of  caste  in  the  privileges  of  education.  We  have  felt 
the  power  of  wealth  and  rank  to  some  extent,  and  more  of 
prejudice,  in  the  superior  opportunities  for  learning  afforded 
the  children  of  fortune.  Our  great  common-school  system 
has  battled  bravely  with  this  odious  discrimination ;  but  it 
has  not  been  broad  enough  nor  high  enough  to  realize  the 
true  idea  of  universal  education.  The  slave-system  at  least 
must  be  dashed  down  before  we  dared  to  say  and  insist  that 
every  child  in  the  United  States  should  learn  to  read  and 


THE  NEW  NATION.  691 

write.  But  that  formidable  barrier  to  progress  is  gone ;  and 
now  the  school-book,  the  pen,  and  the  pencil  follow  the  gos 
pel  in  the  track  of  the  sword.  Christian  people,  naturally 
and  of  right  foremost  in  every  great  missionary  work, 
promptly  moved  American  citizens  to  care  for  the  four  mil 
lions  freed  from  the  shackles  of  slavery,  and  save  them  and 
the  nation  from  the  perils  which  must  arise  from  their  igno 
rance.  Freedmen's-aid  societies  in  various  forms,  local  and 
general,  sprang  up  in  every  part  of  the  country  ;  and  vigorous 
educational  measures  were  adopted,  and  extended  to  many 
parts  of  the  South.  These  associations  showed  in  the  abun 
dance  of  their  funds,  and  supplies  in  kind,  and  in  the  aston 
ishing  self-sacrifice  and  moral  courage  of  volunteer  instruct 
ors,  how  deep  and  pervading  were  the  convictions  of  the 
American  people  that  slaves  were  not  freed  to  become  the 
victims  of  anarchy  and  reckless  passion.  "  The  needy  must 
be  fed,  and  all  must  be  educated,  and  prepared  for  citizen 
ship,"  was  the  prompt  and  universal  judgment  of  the  North, 
the  East,  and  the  West,  and  of  many  noble  patriots  in  the 
South. 

These  voluntary  associations,  in  their  pioneer  investiga 
tions  and  labors,  brought  to  the  nation  and  the  government 
a  large  amount  of  information  in  regard  to  the  destitute, 
suffering  condition  of  millions  of  freed  people  and  "  poor 
whites."  They  exposed  promptly,  and  frequently  at  the 
risk  of  their  lives,  the  cruel  injustice  of  many  former  mas 
ters,  and  lawless  villains  who  had  never  owned  a  slave.  They 
powerfully  moved  and  influenced  the  government  to  the  or 
ganization  of  "  The  Bureau  of  Eefugees,  Freedmen,  and 
Abandoned  Lands,"  which,  under  the  superintendence  of  our 
noble  Christian  major-general,  0.  0.  Howard,  became  their 
effective  co-laborer  in  this  field  of  sacrifice  and  generous  toil. 
This,  as  was  fitting,  identified  the  nation  with  the  great 
paternal  work  of  relieving  and  educating  the  nation's  wards. 
They  gave  to  the  missionary  workers  in  these  perilous  fields 
military  protection  from  the  hand  of  ruthless  violence,  paid 


692  THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

the  fare  of  teachers,  and,  as  far  as  practicable,  furnished 
buildings  for  the  work  of  instruction. 

At  length  the  Christian  churches,  whose  ministers  and 
members  had  given  largely  and  wrought  effectively  through 
these  voluntary  societies,  and  co-operated  with  all  their  hu 
manizing,  secular  measures,  believing  that  the  time  had  come 
to  make  the  philanthropic  labors  of  the  nation  more  thor 
oughly  Christian  than  heretofore,  began  a  system  of  edu 
cation  in  connection  with  evangelical  missionary  work  among 
the  freedmen  and  other  people  of  the  South,  This,  while 
it  brought  a  new  and  vital  force  into  the  field,  furnished  the 
societies  with  another  accession  of  co-operative  labor ;  so  that 
now  we  have  working  side  by  side,  and  in  departments  of 
the  same  general  field,  all  the  freeclmen's-aid  societies,  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau,  and  all  the  great  evangelical  churches. 

At  last  reports,  their  combined  labors  had  established  and 
maintained  among  these  needy  people  1,399  schools,  in 
charge  of  1,658  teachers,  numbering  90,513  pupils.  There 
are,  moreover,  reported  782  Sunday  schools,  with  70,610 
scholars.  Thus  moves  on  the  work  of  education  among 
the  freedmen.  Of  these  pupils,  15,248  are  paying  tuition 
amounting  to  $11,377.03  per  month. 

Let  our  readers  accept  these  facts  as  a  part  of  the  evi 
dence  that  universal  education  will  become  the  character 
istic  of  the  new  nation. 

THE  NEW  AMERICAN  CHURCH. 

There  is  a  sense  in  which  we  can  speak  of  the  Church 
of  England  as  we  shall  never  be  able  to  speak  of  the 
Church  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Episcopalianism 
is  established  by  law  in  England.  It  is  the  legal  religion  of 
the  kingdom  :  all  other  forms  of  worship  are  tolerated  merely. 
This,  let  us  trust,  will  never  be  true  of  any  denomination  in 
the  Great  Republic.  We  are  nobly  emancipated  from  a 
form  of  churchship  so  thoroughly  condemned  by  revelation, 
philosophy,  and  history ;  and  it  need  not  be  feared  that  we 


THE  NEW  NATION.  693 

shall  ever  hereafter  be  re-inthralled.  Most  happy  are  we  to 
notice  that  the  upheavals  of  society  in  England  promise 
deliverance  to  the  Church  in  that  nation  from  political  dicta 
tion. 

It  must  not,  however,  be  assumed,  that,  in  America,  we  have 
only  a  confused  mass  )f  conflicting  sects.  Such  an  opinion 
of  American  Christianity  would  be  wholly  superficial  and 
untrue.  While  we  glory  in  the  freedom  of  opinion,  and  ad 
mit  the  historical  circumstances  which  have  made  us  several 
large  ecclesiastical  organizations,  we  exalt  the  grace  of  God 
which  has  made  us  one  Church.  In  the  great  object  of  wor 
ship,  the  triune  Jehovah,  in  simple,  absolute  dependence  upon 
a  common  Saviour,  in  the  pervading  power  of  the  new  life, 
we  are  and  always  have  been  one. 

But  the  Church  of  the  new  nation  will  have  a  broader, 
more  powerful  unity  than  the  Church  of  the  past.  The  fun 
damental  facts  of  our  old  brotherhood  are  more  evident  and 
imposing  than  before.  The  upheavals  of  a  great  moral 
revolution  have  summarily  disposed  of  the  feeling  of  differ 
ence,  always  stronger  than  the  reality.  Our  method  of  unity 
is  not  that  of  despotic  authority,  but  of  development.  We 
have  reversed  the  theories  of  Europe.  For  a  thousand  years, 
they  have  sought  unity  by  repression ;  we  have  found  it  in 
liberty  :  and  the  unity  of  Christian  work  is  the  grandest, 
most  potential  fact  of  the  age.  The  new  American  Church 
will  therefore  be,  not  the  Church  of  prescriptive  dogma,  but, 
in  a  sense  higher,  stronger,  than  the  old,  the  Church  of  vital 
ized  and  harmonized  action. 

The  Great  Revolution  has  released  the  intellect  and  heart 
and  enterprise  of  the  American  Church  from  the  restraints 
imposed  by  a  powerful  internal  despotism.  It  will  now, 
therefore,  be  broader  and  freer  in  its  outspoken  veracity, 
its  gushing  sympathies,  and  aggressive  labor,  than  heretofore. 
God  has  spoken  to  her  in  a  voice  that  will  ring  in  her  ears 
till  the  day  of  judgment,  saying,  "  Move  to  the  front  in  this 
great  battle  of  liberty!  If  you  allow  again  the  reign  of 


694  THE  GEE  AT  REPUBLIC. 

caste  or  political  corruption,  you  are  responsible.  '  The  weap 
ons  of  your  warfare  are  not  carnal,  but  spiritual,  and  mighty 
through  God  to  the  pulling-down  of  strongholds.'  The 
well-springs  of  life  are  within  you  :  pour  its  streams  into 
dead  men,  and  social,  civil  organisms,  everywhere.  Send  the 
power  of  soul-liberty  throbbing  through  the  hearts  of  the 
people  and  the  nations.  '  Stand  fast  in  the  liberty  wherewith 
Christ  hath  made  you  free,  and  be  not  entangled  again  in  the 
yoke  of  bondage.' "  If  these  orders  are  heard  and  obeyed, 
the  new  American  Church  will  be  a  living,  united,  free, 
evangelical  Church,  the  vital  force  and  grand  working  power 
of  the  new  nation. 

THE   NEW   AMERICAN   MANHOOD. 

A  man  is  narrow  and  weak  when  he  is  not  willing  that 
another  human  being  shall  be  a  man.  The  manhood  of 
America,  strong  as  has  been  its  development,  has  been  limit 
ed  by  its  selfishness,  its  prejudices,  its  exclusiveness.  In 
every  attempt  to  announce  his  own  freedom,  the  American 
citizen  has  felt  his  self-contradictions.  In  every  indulgence 
of  national  pride,  he  has  been  humbled  by  national  injustice. 
At  home  or  abroad,  in  his  jubilant  praises  of  republican  free 
dom,  he  has  been  arrested,  and  stung  to  madness,  by  the 
abrupt  response,  "  Look  at  your  four  millions  of  slaves ! " 
Only  in  one  condition  for  a  hundred  years  has  an  American 
been  a  man,  always  and  everywhere  a  true  man ;  that  is,  in 
a  genuine  Christian  life  that  revealed  a  plain,  clear,  working 
antagonism  to  America's  great  wrong.  Humbling  as  is  the 
confession,  in  all  our  cringing,  apologetic  submission  to  this 
grandest,  vilest  despotism,  we  have  been  less  than  men ;  and 
there  has  been  enough  of  this  to  dwarf  the  general  manhood 
of  the  nation. 

Thanks  to  God  only,  we  have  done  with  that ;  and  we  are 
stronger,  greater,  than  we  were.  It  is  true,  the  emancipa 
tion  is  not  yet  universal ;  but  it  will  be.  The  fiat  has  gone 
forth.  No  true  American  will  hereafter  be  awed  into  silence 


THE  NEW  NATION.  695 

by  insulting  threats  of  violence  when  he  undertakes  to  ex 
pose  a  vice  or  denounce  a  great  injustice.  The  press  and 
the  pulpit  will  speak  out  in  any  part  of  our  great  country 
in  the  cause  of  the  defrauded,  the  poor,  and  the  helpless. 
So  thorough  and  bold  are  the  workings  and  outpushings  of 
Liberty,  that  she  will  go  everywhere.  She  will  paralyze  the 
hand  that  seizes  a  man  to  bind  upon  him  the  fetters  of 
.slavery. 

And  the  new  nation  is  more  humane  for  its  justice.  No 
vindictive  spirit  is  born  of  Freedom's  struggle  and  triumph. 
No  deeper  sympathy,  no  truer  love,  has  ever  honored  the 
manhood  of  man  than  that,  which,  in  the  might  of  Christian 
justice,  arose  to  strike  off  the  fetters  of  slavery,  and  which, 
in  the  spirit  of  Jesus,  is  now  endeavoring  to  "  beat  our  swords 
into  ploughshares,  and  our  spears  into  pruning-hooks ;  "  and 
love  still  aspires  to  absolute  dominion  in  the  new  American 
manhood. 

The  free  spirit  of  science  and  the  true  genius  of  art,  the 
heroism  of  truth  and  the  omnipotence  of  prayer,  will  power 
fully  crowd  forward  our  manhood  march  toward  its  typal  per 
fection  ;  and  it  will  include  every  American,  every  man. 

"  I  verify  the  fact,  that  America  is  one  of  the  most  moral 
and  enlightened  nations  on  earth.  I  verify  the  fact,  that,  if 
democratic  levelling  be  detestable,  America  has  at  least 
known  how  to  extract  from  it  what  makes  the  man,  —  con 
science.  If  certain  acts  of  violence  have  taken  place,  the 
electoral  contest  in  America  has  almost  always  preserved 
complete  liberty.  These  orators  of  the  different  parties  arriv 
ing  like  princes  to  the  sound  of  salutes  of  artillery ;  these 
assemblies  often  thousand,  twenty  thousand,  auditors ;  these 
vast  questions,  in  which  the  fate  of  nations  is  involved,  dis 
cussed  from  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  to  the  recesses  of 
the  desert,  —  all  this  is  a  spectacle  which  does  not  lack 
majesty ; "  *  and  which,  we  may  add,  fitly  characterizes  the 
new  nation. 

*  America  before  Europe,  by  COUNT  DE  GASPARIN,  pp.  374,  375. 


696  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

See  the  poet's  prophecy  rapidly  passing  into  history :  — 


On  the  rocks  we  read  the  story 

Of  the  revolutions  grand 
Which  in  ages  past  and  hoary 

Swept  o'er  mountain,  sea,  and  land : 
There  we  trace  the  mighty  stages 

Of  the  world's  historic  time  ; 
And  we  mark  the  buried  ages 

By  their  monuments  sublime. 
Out  of  fiery  storms  of  forces, 

Out  of  cycles  never  calm, 
Nature,  in  her  mystic  courses, 

Shapes  the  mammal  and  the  palm. 

History  points  with  solemn  finger 

To  her  records  dim  and  old ; 
And,  as  thoughtfully  we  linger, 

Still  the  lesson  there  is  told. 
Through  the  struggles  and  the  burnings, 

Through  the  stern  and  frantic  strife, 
Through  the  nations'  fierce  upturnings, 

Put  they  on  a  fresher  life  ; 
Then  they  pass  to  higher  stages 

Both  of  greatness  and  renown  : 
In  the  conflict  of  the  ages 

Glory  doth  the  nations  crown. 

Lo !  we  feel  the  wild  upheaval 

Of  a  nation's  hidden  fires  : 
Right  is  battling  with  the  Evil, 

And  the  smoke  to  heaven  aspires ; 
War,  tumultuous  and  red-lighted, 

Sweepeth  with  sirocco  blast ; 
And  our  green  young  land  is  blighted 

As  the  tempest  whirleth  past. 
Not  the  death-throe  of  the  nation 

Is  this  wild  and  awful  hour  : 
'Tis  its  painful  transformation 

To  a  nobler  life  of  power . 

As  the  fossils  huge  were  buried 

In  the  massy  folds  of  rock, 
So  our  saurian  crime  is  hurried 

To  its  death-throe  in  the  shock. 
'Neath  the  Union's  broad  foundations 

Shall  the  monster  Slavery  lie, 
While  the  coming  generations 

Ponder  o'er  the  mystery. 
On  to  years  of  coming  glory, 

Through  a  long  triumphal  prime, 
On  through  paths  of  deathless  story, 

Shall  the  Union  live  sublime. 


THE   NEW  NATION. 

Nobler,  freer,  and  more  glorious, 

Shall  the  future  'Union  be  : 
O'er  the  despot's  rod  victorious, 

All  the  lands  its  strength  shall  see. 
North  and  South  in  one  dominion, 

One  in  freedom  evermore, 
O'er  one  land  on  loving  pinion 

Shall  the  lordly  eagle  soar : 
Northern  lake  and  Southern  harbor, 

Cotton-field  and  prairie  wide, 
Seaside  slope  and  greenwood  arbor, 

All  shall  boast  the  Union's  pride. 

On,  through  all  the  stormy  trial, 

God  shall  bring  us  on  our  way  : 
Let  us  meet  the  stern  denial ; 

Let  us  watch  and  wait  and  pray. 
Up  from  all  this  tribulation 

We  shall  rise  a  nobler  land, 
And  in  peerless  exaltation 

'Mid  the  nations  envied  stand. 
Welcome  storm  and  fire  and  peril ! 

Fields  Elysian  yet  shall  rise 
O'er  our  war-worn  wastes  and  sterile, 

Wrought  by  freemen's  sacrifice.* 

The  Union  as  it  Shall  Be,  by  DWIGHT  WILLIAMS. 


CHAPTER  II. 
THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC   IN   HISTORY. 

"  A  nation  of  such  men  is  the  only  true  national  unity,  and  is  alone  fit  to  enter  with 
other  such  nations  into  those  grander  combinations  of  economy,  of  harmony,  and  of  the 
progress  and  ambitions  of  peace,  for  which  the  world  prepares."  —  PARTRIDGE. 

THE  place  of  the  Great  Republic  in  the  history  of  the 
race  is  now  becoming  distinct  and  important.  Arguing 
from  the  character  and  government  of  God,  it  might  have 
been  inferred,  and  was,  long  ages  ago,  that  he  would  some 
where,  and  at  some  time,  undertake  to  establish  a  govern 
ment  which  should  conform  in  its  principles  to  the  plans  of 
the  creation.  There  are  reasons  to  believe,  as  we  trust  this 
discussion  has  shown,  that  this  is  that  grand  attempt.  The 
country,  the  colonization,  the  independence,  the  develop 
ment,  the  government,  and  the  emancipation,  all  under  the 
controlling  power  of  the  Christian  religion,  clearly  indicate 
it.  In  the  prosecution  of  this  great  providential  purpose, 
the  following  results  have  become  evident. 

REPUBLICANISM    PASSES    OUT    OF   ITS   EXPERIMENTAL   INTO    ITS 
HISTORICAL   PERIOD. 

That  is  often  an  experiment  to  the  eyes  of  men  which 
cannot  be  so  to  the  mind  of  God.  Representing  the  human 
view,  we  concede  the  fact,  that  governments  attempted  by 
the  people,  in  the  history  of  the  world,  have  been  unsuccess 
ful  experiments.  We  need  not  trace  them.  They  have 
been  the  recoil  of  natural  freedom  from  the  usurpations 
of  tyranny,  the  change  and  multiplication  of  the  agents  of 


THE   GREAT   REPUBLIC    IN   HISTORY.  699 

oppression  without  the  possibility  of  freedom,  or  the  bold 
daring  of  a  few  brave  patriots;  all,  however,  under  the 
genius  of  Paganism  or  some  corrupted  form  of  Christianity. 
How,  in  the  light  of  these  histories,  our  venerated  fathers 
could  venture  to  make  another  experiment,  must  have  seemed 
strange  to  the  believers  in  "  the  divine  right  of  kings ; "  but 
they  resolved  to  make  it.  Whether  the  clear  definitions  of 
civil  and  political  rights  could  be  reached  by  the  representa 
tives  of  the  people ;  whether  a  few  feeble  colonists  could 
resist  the  oppression  of  a  mighty  nation,  and,  by  eight  years 
of  bloody  war,  establish  their  independence ;  whether  the 
Constitution  adopted  could  be  sustained  as  the  fundamental 
law  of  the  land,  until  it  had  triumphed  over  and  worked  out 
its  own  vices ;  whether  the  freedom  of  the  ballot  and  elec 
tions  could  be  maintained ;  whether  minorities  would  submit 
to  majorities ;  whether  the  permanence  of  executive  govern 
ment  could  be  secured  without  a  dynasty  and  an  hereditary 
nobility;  whether  a  nation  made  up  of  people  separated 
by  State  lines  could  vindicate  its  sovereignty ;  whether  the 
people  could  put  down  a  great  rebellion ;  and  whether  a  re 
public  could  grapple  with  and  ultimately  destroy  the  intensest 
form  of  despotism  known  among  men,  —  were  questions 
of  most  critical  experiment.  But,  under  the  control  of 
Providence,  they  are  all  settled ;  and  wise  men  abroad  have 
just  ceased  to  speak  of  the  Republic  of  America  as  a 
grand  experiment,  destined  to  a  signal  failure.  It  has  passed 
through  the  severest  tests  to  which  a  nation  has  ever  been 
subjected,  and  endured  them  all ;  emerging  at  last,  with  the 
smile  of  a  seraph,  from  its  baptisms  of  blood.  True,  it  is 
still  militant.  The  spirit  of  liberty  is  aggressive,  and  has 
many  formidable  enemies.  From  the  past,  however,  we 
learn  the  manner  in  which  it  will  fight  its  battles.  Faithful 
to  the  principles  of  liberty,  loyal  to  the  Sovereign  above, 
ultimate  triumph  is  certain.  Great  as  are  the  events  which 
we  have  sketched  in  the  experimental  period  of  our  nation, 
its  history  has  now  just  fairly  begun. 


700  THE   GIIEAT   REPUBLIC. 


THE    PEOPLE,   AS    SOVEREIGNS,   ADVANCE   TO    THE    RANK    OF   A    FIRST- 
CLASS    POWER. 

The  rank  of  a  civil  power  must  depend  partly  upon  its 
population,  partly  upon  its  internal  resources  and  external 
commerce,  and  partly  upon  the  numbers  and  perfection  of  its 
army  and  navy.  In  these  respects,  the  Great  Republic  has, 
by  general  consent,  taken  its  place  by  the  side  of  the  first 
nations  of  the  globe.  But,  in  modern  civilization,  profo under 
facts  must  be  considered.  The  laws  of  increase  in  popula 
tion,  the  laws  of  unity,  the  development  of  physical  and 
moral  force  and  executive  power,  the  spirit  of  governmen 
tal  institutions,  the  progress  of  intelligence  and  virtue,  and 
the  guidance  and  approval'of  Providence,  must  determine  the 
relative  position  of  any  people  among  the  nations  of  the 
world.  In  all  these  respects,  hereditary  sovereigns  have 
watched  their  new  rivals  across  the  ocean,  anxiously  expect 
ing  to  witness  their  failure,  until  the  last  grand  crisis  has 
passed,  and  at  length  the  people  of  America  take  their 
place  by  the  side  of  the  mightiest  princes ;  and  no  haughty 
power  affects  to  despise  or  dares  to  insult  them.  Indeed, 
the  affectation  of  superiority  over  the  Great  Republic  in  the 
Clements  of  a  growing,  vital  civilization,  in  the  energies  and 
resources  of  a  great  government,  has  passed  away  from  the 
most  powerful  nations  of  earth ;  while  the  ease  and  mag 
nanimity,  the  firmness  and  influence,  of  the  government  of 
the  American  people  in  such  august  presence,  demonstrate 
their  rank  as  a  first-class  power. 


POPULATION,    AND    INFLUENCE    ABROAD. 

Thus  we  enter  upon  our  future  mission ;  and,  regarding 
the  regular  laws  of  increase  as  they  have  been  established 
through  a  great  number  of  years,  our  official  census  shows, 
that, in  1880,  we  shall  have  a  population  of  56,450,241  people; 
in  1890,  77,266,989;  in  1900,  only  thirty-two  years  hence, 


THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC  IN  HISTORY.  701 

we  shall  number  100,355,802 !  Assuming  that  there  is  to 
be  no  great  judicial  interruption  by  decree  of  Providence, 
what  grandeur  of  development  is  before  us !  Looking  for 
ward  only  a  generation,  the  results  of  God's  great  plans  for 
this  vast  continent  are  positively  overwhelming. 

But  the  growth  of  population  is  not  to  be  considered 
alone :  it  is  only  one  condition  of  real  progress.  We  may 
look  out  upon  the  future  increase  of  all  the  products  of  the 
soil,  the  advance  in  all  the  useful  and  elegant  arts,  the  prog 
ress  in  discoveries,  in  manufactures,  and  commerce,  the 
development  of  our  mines,  of  our  institutions  of  learning, 
of  our  great  and  powerful  American  manhood,  with  the 
spirit  of  a  living,  renovating  Christianity  pervading  the  whole ; 
and  we  may  form  some  idea  of  what  is  before  us. 

But  all  this  must  come  in  to  swell  our  influence  abroad. 
We  have  passed  the  period  when  it  is  desirable  to  think 
of  it  as  the  power  of  legitimate  protection ;  and  it  would 
be  equally  unworthy  of  us  to  consider  our  coming  greatness 
as  the  ability  to  overawe  or  triumph  over  other  nations, 
small  or  great.  Rather  let  it  be  considered  as  an  indication 
of  a  .responsibility  so  high  and  extended  as  to  call  for  the 
profoundest  humility  and  the  noblest  sense  of  justice.  Our 
influence  over  the  governments  of  the  Western  continent 
must  not  be  that  of  overshadowing  greatness,  but  of  mag 
nanimous  fraternal  kindness.  To  the  nations  of  Europe  we 
must  present  an  example  of  liberal  opinions,  sustained  by 
firm  integrity  and  high-souled  international  right.  How 
utterly  unworthy  of  the  Great  Republic  would  be  airs  of 
superiority  in  strength  or  wisdom !  How  much  have  we  yet 
to  learn  from  other  nations !  how  long  shall  we  have  reason 
to  dig  in  their  mines  of  greater  antiquity !  and  how  much 
that  is  great  and  true  in  the  liberty-loving  millions  of  the 
Old  World  will  demand  our  recognition  ! 


702  THE  GREAT  REPUBLIC. 


THE   NATIONS    OF   EARTH   ACKNOWLEDGE,    RESPECT,   AND    TRUST 
THE    GREAT   REPUBLIC. 

If  it  be  matter  of  grave  importance  for  us  as  a  nation 
to  know  what  are  our  accumulating  elements  of  power,  and 
in  what  manner  we  are  entering  upon  the  historical  period 
of  our  mission,  it  is  also  matter  of  decided  interest  to  know 
in  what  spirit  we  are  received  by  the  great  family  of  nations. 
This  is  not  a  recent  question.  It  began  to  receive  its  answer 
immediately  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence  ;  but  now 
it  assumes  a  new  aspect.  The  question  is  no  longer  one  of 
patronage,  but  of  the  matured,  decisive  response  to  the  per 
manent  establishment  of  this  new  element  among  the  gov 
ernments  of  earth.  Now  that  it  can  no  longer  be  regarded 
as  exceptional  or  experimental,  how  is  it  regarded  ? 

The  answer  is  most  grateful  to  the  American  people. 
Diplomatic  relations  are  desired  and  established  between 
the  United  States  and  all  the  nations  of  the  civilized  world. 
There  is  the  highest  regard  for  our  rights  and  opinions. 
Our  citizenship  commands  the  most  fraternal  and  honored 
consideration.  Our  free  institutions  and  rapid  growth  have 
come  to  be  the  admiration  of  the  greatest  statesmen,  as  well 
as  of  the  masses  of  Europe.  English  lords  do  not  hesitate 
to  quote  our  financial  policy  and  discretion  as  a  model  for 
the  British  Empire.  The  French  emperor  imitates  our  pop 
ular  elections,  by  submitting  to  the  people,  in  some  form,  the 
question  of  his  crown  :  when  he  attempts  to  impose  a  gov 
ernment  upon  Mexico,  he  demands  a  vote ;  when  he  deter 
mines  to  annex  provinces  to  his  empire,  he  calls  the  people 
to  vote ;  when  he  proposes  the  transfer  of  Venice  from 
Austria  to  Italy,  the  people  are  asked  to  express  their  will. 
When  an  Italian  prime  minister  wishes  to  adopt  free  tol 
eration  and  universal  equality  of  religious  rights  in  the 
new  nation,  he  refers  to  the  Great  Republic  as  his  model. 
Scandinavia  opens  the  way  for  evangelical  Christianity. 
Prussia,  under  the  lead  of  the  great  Bismarck,  establishes 


THE   GREAT    REPUBLIC  IN  HISTORY.  7Q3 

a  constitutional  government  for  reconstructed  Germany ; 
and  even  Austria  dashes  aside  the  Concordat,  and  her  em 
peror  talks,  in  Hungary  and  at  home,  of  a  free  government. 

What  is  all  this  but  a  spontaneous  homage  to  the  great 
and  free  institutions  of  our  own  noble  Christian  Republic  ? 

From  our  Pacific  metropolis  we  communicate*  directly 
with  Asia.  Our  commerce  follows  rapidly  in  the  track  of 
our  Christian  missionaries ;  and  by  both  we  are  becoming 
extensively  known  by  the  millions  of  China,  Japan,  Bur- 
mah,  and  India.  The  silent,  powerful  workings  of  Christian 
liberty  must  inevitably  accompany  our  progress. 

These  facts  indicate  clearly  our  position  in  history,  and 
our  future  mission. 


CHAPTER    III. 

GOD    IS   THE   SOVEREIGN. 

"  We  recognize  God  as  the  Supreme  Disposer  of  our  national  affairs  :  our  peace  and 
true  prosperity  depend  upon  our  allegiance  to  him  and  his  eternal  principles  of  justice 
and  right."  —  CALIFORNIA  CONF.  OF  M.  E.  CHURCH,  1867. 

THE  history,  which,  in  its  principal  and  controlling  facts, 
has  passed  before  us,  has  shown  the  hand  of  God  so  distinct 
ly,  that  it  must  be  a  strange  blindness  which  can  conceal  it. 
He  appears  everywhere,  not  only  as  the  Creator  of  our  great 
continent,  but  as  the  grand,  directing  Providence,  the  gra 
cious  Sovereign,  of  the  nation.  We  have  his  laws,  not  only 
in  the  book  of  revelation,  but  in  the  spirit  of  liberty  which 
he  has  imparted  to  our  government ;  in  the  Christian  char 
acter  of  our  institutions ;  in  the  succession  of  facts  rising 
above  the  power,  and  contrary  to  the  inclinations,  of  men. 
These  all  reveal  his  stern  condemnation  of  our  personal  and 
national  sins,  and  his  divine  approval  of  individual  and 
national  virtue,  of  the  true  spirit  of  worship  and  piety 
throughout  the  land.  We  know  his  will.  His  orders  to  us 
are  as  distinct  and  peremptory  as  though  they  had  been 
written  upon  the  fair  face  of  the  heavens,  or  proclaimed  in 
an  audible  voice  to  every  ear  from  his  throne  above.  We 
know,  that,  as  our  Sovereign,  he  forbids  us  to  worship  idols ; 
to  be  a  nation  of  swearers,  murderers,  or  adulterers ;  to  steal, 
bear  false  witness,  or  covet  houses  or  beasts,  people  or  lands, 
which  belong  to  our  neighbors ;  that  he  requires  us  to  keep 
sacred  the  holy  sabbath,  and  to  honor  fathers  and  mothers ; 
to  love  him  with  all  our  hearts,  and  our  neighbors  as  our 
selves.  We  know  that  all  our  attempts  to  enslave  men  are 


704 


GOD  IS  THE   SOVEREIGN.  705 

denounced  by  his  law  and  his  administrative  justice  in  our 
guilty  land;  and  that  he  requires  justice  of  us,  —  clear,  dis 
tinct,  elevated,  universal  justice.  We  know,  that,  as  our 
great  common  Ruler,  he  disallows  all  our  dishonesty,  politi 
cal  corruption,  intemperance,  and  bribery.  If  the  plea  of 
ignorance  with  regard  to  the  will  of  a  sovereign  could  ever 
avail  for  any  nation,  after  the  marvellous  revelations  of  God 
in  our  history,  it  certainly  cannot  avail  for  us. 


EEBELLION   IS   RUIN. 

We  must  obey.  To  be  found  in  the  wrong  in  the  midst 
of  such  distinct  and  sublime  revelations  must  be  a  grave  of 
fence  ;  but  to  be  a  nation  of  deliberate,  practical  atheists  must 
be  the  highest  crime.  If  our  rulers  dare  to  defy  God ;  if  they 
treat  his  holy  laws  with  contempt,  profane  his  sabbaths,  blas 
pheme  his  name,  become  corrupt  in  character  and  in  adminis 
tration,  —  they  will  call  down  wrath  upon  us.  If  the  people 

—  the  great  body  of  the  people,  who  are  the  source  of  civil 
and  political  justice  —  become  corrupt  and  oppressive,  forget 
ting  the  lessons  which  have  been  taught  them  by  unparal 
leled  mercies  and  the  most  awful  judgments,  we  may  now 
certainly  know  that  overwhelming  disasters  are  before  us. 
If  the  Church  should  become  recreant  to  her  holy  trust,  now 
that  she  has  been  shown  so  clearly  her  high  position  and 
responsibility ;  if  her  ministers   should  become  proud  and 
ambitious,  her  members  earthly  and  sensual,  and  her  pure, 
spiritual  life  be  sacrificed  for  forms  and  a  dead  ritualism ;  if 
the  vain  pretensions  of  philosophy  and  science  should  super 
sede  the  pure,  simple,  and  honest  revelations  of  God's  word, 

—  we  shall  be  cursed. for  such   ecclesiastical   and   national 
crimes.     We  know  that  this  is  God's  method  of  dealing  with 
fallen  churches  and  infidel  peoples.     Let  the  wrath  which 
has  fallen  upon  the  Jew  and  the  Pagan,  the  Mahometan  and 
the  Christian,  for  proud   defiance  of  God,  be   our  solemn 
warning.     We  are  not  above  Almighty  Power  :  we  can  by 


706  THE   GKEAT  KEPUBLIC. 

no  possible  means  go  beyond  the  reach  of  Infinite  Justice. 
True,  the  life  of  liberty  is  indestructible  :  but  this  vitalizing, 
pervading,  immortal  power  may  be  transferred  to  other 
people ;  and  we  may  go  down  amid  the  shouts  of  defiance 
and  the  wailings  of  despair,  and  the  very  name  of  the  Great 
Republic  become  a  hissing  and  a  byword  forever.  Beyond 
all  question,  rebellion  against  God  —  intentional,  persistent, 
prevailing  rebellion  —  would  overwhelm  this  nation  in  de 
struction. 

LOYAL    OBEDIENCE   IS    SAFETY   AND    SUCCESS. 

Let  God  be  honored ;  let  righteousness,  which  exalteth  a 
nation,  prevail  everywhere ;  let  the  Church  become  purer 
as  she  enlarges,  more  exalted  in  her  sense  of  duty,  clearer  in 
her  vision  as  she  looks  out  upon  her  future  responsibilities ; 
let  the  ballot  become  the  emblem  of  liberty  and  justice, 
and  the  life  of  divine  love  permeate  the  nation,  inspiring  and 
exalting  rulers,  lifting  up  the  poor  and  distressed,  vitalizing 
all  legislation  and  administration  of  law,  —  and  we  are  safe. 
It  is  in  the  light  of  this  grand  revelation  of  power,  in  the 
presence  of  these  great  equities,  that  our  future  rises  up 
sublimely  before  the  eyes  of  men  and  angels  to-day. 

It  is  time  for  us  to  believe,  without  reservation,  in  the 
eternal  safety  of  justice,  in  the  infallible  wisdom  of  God's 
revelations,  and  the  absolute  security  of  a  nation  ruled  by  a 
high  and  all-pervading  sense  of  God,  —  God  everywhere ; 
God  in  every  thing,  infusing  life  into  the  public  organism, 
health  and  vigor  into  the  nation's  patriotism ;  giving  intelli 
gence,  breadth,  and  efficiency  to  the  nation's  philanthropy. 

What  power  can  prevail  against  a  people  rendering  loyal 
obedience  to  a  Sovereign  so  high,  so  pure,  so  omnipotent  ? 
"  If  God  be  for  us,  who  can  be  against  us  ?  "  In  the  presence 
of  such  a  possibility  even,  the  very  conception  of  our  nation's 
future  is  sublime.  Let  this  loyal  devotion  to  the  right,  to 
God,  prevail  over  our  personal  and  national  vices ;  let  the 
regeneration  of  our  humanity,  under  the  redeeming  agency 


GOD  IS  THE   SOVEREIGN.  707 

of  the  great  Messiah,  go  on  until  purified  by  divine  power 
and  invigorated  by  divine  inspirations,  according  to  the  now 
distinctly  manifested  purposes  of  our  great  Sovereign,  —  and 
this  nation  shall  stand  forth  "  fair  as  the  moon,  clear  as  the 
sun,  and  terrible  as  an  army  with  banners." 

THE   UNITED    STATES    A    GREAT   CHRISTIAN   POWER. 

We  have  seen  that  God  has  intended  the  Great  Republic 
for  this,  and  this  only.  Whoever  seeks  to  destroy  the 
religious  faith  of  its  people,  or  their  sound,  trusting  devotion 
to  the  purifying,  elevating  doctrines  of  Jesus  Christ,  is  the 
enemy  of  our  government ;  for,  with  this  destroyed,  it  has 
absolutely  no  basis  on  which  to  rest.  It  has  no  other 
reason  for  existing,  only  that  a  grand  Christian  power  was 
the  choice  and  purpose  of  God  for  this  Western  continent 
and  that  its  lead  in  the  march  of  justice  before  the  eyes  of 
men  was  required  for  the  great  future.  In  point  of  fact, 
therefore,  no  treason  in  this  land  is  so  guilty  as  moral  treason ; 
no  enmity  to  republican  liberty  is  so  perilous  as  enmity 
agaiqst  God  •  no  disloyalty  so  menacing  as  infidelity.  We 
certainty  cannot  exist  as  a  nation  of  atheists. 

With  what  humble  gratitude,  therefore,  have  we  traced 
in  our  remarkable  history  the  Christian  elements  of  our 
national  character !  How  strong  we  have  felt  as  we  have 
seen  clearly  that  God,  and  not  man,  provided  the  place,  and 
formed  the  plan,  of  our  national  existence  ;  that  the  Christian 
religion,  embodying  the  purest  principles  known  in  the 
world,  became  the  very  first,  and  ultimately  the  controlling, 
organizing  power  of  our  government !  How  vigorously  has 
this  principle  wrestled  with  oppression,  and  dashed  it  to  the 
ground  !  How  thoroughly  has  this,  and  this  alone,  wrought 
against  our  own  personal  and  national  vices!  How  evi 
dently  has  this  only  eradicated  any  one  of  these  vices  !  How 
quickly,  in  the  absence  of  the  laws  and  dominion  of  Jesus 
Christ,  would  they  rise  against  and  overpower  us ! 


708  THE    GREAT    REPUBLIC. 

Let  no  man,  therefore,  no  number  of  men,  attempt  to  rob 
us  of  this  our  glory.  We  are  not  a  Pagan  or  Mahometan, 
but  a  Christian  power.  As  such,  we  are  closing  up  the  first 
century  of  our  national  existence;  as  such,  we  have  put 
down  our  most  infidel  vice,  American  slavery,  and  entered 
upon  the  second  great  era  of  the  development  of  liberty. 
We  must  now  go  on  to  perfect  our  system  as  a  great  system 
of  Christian  government.  Our  laws  must  all  be  rendered 
just  and  equal.  From  our  State  and  National  Constitutions 
the  last  vestige  of  oppression  and  infidelity  must  be  elimi 
nated,  and  God  enthroned  in  all  our  forms  of  government 
and  social  life.  Personal  regeneration  must  extend  until 
political  corruption  shall  become  improbable,  unpopular,  im 
possible  ;  until  the  only  way  to  preferment  shall  be  that  of 
Christian  patriotism,  and  an  honest,  broad,  and  noble  philan 
thropy.  Then  the  laws  which  shield  the  public  enemies  in 
the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors,  or  in  any  way  poisoning  the 
public  morals,  will  disappear  from  our  statute-books,  and 
ample  protection  to  innocent  sufferers  will  take  their  place. 

Do  you  say  this  can  never  be  ?  Never  ?  Then  the  re 
generation  which  God  extends  to  some  men  cannot  extend 
to  others ;  then  the  gospel  of  Christ  is  a  failure,  and  "  our 
preaching  is  vain  ; "  then,  in  the  grand  conflict  of  ages,  vice 
is  to  prove  itself  more  than  a  match  for  virtue ;  then  the 
word  of  unchangeable  truth,  that  "  righteousness  shall  cover 
the  earth  as  the  waters  cover  the  sea,"  shall  be  demonstrated 
a  failure.  This  cannot  be.  Long  and  terrible  indeed  will 
be  the  conflict;  but  the  triumph  is  going  on  before  our  eyes. 
Its  type  is  in  every  man  created  anew  in  Christ  Jesus.  Its 
progress  is  in  the  accumulating  numbers  of  "  the  sacramental 
host  of  God's  elect,"  and  in  the  masterly  style  in  which  our 
national  virtues  triumph  over  vile  forces  and  untoward  events 
pnighty  enough  to  destroy  any  government  not  sustained  by 
Omnipotent  Power.  Unwavering  faith  in  the  ultimate  tri 
umph  of  the  right  reposes  to-day  securely  on  the  verities  of 
history  as  well  as  upon  the  unalterable  veracity  of  God. 


GOD  IS  THE   SOVEREIGN.  709 

Let  us,  therefore,  confidently  expect  the  gradual  but  cer 
tain  development  of  Christian  principles  in  the  Republic, 
and  believe  in  its  future  greatness  as  a  Christian  power. 
Let  us  contemplate  the  immense  resources  of  this  country  in 
agriculture,  precious  metals,  commerce,  and  moral  influence, 
all  wielded  by  the  hand  and  for  the  purposes  of  Christian 
justice.  How  immense  must  be  its  influence  in  every  part 
of  the  world  against  despotism  of  every  form !  How  inev 
itably  will  it  blend  with  all  forms  of  liberty  everywhere, 
lifting  up  the  down-trodden  and  oppressed  of  every  land 
beneath  the  sun !  How  potentially  will  it  command  wars 
to  cease,  and  all  the  forces  of  Christian  civilization  to  march 
on  for  the  conquest  of  the  world ! 


THE   REPRESENTATIVE    OF   PROGRESS. 

We  have  seen  how  rapid  has  been  the  development  of 
this  nation  under  the  genial,  vitalizing  power  of  Christianity. 
Its  material  progress,  so  remarkable,  is  but  the  beginning  and 
the  least  fact  of  this  development.  The  growth  of  ideas  and 
the  advance  of  principles  are  much  more  important  and  re 
markable.  Take,  as  the  central  fact  of  this  grand  movement, 
religious  liberty.  With  what  giant  strength  this  human 
right  has  lifted  up  the  superincumbent  mass  of  despotic  in 
tolerance  under  which  it  rested,  and  exploded  its  authority 
like  the  eruptive  force  of  volcanic  fires!  With  what  un 
conquerable  might  it  has  triumphed  over  antagonist  bigotries, 
and  moved  out  to  proclaim  everywhere  "  freedom  to  worship 
God  " !  This  is  the  American  development  of  a  grand  old 
truth,  and  in  it  the  moral  power  of  the  Great  Republic  is  felt 
to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  In  the  great  work  of  expending 
and  applying  this  power,  however,  our  mission  is  not  yet 
accomplished  ;  nor  will  it  be  until  the  last  vestige  of  religious 
despotism  is  swept  away  from  Italy,  Spain,  Austria,  and  the 
world.  And  with  religious  intolerance  will  pass  away  all 
other  forms  of  oppression.  The  free  spirit  of  true  Christianity, 


710  THE   GREAT  REPUBLIC. 

wherever  it  goes,  works  out  the  problem  of  soul-liberty,  and 
tends  to  universal  emancipation.  The  great  fact  of  this 
mission  of  progress  is,  that  it  is  the  mission  of  peace,  and  not 
of  war ;  of  love,  and  not  of  blood.  Our  example  must  shine 
in  uninterrupted  light.  Our  literature  —  volume  and  peri 
odical  —  will  pass  into  other  languages,  and  it  will  be  the  calm 
expression  of  liberty.  Our  representative  citizenship  will 
assume  the  dignity,  and  command  the  consideration,  through 
out  the  world,  due  to  great  organic  living  truth.  Our  mis 
sionaries  of  religion,  with  the  most  scrupulous  obedience  to 
all  governments  in  which  they  are  found,  will  be  perpet 
ual  representatives  of  progress  in  the  true  American  spirit. 
Our  foreign  ministers  and  consuls,  with  influence  ever  in 
creasing,  will  be  the  calm,  clear,  manly  expositors  of  the 
doctrine  of  liberty  for  princes,  courts,  and  people.  Our  ships 
abroad  will  be  laden  with  the  word  of  God,  and  messages  of 
salvation  to  the  perishing.  "  Liberty  to  the  captives  "  will 
move  over  the  world  by  our  grand  steam-navies,  and  flash 
through  the  air  by  our  telegraphs ;  and  the  power  of  our 
growing  prosperity,  under  the  genius  of  Christianity,  will  be 
the  silent,  pervading  influence  which  will  blend  harmoniously 
with  all  freedom  everywhere  as  the  grandest  missionary  of 
progress  ever  known  among  men. 


THE     END. 


QEO.  C.  BAND  &  AVEET,  Stereotypers  and  Printers,  Boston. 


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